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THE UNITED STATES 
IN OUR OWN TIMES 
1865-1924 


THE UNITED STATES 
IN OUR OWN TIMES 

1865-1924 


BY 

PAUL L. HAWORTH 

W, 

AUTHOR OF “THE HAYNES-TILDEN ELECTION,” “AMERICA IN FERMENT,” 
“RECONSTRUCTION AND UNION,” “GEORGE WASHINGTON: FARMER,” ETC. 
SOMETIME LECTURER IN HISTORY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, AND 
ACTING PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, INDIANA UNIVERSITY 




CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS 

NEW YORK CHICAGO BOSTON 


ATLANTA 


SAN FRANCISCO 











JH 4 L I 

■It V- 

. 


Copyright, 1620 , 1924 , by 
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS 

Printed in the United States of America 

A 




JUN 28 1924 

©Cl A? 83796 



PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION 


Four years have passed since the first appearance of this 
history. In that time the book has frequently been reprinted, 
and a number of minor corrections have been made, but it now 
seems desirable to bring the story down to date. Few events 
of prime importance have occurred that must be chronicled. 
The period is rather one of a return to normal conditions, and 
it must be said that, despite some depressing developments in 
public life, the progress made has been rapid. The book ends 
as it began with problems of reconstruction arising out of great 
wars. Fortunately for us these problems of to-day are much 
less grave than those that faced our fathers in 1865 or than 
those that now trouble our late European enemies and allies. 

P. L. Haworth. 


CONTENTS 


viii 

CHAPTER PAGE 

XX. The “New Freedom” and “Watchful Waiting” 380 

XXI. America Enters the Great War.422 

XXII. Campaigns of 1918. 454 

XXIII. The Peace Conference.481 

XXIV. The Return of the Republicans .... 500 

XXV. A Golden Age in History.520 

Suggestions for Further Readinc . . . . 551 

Index. 567 

MAPS 

PACING PAGE 

The West in 1876.102 

Cuban and Porto Rican Campaigns.242 

The Philippines.260 

Mexico, West Indies, and Central America ... 298 

The Western Front in 1918 456 

The United States in 1920. .522 

Percentage of Foreign-Born Whites in the Total 
Population, 1910.526 

Percentage of Negroes in the Total Population, 

1910 


530 













THE UNITED STATES IN OUR 
OWN TIMES 

CHAPTER I 

THE AFTERMATH OF WAR 

On a never-to-be-forgotten April day General Robert E. Lee 
bowed to Grant and the inevitable at Appomattox, and his 
war-worn veterans in gray scattered, heavy-hearted, to their 
Collapse distant homes, after fighting for four years with a 
of the valor to which the world pays willing homage. 

Confederacy. p res ^ ent Jefferson Davis and a few misguided 
irreconcilables sought to continue the struggle on other fields, 
but in vain. Before the end of May the last armed force that 
had marched beneath the stars and bars had dissolved or sur¬ 
rendered, and Davis himself was a prisoner. The victors par¬ 
ticipated in a memorable grand review in Washington, and 
then they too laid down their arms, to take up once more the 
prosaic tasks of peace. 

The bloodiest civil war in history was over; the work of the 
soldier was done; but there still remained for solution by 
statesmen three great problems. The first of these was, What 
should be the future status of the eleven States 
Problems^ 1 th at had tried to quit the Union? Second, What 
should be the status of the individuals who had 
taken part in creating and upholding the now defunct Con¬ 
federacy? Third, What should be the status of the more than 
4,000,000 ignorant black freedmen, most of whom had hitherto 
been mere human chattels who could be bought and sold like 
any other property? Even as they greeted with glad acclaim 
the glorious news of peace, far-sighted men anxiously considered 
how these problems could be solved. 


2 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Johnson 

Becomes 

President. 


Five days after Appomattox Abraham Lincoln fell by the 
bullet of a half-crazed assassin, and after a few hours of un¬ 
consciousness his labored breathing ceased and the Emanci¬ 
pator exchanged immortalities. Shortly afterward, 
in the parlor of the Kirkwood House, Andrew John¬ 
son received the presidential oath of office from 
Chief Justice Chase. “You are President,” said the chief 
justice solemnly, as Johnson handed back the Bible. “May 
God support, guide, and bless you in your arduous duties!” 

Andrew Johnson was born of “poor white” parentage at 
Raleigh, North Carolina, in 1808. His boyhood was spent in 
the densest ignorance, and it was not until he was entering 
T . , manhood that he so much as learned to read. He 

Johnsons 

Career and became a tailor, and at eighteen crossed the moun- 
Character. ta j ns to Greenville in eastern Tennessee, where he 
presently married a capable and ambitious woman, who taught 
him to write and cipher. Unpromising as was his origin, John¬ 
son possessed a natural genius for politics. He was elected in 
turn alderman, mayor, member of the State legislature, federal 
representative, and governor of Tennessee, and when his State 
seceded he was one of its representatives in the Senate of the 
United States. His success in politics was all the more re¬ 
markable because it was extremely unusual in the South for 
poor men to be elected to high office; such places were usually 
grasped by the rich, slave-owning planters. He had many 
conflicts with the men of that class, whom he once character¬ 
ized as a “scrub aristocracy,” and he repaid their hostility and 
contempt by hatred and by refusing to follow his State into the 
Confederacy. By his loyal stand he won high favor in the 
North, and in April, 1862, Lincoln appointed him military 
governor of Tennessee, a difficult position, which he filled with 
marked courage and ability. In 1864 the feeling on the part 
of many Republican leaders that it would be desirable to put 
a Southern man and former Democrat on the national ticket 
resulted in his nomination for the vice-presidency, and in his 
election to that office. The circumstances of his remarkable 
rise from ignorance and poverty to position and power were 


THE AFTERMATH OF WAR 


3 


highly to his credit, just as they were in the case of Lincoln, 
but unfortunately he lacked much of having attained Lincoln’s 
mental, moral, and intellectual stature. Despite his successes, 
he remained uncultured, narrow-minded, obstinate, and it was 
whispered that he had a weakness for strong drink. 

Many of the radical Republicans had opposed Lincoln’s 
generous policy toward the South, and some of them regarded 
Johnson’s accession as “a godsend.” On Sunday, the day after 
Radicals Johnson took the oath, certain radicals, including 
Pleased with Senators Chandler of Michigan and Wade of Ohio, 
called on the new President. “Johnson, we have 
faith in you,” cried Wade enthusiastically. “By the gods, 
there will be no trouble now in running the government!” 
Johnson thanked Wade and responded: “I hold this: robbery 
is a crime; rape is a crime; treason is a crime, and crime must 
be punished. . . . Treason must be made infamous, and 
traitors must be impoverished.” 

While in this mood Johnson signed a proclamation that 
charged Jefferson Davis and other prominent Confederates 
with complicity in Lincoln’s assassination, while to persons 
who talked with him he harped so much upon punishing 
“traitors” that even some of the radicals began to fear that 
he would be too vindictive, that he would carry out a bloody 
proscription of Southern civil and military leaders. 

In the days immediately following the surrender of Lee, 
Northerners were inclined to feel magnanimous toward the 
South, but Booth’s dastardly deed roused a bitter desire for 
vengeance. Booth himself was presently hunted 
Attitude! down and slain; four of the other conspirators, 
including a woman, Mrs. Surratt, were convicted 
and hanged; while others were sentenced to long terms of 
imprisonment, three of them for life. But many people be¬ 
lieved that the wretched assassins were mere tools of Jefferson 
Davis and other high Southern leaders, and throughout the 
North an insistent demand arose that the “rebel chieftains” 
should be hanged. It is now known that Booth had no promi¬ 
nent accomplices, but the contrary view long persisted among 


4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

multitudes of men, and the course of events was influenced 
by this belief, mistaken though it was. Even many persons 
who scouted the idea that the Southern leaders had stooped 
to assassination reflected that the bloody deed was a result of 
secession, and they hardened their hearts toward the South. 

On the other hand, it was not in human nature for ex- 
Confederates soon to display enthusiasm for the Union or for 
Union men. They had bowed to stern necessity; they smarted 
keenly under the sense of defeat; their loyalty, as 
Attitude. a Northern traveller reported, was simply “dis¬ 
loyalty subdued.” Some of them found comfort in 
asserting that they had been “overpowered” but not “con¬ 
quered,” and for years the vain hope that “the Lost Cause” 
might yet triumph in a new outbreak lingered in a few breasts. 
Southern men who had lent aid to the Union cause were re¬ 
garded as black-hearted traitors, while “Yankee” soldiers and 
civilians were frequently made to feel that their presence was 
unwelcome. Women were particularly open in displaying 
their hatred and contempt. For example, it was commonly 
remarked by Union officers that women passing them on the 
street would gather up their skirts as if to avoid touching 
what they so much abhorred. An officer stationed in a Vir¬ 
ginia town complained that whenever he went to church and 
attempted to enter a pew the ladies seated in it invariably 
rose to leave. Such manifestations of Southern hostility were 
viewed in the North with resentment, mingled with amuse¬ 
ment, but they were natural under the circumstances and 
had a pathetic side. The Southern people had experienced 
bitter losses; in the words of Professor Fleming: “They must 
have time to bury their dead, and it was long before the sight 
of a Federal soldier caused other than bitter feelings of sorrow 
and loss.” 

In general, however, there was less friction between the 
garrisons and the people than might have been expected. 
Now and then white soldiers foolishly forced “noisy and scorn¬ 
ful unrepentants ” to walk under the stars and stripes, or 
cut the buttons off Confederate uniforms—often the only 


THE AFTERMATH OF WAR 


5 


clothing their wearers possessed—or occasionally committed 

worse excesses; but there were few armed conflicts, and in time 

Federal ma ny of the soldiers came to feel a certain sympa- 

Troops in thy for the white population, while their presence 
the South. , , 111.1 i . ^ 

came to be regarded by the whites as a guarantee of 
peace and order. The presence of colored troops was considered 
particularly humiliating by the whites. They were likely to be 
insolent, they inoculated the freedmen with ideas of equality, 
and in some instances they were guilty of serious crimes. 

Several theories had been advanced as to the effect of seces¬ 
sion upon the status of a State, but, as Lincoln wisely said in 
his last public speech, made to a crowd of serenaders only three 
Lincoln’s days before his death, all men would agree that 
Reconstruc- such States were “out of their proper practical re- 
ti°n Policy * lation with the Union,” and that the sole object of 
statesmanship should be again to “get them into that proper 
practical relation.” Early in the war he had realized the de¬ 
sirability of restoring the semblance of loyal self-government 
in the seceded sections, and one result of his policy in this 
direction was the erection in Virginia of a Union government 
that consented to the setting up of West Virginia as a separate 
commonwealth. In Virginia proper the fragmentary political 
organization that remained after West Virginia had been set 
apart established itself at Alexandria, under the protection of 
Federal cannon. Although this government, which was headed 
by Governor Francis H. Peirpont, was frequently snubbed by 
Congress and by military commanders, Lincoln recognized it, 
being hopeful that it would furnish a nucleus for future loyal 
development. In 1862 he appointed military governors in 
Tennessee, North Carolina, and Louisiana. An important 
duty of these governors was to stimulate loyal sentiment 
among the inhabitants, and considerable success resulted from 
the experiment in Louisiana and Tennessee. After the sur¬ 
render of Vicksburg Lincoln appointed a military governor for 
Arkansas, and near the close of the year he issued a general proc¬ 
lamation in which he offered that if 10 per cent of the male 
inhabitants in any rebellious State, except Virginia, would 


6 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


take an oath of loyalty, and would organize a State govern¬ 
ment, he would recognize it. In Louisiana, Arkansas, and 
Tennessee such “io per cent governments” were actually 
formed, and Lincoln carried out his promise regarding them; 
but the policy displeased the radicals in Congress, and neither 
house would admit members chosen from these States. When 
the Confederacy collapsed the net result of Lincoln’s reconstruc¬ 
tion policy was, therefore, that Virginia, Louisiana, Arkansas, 
and Tennessee possessed a semblance of a loyal government, but 
none of them had been definitely readmitted into the Union. 

Infinitely more difficult was the problem of the negroes. 
Even the question of whether they should be slaves or freemen 
had not yet been settled absolutely, for the Thirteenth Amend¬ 
ment had not been ratified by three-fourths of the 
Question States, while the Proclamation of Emancipation 
Status* 1 * 111 S not apply to all sections of the South, and its 
validity remained a matter of some doubt. It 
was practically certain that freedom would triumph, but, 
granted this, there still remained the complicated questions of 
the freedman’s political, social, and economic status. And it 
could safely be predicted that these questions would continue 
to plague the country long after the status of the seceded 
States and of ex-Confederates had been fixed and forgotten. 

During the war slaves in regions remote from the clash 
of arms had usually remained quietly upon the plantations. 
Dim notions that the war might bring them freedom pene- 
trated the minds of some, and escaped Union pris- 
the Slaves oners could generally count upon their assistance, 

during the but fears of servile revolts proved groundless. In 

after years a celebrated Georgia orator, Henry 
Grady, said gratefully: “A thousand torches would have dis¬ 
banded the Southern army, but there was not one.” However, 
when a Union force entered a district many of the slaves would 
flock to it, and when Sherman’s victorious columns swept 
through Georgia to the sea thousands of blacks, fondly believing 
that “the Day of Jubilee” had come, fell in behind their de¬ 
liverers, having, as a South Carolinian later complained, been 


THE AFTERMATH OF WAR 


7 


“seduced from their allegiance” by the prospect of freedom. 
On foot, on horses or mules, and in every conceivable vehicle, 
from rough ox-carts to sumptuous carriages taken from their 
masters’ stables, they followed the conquering hosts and often 
proved a source of no small embarrassment to their liberators. 
“Ise hope de Lord will prosper you Yankees and Mr. Sherman,” 
said the spokesman of a large number of these refugees to an 
aide-de-camp, “because I tinks, and we all tinks, dat youse 
down here in our interests.” Another gray-haired “uncle” 
told Sherman “that he had been looking for the ‘angel of the 
Lord’ since he was knee-high,” and that he was sure that 
Union “success was to be his freedom.” 

When the Confederacy collapsed some of the freedmen will¬ 
ingly hired themselves to their former masters, but hundreds 
of thousands could not rest content until they had tried out 
Unrest their freedom. A desire to behold the fascinating 
among wonders of the world and fear lest slavery might be 
suddenly restored and they be caught by their old 
owners stimulated this tendency, and many freedmen changed 
their names to disguise their identity or to signify that they 
had passed from under the yoke. Multitudes swarmed into 
the towns or tramped aimlessly about the country, and, as they 
were not accustomed to caring for themselves, thousands died 
during the next year. Many negro men seized the opportunity 
to desert their families and get new wives, for it was regarded 
as a relic of bondage to be tied to an ugly old wife who had 
been married in slavery. Revivals and camp-meetings were 
held in many places and aroused much religious fervor. One 
old negro woman baptized in a river came out screaming: 
“Freed from slavery! Freed from sin! Bless God and Gen¬ 
eral Grant! ” To many negroes freedom meant primarily the 
chance to escape from work, and they experienced a sad dis¬ 
illusionment when they learned that they must still labor for 
a living. To avoid so disagreeable an alternative, many re¬ 
sorted to stealing; it was not considered sinful to take pigs 
or chickens from the whites; that was merely “spilin’ de ’Gyp- 
shuns.” 


8 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Other freedmen were actuated by more laudable ambitions,, 
notably to acquire the white man’s learning in the schools, 
upon which optimistic Northern philanthropists were expending 
much money and effort. More than a score of 
Education. societies were formed to minister to the freedman’s 
material wants and to uplift him morally and men¬ 
tally, and large sums were subscribed for this missionary work. 
Yankee schoolmasters and schoolma’ams invaded the South, 
filled with all the hopeful zeal of crusaders, and were regarded 
with a mixture of amused contempt and angry hostility on the 
part of most of the white population. As for the blacks, many 
had the view that education—best of all, a knowledge of Greek 
and Latin—was the sesame that would open all doors to them. 
Children and grown-ups alike were seized with the thirst for 
knowledge. An officer of the Freedmen’s Bureau reported 
that in a school in North Carolina he saw sitting side by side 
representatives of four generations: a child six years old, her 
mother, grandmother, and great-grandmother, the last over 
seventy-five years old—all studying their letters and learning 
to read the Bible. Little wonder, therefore, that the results 
of this educational crusade present an odd mixture of the 
ludicrous, the pathetic, and the sublime. 

White men complained that the negroes were demoralized 
,by freedom, that they would not work except under compul¬ 
sion, that they were “lazy and sassy,” that they would not 
Complaints display the old deference. One of Howell Cobb’s 
Freedm overseers wrote to his employer that the blacks 
would remain in their houses for days, feigning 
sickness or giving other more trivial excuses. “Tha air,” he 
declared, “steeling the green corn verry rapped. Som of 
them go when tha pleas and wher tha pleas an pay no attention 
to your orders or mine. ... You had as well Sing Sams to 
a ded horse as to tri to instruct a fool negrow.” Some white 
employers resorted to the old methods, such as whipping or 
hanging up by the thumbs, while more serious offenses were 
now and then committed against freedmen, either by employ¬ 
ers or ordinary ruffians. 

From the days when they were imported into America 


THE AFTERMATH OF WAR 


9 


“Forty 
Acres and 
a Mule.” 


against their will the negro race had labored for their masters 
without financial reward, but among both freedmen and many 
white men there now developed the idea that some 
recompense should be made for unnumbered years 
of forced service. In the course of the war freed¬ 
men in some parts of the South had been established on con¬ 
fiscated estates, and this fact helped to create a belief that the 
government would adopt a general policy of seizing the prop¬ 
erty of the masters and dividing it among the emancipated 
slaves. In some way the notion got abroad that each negro 
family would receive “forty acres and a mule,” and for years 
the idea persisted in some black districts. In certain quarters 
white sharpers reaped a rich harvest by selling to credulous 
freedmen the painted stakes, or “pre-emption rights,” with 
which each must be provided if he expected to obtain his share 
on the day of division. The deed sold to one credulous negro 
read as follows: “Know all men by these presents, that a 
nought is a nought and a figure is a figure; all for the white man 
and none for the nigure. And whereas Moses lifted up the 
serpent in the wilderness, so also have I lifted this d—d old 
nigger out of four dollars and six bits. Amen! Selah ! ” 
There were Northerners who urged that both justice and 
considerations of the freedmen’s future demanded that finan¬ 
cial assistance should be given to the emancipated race, but in 
the end nothing of consequence was done. In the 
words of a celebrated leader of the race, namely, 
Frederick Douglass, the negro “was turned loose, 
naked, hungry, and destitute to the open sky.” 
He was made a freeman, but he was left economically de¬ 
pendent upon his former master. 

The fact had an important bearing on the subsequent his¬ 
tory of the South. It meant that generally the negroes must 
continue to work for others, instead of settling down upon 
their own little plots of ground and leading a lazy, 
care-free existence. In consequence the problem 
of obtaining labor has never become so acute in 
the South as in Guiana and certain West India islands, where 
the emancipated blacks easily obtained land, and solved the 


Little Done 
for 

Freedmen 

Financially. 


Effect on 

Labor 

Conditions. 


10 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

question of living by setting out a few banana-trees and cul¬ 
tivating a yam patch. Even to-day the number of negro 
farmers who own their land is comparatively small. 

To act as a guardian for the freedmen, and to stand as a 
buffer between them and the whites, Congress, by act of March 
3, 1865, created an institution called the Bureau of Refugees, 
Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands. General Oliver 
Bu?elu. enS O. Howard, commander of one wing of Sherman’s 
army, a philanthropist of great zeal, a man who 
had won the title of “the Christian Soldier,” was made com¬ 
missioner of the bureau. Not all the officials were of so high a 
type, for many were lacking in tact, while some proved to be 
rascals. There can be no doubt that the bureau did much 
work that needed to be done, but by Southern white men it 
was generally regarded with hostility. Many ot the bureau 
agents ultimately organized their black wards politically, and 
swelled the ranks of the “Carpet-Baggers,” as Northern men 
who entered Southern politics were called. 

In weighing the difficulties involved in effecting the transi¬ 
tion from a slave-labor to a free-labor system, it should not be 
forgotten that the task was complicated by unfavorable eco- 
„ nomic conditions. The North was actually richer 

Economic J 

Condition and more prosperous, despite the war, than it had 
been in 1861, and the victorious Northern soldier 
returned to a land full of the busy hum of industry. In the 
words of Henry Grady, it was far otherwise with “the foot¬ 
sore Confederate soldier, as, buttoning up in his faded gray 
jacket the parole which was to bear testimony to his children 
of his fidelity and faith, he turned his face southward from 
Appomattox, in April, 1865. Think of him as ragged, half- 
starved, heavy-hearted, enfeebled by want and wounds; having 
fought to exhaustion, he surrenders his gun, wrings the hands 
of his comrades in silence, and, lifting his tear-stained and 
pallid face for the last time to the graves that dot the old Vir¬ 
ginia hills, pulls his gray cap over his brow and begins the 
slow and painful journey. What . . . does he find when, 
having followed the battle-stained cross against overwhelm- 


THE AFTERMATH OF WAR 


ii 


ing odds, dreading death not half so much as surrender, he 
reaches the home he left so prosperous and beautiful? He 
finds his house in ruins, his farm devastated, his slaves free, 
his stock killed, his barn empty, his trade destroyed, his money 
worthless; his social system, feudal in its magnificence, swept 
away; his people without law or legal status; his comrades 
slain, and the burden of others heavy on his shoulders. Crushed 
by defeat, his very traditions gone; without money, credit, em¬ 
ployment, material training; and beside all this, confronted 
with the gravest problem that ever met human intelligence— 
the establishment of a status for the vast body of his liberated 
slaves.” 

“ Everything has been mended, and generally in the rudest 
style,” wrote an observer of Southern conditions. “Window- 
glass has given way to thin boards, and these are in use in rail- 
A Picture wa y coaches and in the cities. Furniture is marred 
of Southern and broken, and none has been replaced for four 
years. Dishes are cemented in various styles, and 
half the pitchers have tin handles. A complete set of crockery 
is never seen, and in very few families is there enough to set a 
table. ... A set of forks with whole tines is a curiosity. 
Clocks and watches have nearly all stopped. . . . Hair¬ 
brushes and tooth-brushes have worn all out; combs are broken 
and are not yet replaced; pins, needles, and thread, and a 
thousand such articles, which seem indispensable to house¬ 
keeping, are very scarce. Even in weaving on the looms, 
corn-cobs have been substituted for spindles. Few have pocket- 
knives. In fact, everything that has heretofore been an article 
of sale at the South is wanting now. At the tables of those 
who were once esteemed luxurious providers, you will find 
neither tea, coffee, sugar, nor spices of any kind. Even candles, 
in some cases, have been replaced by a cup of grease, in which 
a piece of cloth is plunged for a wick. The problem which the 
South had to solve has been, not how to be comfortable during 
the war, but how to live at all.” 

The Civil War had begun as a revolt to perpetuate slavery 
and the right of secession; it had ended in a revolution that 


t 2 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


extinguished both. It had been a bitter battle, and both 
belligerents had fought on until one had been overwhelmed by 
No Perfect numbers and material resources. After so pro- 

Soiution tracted a struggle, after so complete an overturn of 

old institutions, it was inevitable that even the 
wisest statesmanship should not be able immediately to restore 
peace and prosperity in the conquered section. And unhap¬ 
pily really wise statesmanship was to prove chiefly conspicuous 
through its absence.* 

*A list of “Suggestions for Further Reading” is given in the Ap¬ 
pendix. 


CHAPTER II 


PRESIDENT JOHNSON’S PLAN OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Following the assassination of Lincoln, many prominent 

Southerners were seized and thrown into prison, but the only 

person who was tried, convicted, and punished was Wirz, 

Treatment comman der of Andersonville prison, who was 

of Southern sent to the gallows by a military tribunal. The 
Leaders. - . . , . , _ . . 

expected trials for treason were indefinitely post¬ 
poned; most of the prisoners were soon released. Jefferson 
Davis was kept for about two years at Fortress Monroe, 
and for a short time was subjected to the indignity of being 
put in irons, but ultimately he was released on bail, and was 
never tried; curiously enough two of the men who signed his 
bond were old abolitionists, namely, Gerrit Smith and Horace 
Greeley. 

That events took such a course was largely due to Johnson’s 
dropping his punitive policy toward the South. The main 
influence in effecting this revolution in the President’s mind 
Change in was P r °b a bly the cabinet. James G. Blaine, in his 

Johnson’s Twenty Years of Congress , attributes the change to 

Secretary of State Seward; others reject this view. 
Though marked for assassination by Booth and his fellow 
conspirators and dangerously wounded by one of them, 
Seward retained his naturally generous disposition. To him 
an enemy who surrendered was an enemy no more. One day 
he met an old senatorial associate from Virginia, a man with 
whom he had often clashed in ante-bellum days, but Seward’s 
heart went out to him. “Come and dine with me, Hunter,” 
said he to the ex-Confederate. Hunter accepted, and when 
he raised his plate at the secretary’s hospitable board he found 
beneath it a “pardon,” duly signed and sealed. 

Having decided to follow a liberal course, Johnson virtually 
13 


i4 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


adopted Lincoln’s plan of reconstruction; but unfortunately, 
in carrying out the details, he lacked the Emancipator’s infinite 
tact. He soon accorded recognition to the “io- 
per-cent” governments established by Lincoln in 
Louisiana, Tennessee, and Arkansas, and to the 
Peirpont government in Virginia, and on May 29 
he proclaimed William W. Holden provisional gov¬ 
ernor of North Carolina and directed him to call a constitu¬ 
tional convention for the purpose of organizing a new civil 
government. Holden was a Raleigh newspaper publisher and 
politician who had given the Confederate authorities much 
trouble, and had in 1864 come near to being elected governor 
on a “ peace-at-any-price ” platform. The President’s procla¬ 
mation provided that only loyal persons could participate as 
electors or as delegates to the convention; the test of loyalty 
established was the taking of an oath prescribed in an amnesty 
proclamation issued the same day. Among those excluded 
from the benefits of this amnesty proclamation were civil or 
diplomatic officers of the Confederacy, military officers above 
the rank of colonel, governors* of seceded States, and persons 
who owned taxable property worth more than twenty thousand 
dollars. All other persons might take the oath, which required, 
among other conditions, a pledge to support all laws and procla¬ 
mations regarding slavery. Even the excepted persons might 
make special application to the President for pardon, and the 
proclamation held out the hope that “such clemency will be 
liberally extended.” Within a few weeks the President took 
similar action regarding the six remaining seceded States. The 
President let it be known that to secure the restoration of their 
States into the Union the conventions must accept the results 
of the war. His fundamental conditions were: (1) Repeal of 
the ordinance of secession or declaring it null and void. (2) 
Acceptance of emancipation. (3) Repudiation of debts con¬ 
tracted in aid of the Confederacy. 

As Congress would not meet until December, President 
Johnson for several months had a free hand to carry out his 
reconstruction plans, and meanwhile the Southern people were 


Johnson 

Virtually 

Adopts 

Lincoln’s 

Plan. 


JOHNSON’S PLAN OF RECONSTRUCTION 


i5 


given an opportunity to reveal their attitude of mind toward 
the new order of things. The situation was one that called 
The f° r wisdom on the part of Southerners; their sec- 

Southern tion was, so to speak, on probation, and common 
sense dictated that they display a prudent regard for 
the prejudices of the conquerors. But human nature is apt to- 
be perverse, and unfortunately most of the ablest men of the 
South, being still under political disabilities, were unable to 
participate in the work of the constitutional conventions and 
of the legislatures that followed them; it is not strange, there¬ 
fore, that prudence was sometimes forgotten and that things 
were done that proved unfortunate for the country and par¬ 
ticularly for the South. 

Before the end of the year new constitutions had been com¬ 
pleted by all the States except Texas, which did not finish the 
task until some months later. In most respects the conven¬ 
tions showed a reasonable willingness to accept the 
Constitu- results of the war and to comply with the washes 
Conventions. tlie President. All formally abolished slavery, 
though not without protests on the part of some 
delegates; and, with the single exception of South Carolina, 
all repudiated the State debts contracted in support of the war, 
though it required strong pressure from Washington to bring 
about this result in some cases. The secession ordinances were 
annulled by most of the States, and North Carolina conceded 
the illegality of her ordinance by declaring that it “at all times 
hath been null and void.” The old States-rights view still 
flickered feebly in South Carolina and Georgia, however, and 
their conventions repealed the ordinances. In the hope of dis¬ 
arming Northern opposition to his reconstruction policy, John¬ 
son suggested that the Mississippi convention should extend 
the elective franchise to all freedmen who could read and 
write, or who paid taxes on real estate valued at not less than 
two hundred and fifty dollars, but the convention ignored the 
recommendation. 

The more detailed work of economic, social, and political 
reorganization was presently taken up by newly elected legis- 


16 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


latures. All these legislatures, except that of Mississippi, 
ratified the Thirteenth Amendment, which was formally pro¬ 
claimed a part of the Constitution December 18, 1865, but, 
generally speaking, the legislatures displayed a more inde¬ 
pendent spirit than had the conventions. This was especially 
true with regard to the enactment of laws fixing the status of 
the freedmen. 

Much political controversy has raged over these ‘‘Black 

Codes,” as they were called. The task of framing them was 

one of peculiar difficulty, not only because of the complicated 

The nature of the problem itself but because of the sus- 

“ Black picious attitude of the victorious North. Some such 

Codes ^ 

legislation seemed necessary, for the old slave 
codes or the laws concerning free negroes were not applicable 
to the new conditions. The charge has frequently been made 
that the Black Codes were passed in a spirit of defiance of the 
North, but it would be more exact to say that in enacting them 
the Southern legislators did not take Northern prejudices suffi¬ 
ciently into account. Both sections recognized that the blacks 
were free, but in the North freedom was often interpreted to 
mean equality of the blacks with the whites, while in the South 
the prevailing idea was that the freedmen must be assigned to 
an inferior condition. Even some of the Northern States still 
denied equality to the negroes, and this fact was not lost sight 
of by these Southern legislators. In part, therefore, the codes 
were an honest effort to meet a difficult situation, but it can¬ 
not be denied that at times the old Southern belief that the 
negro was divinely created to be servant to the white man 
peered through these codes unpleasantly, and furnished proof 
that their framers had not yet fully realized that the old order 
had passed away. 

Among the least liberal codes were those of South Carolina 

South an d Mississippi, States in which the blacks consid- 

Carolina's erably outnumbered the whites. South Carolina 
Code. 

designated her former slaves as “persons of color”; 
prohibited them from engaging in any occupation except 
“ that of husbandry, or that of a servant under contract for 


JOHNSON’S PLAN OF RECONSTRUCTION 17 

labor,” except after obtaining a license costing from ten to a 
hundred dollars; prohibited servants on plantations from being 
“ absent from the premises without the permission of the 
master”; and gave to masters power to complain of servants 
to judicial officers, who were authorized “to inflict, or cause to 
be inflicted, on the servant, suitable corporal punishment, or 
impose upon him such pecuniary fine as may be thought fit.” 
The The Mississippi code withheld from the freedmen 

Mississippi the right to own or lease land except in incorporated 

towns, and provided for “apprenticing” negro 
children whose parents were unwilling or unable to support 
them, preference being given in such cases to former masters, 
who were given power to use “moderate corporal chastisement.” 
Any negro over eighteen years of age who should be found on 
the 2d of January, 1866, or thereafter, without lawful employ¬ 
ment or business was made subject to fine and to imprison¬ 
ment at the discretion of the court, and to being hired out in 
case he did not pay such fine. 

In some of the codes the words “servant,” “master,” and 
“mistress,” and other slavery terms were constantly used, 
while for some offenses freedmen were made subject to heavier 
— . . penalties than was the case with white persons. 

Discnmina- r 

tion against In certain States the blacks were prohibited from 

Freedmen. . r •, ,, 

owning firearms or other deadly weapons, or even 
from assembling together except under stringent restrictions, 
and only Tennessee permitted them to testify in legal cases 
between white litigants. Defenders of the codes have asserted 
that they were mainly designed to force lazy freedmen to work, 
but it is clear that one tendency was to set the negroes apart 
as an inferior and, to some extent, still servile class. The fact 
that four decades later “peonage” flourished in some Southern 
communities and was broken up only through the activity of 
federal courts would seem to indicate that under such laws the 
freedmen would often have been imposed upon by the un¬ 
scrupulous. 

One matter dealt with in the codes was the matter of the 
relations between the sexes. Prior to emancipation, marriage 


18 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


between slaves, in the civilized sense of the term, was rare; 
promiscuity was common. “All freedmen, free negroes, or 
mulattoes who do now and have here-before lived 
^Relations and cohabited together as husband and wife, shall be 
Sexes Cen the ta ken and held in law as legally married, and the 
issue shall be taken and held as legitimate for all 
purposes,” ran the Mississippi code, and the same general rule 
was adopted elsewhere. South Carolina provided that in case 
a man had two or more reputed wives, or one woman two or 
more reputed husbands, he or she was to be permitted to select 
one of them and the ceremony of marriage was then to be per¬ 
formed. Intermarriage between the races was forbidden under 
heavy penalties, that prescribed by Mississippi being life im¬ 
prisonment. 

It need hardly be said that the proceedings of Southern con¬ 
ventions and legislatures were closely scanned by Northern 
men. Opposition to the President’s reconstruction policy 
quickly developed, yet there were many Northerners 
Oppose the willing to suspend judgment and to watch what use 
Pohcy 0n the South would make of her opportunity. John¬ 
son’s right-about-face sorely disappointed the radi¬ 
cals, who had welcomed his advent to power with such enthu¬ 
siasm, and such leaders as Benjamin F. Wade, Charles Sumner, 
and Thaddeus Stevens did not long disguise their feelings. 
In a letter to a friend Sumner accurately forecast what subse¬ 
quently occurred: “Then comes a collision with Congress, and 
inseparable confusion and calamity.” Under the inspiration 
of Stevens and Sumner, Republican conventions in Pennsyl¬ 
vania and Massachusetts opposed the President’s policy, but 
other conventions indorsed it, while men like Morton of Indiana, 
and Andrew of Massachusetts, both great “war governors,” 
spoke out in its support. 

The course of events proved favorable to the radicals. Every 
time that news came up from the South of a tactless or defiant 
utterance, of a discriminating law or constitution, of the mis¬ 
treatment or murder of a freedman or white Union man, it 
meant increased opposition to Johnson’s plan of reconstruc- 


JOHNSON’S PLAN OF RECONSTRUCTION 19 

tion. Even the praise that Northern Democrats and Demo¬ 
cratic newspapers hastened to shower upon the President 
aroused suspicion in multitudes of breasts. Millions 
crfOppcStion still believed that the assassination of Lincoln had 
North. been instigated by Confederate leaders, and the 
bloody deed tended to make the North less liberal. 
Most of the Black Codes were not formulated until 1866, but 
enough had been passed in 1865 to show the drift of such legis¬ 
lation. Upon this and similar matters Northerners were kept 
well informed by newspaper correspondents, most of whom 
transmitted stories illustrating Southern contempt for the 
freedmen and Union men, or describing sporadic instances of 
conflicts between the two races. “We tell the men of Missis¬ 
sippi,” said the Chicago Tribune (December 1, 1865), “that the 
men of the North will convert the State of Mississippi into a 
frog-pond before they will allow any such laws to disgrace 
one foot of soil in which the bones of our soldiers sleep and over 
which the flag of freedom waves.” 

All over the North men were saying that the Southern 
States had been in a great hurry to get out of the Union, and 
that they could have no valid ground for complaint if the 
nation took its time about letting them back in. 


CHAPTER III 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


When the Thirty-ninth Congress met for its first session 
(December 4, 1865), a number of persons elected in Southern 
States to be senators or representatives appeared to claim their 
Reconstruct seats 5 but, under the leadership of Thaddeus 
tion Stevens, the Republican caucus had agreed upon 

Committee. a pj an that boded dl f or S uch members and for the 
realization of the President’s reconstruction policy. The clerk 
of the House, Edward McPherson, omitted calling the names 
of claimants appearing from seceded States, and his action was 
sustained. A similar course was taken by the Senate. As 
soon as the House had completed its organization, Stevens in¬ 
troduced a resolution for the appointment of a joint com¬ 
mittee of nine representatives and six senators to inquire into 
the condition of the States recently in rebellion and “report 
whether they or any of them are entitled to be represented in 
either house of Congress.” The resolution passed both the 
House and the Senate, and thus originated the celebrated 
“Reconstruction Committee,” which was to play so decisive 
a part in the coming drama. Stevens became the chairman 
of the House committee, and Fessenden of Maine, secretary of 
the treasury under Lincoln, headed that appointed by the 
Senate. 

It was significant that the House acted on the Stevens reso¬ 
lution before expressing a willingness to receive the President’s 
message, the reading of which was delayed until the next day. 

The message reviewed the course of reconstruction, 
Johnsons anc } dealt with the subject with such excellent 
Qmgress. t0 temper and in so admirable a style that it was a 
matter of public wonder that a man who had not 
learned to read and write until he was grown could have com¬ 
posed such a state paper. It was not until forty years later 


20 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


21 


that it was discovered by Professor Dunning that the original 
draft of the document was in the handwriting of George Ban¬ 
croft, the celebrated historian, who had been secretary of the 
navy under Polk. 

It is undeniable that many of the President’s opponents 
were genuinely anxious to safeguard the rights of the freedmen, 
but there was also another motive. The adoption of the 
Thirteenth Amendment rendered it certain that in 
Fears bIlCan the future five-fifths instead of only three-fifths of 
the former slaves would be counted in apportioning 
members of Congress and presidential electors, with the result 
that the political power of the South would be considerably 
strengthened. Republicans began to fear that if the President’s 
plan were carried out an alliance between ex-Confederates and 
Northern Democrats might soon succeed in gaining control 
of the federal government. Sumner had already declared this 
to be the Southern policy, and that Southerners hoped to win 
“by covert guile” what they had lost in “open war.” 

Color was lent to such charges by the course of events in 
the South. That section seemed to be losing some of its spirit 
of compliance. Stories of the mistreatment of freedmen and 
Union men heaped fuel on the fire of Northern 
^Stephens suspicion, as did the fact that many ex-Confederates 
Senator were being elected to office. Even Johnson pro¬ 
tested against the proposed choice by the Georgia 
Legislature of Alexander H. Stephens as United States senator, 
and telegraphed: “There seems in many of the elections some¬ 
thing like defiance, which is all out of place at this time.” His 
protest was ignored, and presently the man who, less than a 
year before, had held the second office in the Confederacy 
appeared at the capital to claim his seat, in the face of the 
“iron-clad oath” of 1862, which required all who wished to 
qualify for federal office to swear that they had never volun¬ 
tarily given aid or encouragement to enemies of the United 
States. “In his astounding effrontery,” says James G. Blaine, 
who was then a member of the House, “Mr. Stephens even 
went so far as to insist on interpreting to those loyal men 


22 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


who had been conducting the government of the United States 
through all its perils, the Constitution under which they had 
been acting.” Stephens subsequently became a useful mem¬ 
ber of Congress, and he might have proved so at this time, 
but it is not strange that the men who for four bloody years 
had borne the burden of saving the Union opposed the speedy 
restoration to places of trust of such men as he. 

When such feelings were developing in the North it was 
inevitable that radicals like Charles Sumner and Thaddeus 
Stevens should wield great influence. Sumner had long been 


a prominent member of the Senate and a bitter 
opponent of what was known as “ the Slave Power,” 
and back in the ’5o’s had been almost beaten to 
death by a Southern representative, Preston R. 


Sumner’s 
Theory of 
“State 
Suicide.” 


Brooks. Sumner was a Massachusetts Brahmin, but in theory 
he was a doctrinaire believer in human equality, anxious to put 
freedmen and former masters upon identically the same politi¬ 
cal and social plane. In his opinion the attempt of Southern 
States to secede was illegal, and the result null and void, but he 
held that such action was equivalent to “a practical abdication 
by the State of all rights under the Constitution.” In other 
words, he believed that the seceded States had virtually com¬ 
mitted suicide, and he declared that they were now practically 
territories under “the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress.” In 
a resolution introduced in the Senate on the first day of the 
session he laid down five conditions that must be accepted by 
the people of a seceded State before such State could be re¬ 
stored to its former privileges in the Union. One of these con¬ 
ditions was that there should be “no denial of rights because 
of color or race.” 

Stevens had long represented a Pennsylvania district in the 
House of Representatives, and was now a “sharp- 




but he still possessed an iron will, and in practical 
leadership of men he far surpassed Sumner. When 


we study his career we are inevitably reminded of Cromwell 
or the old Covenanters. Though he had a profound sympathy 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


23 


for the oppressed, he was a bitter partisan and a violent hater 
of the slaveholding South. He bluntly declared that the 
seceded States were conquered provinces, having no constitu¬ 
tional rights the conquerors were bound to respect. Congress, 
not the President, was the only power competent to “revive, 
recreate, and reinstate these provinces into the family of 
States.” He disclaimed a desire for “bloody punishments to 
any great extent,” but he favored stripping “a proud nobility 
of their bloated estates; reduce them to a level with plain 
republicans; send them forth to labor, and teach their children 
to enter the workshops or handle the plough, and you will thus 
humble the proud traitor. Teach his posterity to respect labor 
and eschew treason.” Like Sumner, he advocated suffrage for 
the freedmen and wished to give them homesteads carved out 
of the plantations of their former masters. “The infernal laws 
of slavery,” he declared (December 18, 1865), “have prevented 
them from acquiring an education, understanding the com¬ 
monest laws of contract, or of managing the ordinary business 
of life. We must not leave them to the legislation of their late 
masters, but we must provide for them protective laws. ... If 
we fail in this great duty now when we have the power, we 
shall deserve and receive the execration of history and of all 
future ages.” 

In advocating negro suffrage Stevens and Sumner stood far 
in advance of many of their party associates. The general 
feeling even in the North was that the freedmen were too ig¬ 
norant to use the ballot intelligently. Men like 
Opposition Governors Andrew and Morton at this time de- 
Suffrag™ dared against negro suffrage, while Lincoln had 
never gone beyond suggesting that the franchise 
should be conferred upon the “very intelligent” and those 
who had “fought gallantly in our ranks.” Only six Northern 
States permitted black men to vote, and in the fall elections 
of 1865 Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Connecticut voted down 
negro-suffrage proposals. It was only the course of events, 
the growth of a feeling that the franchise was a weapon the 
freedman could use in his own defense, a fear that a combina- 


24 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

tion of “Southern rebels and Northern copperheads” might 
gain control of the government and nullify the results of the 
war, that ultimately brought the Republican party to force 
through the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. 

Before adopting his lenient reconstruction policy President 
Johnson had sent Major-General Carl Schurz to the South to 
report upon conditions in that section. Schurz was a natural¬ 
ized German who had narrowly escaped a Prussian 
Report on firing-squad in the Revolution of ’48, and who had 
Conditions won wor ld-wide fame by gallantly rescuing his 
friend and preceptor, the poet Gottfried Kinkel, 
from the Berlin penitentiary. He was an idealist by tempera¬ 
ment, and on his arrival in America had thrown himself ardently 
into the battle against slavery. Lincoln appointed him min¬ 
ister to Spain, but Schurz soon found that he preferred the tented 
field to diplomacy, so he entered the Union army and rose to 
high rank. At Johnson’s behest he visited several of the South¬ 
ern States, and at first his reports were well received, but 
presently he found that the President had lost interest in his 
work. Returning to Washington in October, Schurz repeatedly 
requested the President to permit him to make a formal re¬ 
port. In a personal interview Johnson expressed the view that 
this was unnecessary, but Schurz persisted that he would do 
so and a bitter altercation followed. “I thereupon turned my 
back on Andrew Johnson,” said Schurz many years later, in 
describing the scene to the author, “and I never spoke to him 
again.” Subsequently he wrote out a detailed account of his 
observations and impressions, and the radicals in the Senate, 
aware that it contained facts tending to discredit the presiden¬ 
tial reconstruction plan, passed a resolution calling on Johnson 
to transmit it. 

In the report Schurz conceded that there was no present 
danger of another insurrection on a large scale, but he declared 
that Southern submission sprang “from necessity and calcula¬ 
tion,” that treason did “not appear odious,” and that there 
was “an utter absence of national feeling .” He believed that 
Southerners realized that slavery in its old form was doomed, 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


25 


but thought they hoped that “some form of serfdom, peonage, 
or other form of compulsory labor” might be substituted. He 
found much friction growing out of the new eco- 
Favors nomic relations between former masters and the 
Suffrage freedmen, and reported that many crimes had been 
committed against negroes and white Unionists. 
For the protection of the freedmen he urged that the right to 
vote should be given to them before the seceded States were 
readmitted. 

Johnson reluctantly complied with the demand for Schurz’s 
report, and, to counteract it, transmitted a report made by 
General Grant, who had recently made a hasty trip through 
General th e South. Grant reported: “I am satisfied that 

Grant’s the mass of thinking men of the South accept the 

present situation of affairs in good faith. . . . 
Slavery and the right of a State to secede they regard as having 
been settled forever by the highest tribunal, arms, that man can 
resort to.” He expressed the view, however, that possibly 
four years of war had left Southerners “in a condition not to 
yield that ready obedience to civil authority the American 
people have been in the habit of yielding,” and said that 
military garrisons were still necessary and that “black and 
white mutually require the protection of the general govern¬ 
ment.”. 

Early in February, 1866, Congress passed a bill enlarging the 
powers of the Freedmen’s Bureau and extending its life for 
one year, but Johnson vetoed the measure, declaring that it was 
unconstitutional, and naming as “another very grave objec¬ 
tion ” the fact that it was passed by a Congress from which the 
representatives of eleven States were excluded. This last argu¬ 
ment was one of which the President’s supporters were making 
much use, and the Democratic New York World habitually 
placed “Rump Congress” at the head of its account of con¬ 
gressional proceedings. As many Republican senators and rep¬ 
resentatives still hoped to avert a final break with Johnson, 
an attempt to pass the bill over the veto failed. 

The President’s opponents commanded, however, a majority 


26 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


in each house, and, as a reply to the veto, the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives, at the instigation of Stevens, passed (February 
20) a concurrent resolution to the effect that no 
Votes'to* senator or representative from a seceded State 

Exclude should be admitted to a seat until Congress had 
Senators formally declared that the State from which he 
resentatives. came was entitled to representation. Two months 
before this the Senate had rejected such a proposi¬ 
tion, but on March 2 it concurred in the resolution. Thus was 
definitely asserted the right of Congress to be the final authority 
in the matter of reconstruction. 

The President’s course was warmly praised by some and 
attacked by others, but it was noticeable that most of the 
epistolary and newspaper commendation came from the South 
T , , and from Northern Democrats, and his enemies 

Johnsons # ; 

Denunda- were careful to point out this fact to the public. 
tor> Speech, Q n Washington’s birthday a mass meeting of his 
supporters assembled at Grover’s Theatre, in the capital, and 
proceeded to the White House to congratulate their hero. 
Hugh McCulloch, the secretary of the treasury, advised his 
chief not to make an address, and Johnson said: “I shall thank 
them and that’s all.” But the course of Congress had aroused 
his naturally strong combativeness, and the appearance of a 
large and friendly crowd “excited his itch for public speaking.” 
Encouraged by cries of “Give it to them, Andy!” and “Hit 
them again! ” he delivered a wild and incoherent harangue, in 
the course of which he denounced the Joint Committee on 
Reconstruction as “an irresponsible central directory” that 
had usurped “all the powers of Congress”; charged Charles 
Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, and Wendell Phillips with laboring 
to destroy “the fundamental principles of this government”; 
and even declared that some of his enemies desired to remove 
the “‘presidential obstacle’” by assassination. The speech 
delighted his enemies, who took care to revive stories of his 
tendency to inebriety, and it did much to alienate the 
country. 

A month later Congress passed a Civil Rights bill designed 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


27 


to carry the Thirteenth Amendment into effect and to safe¬ 
guard the freedmen against the obnoxious features of the 
Black Codes. It made the freedmen citizens of 
KUof^66. United States, with all civil rights, prohibited 
any one from interfering with such rights under 
color of a State law, but did not give negroes the right to vote. 
The bill had been submitted to Johnson in advance, and many 
people supposed that he would sign it, but on March 27 he re¬ 
turned it with his veto. By so doing he alienated many mod¬ 
erate senators and representatives who hitherto had striven to 
avoid a breach between the President and Congress, and after 
a hard and close contest the veto was overridden. Feeling ran 
so high that when the vote was announced in the Senate the 
floor and the galleries burst into a tumult of cheering. 

It was the first time in the history of the country that an 
important measure had been passed over the veto, and it sig¬ 
nified that Congress had seized the helm of state. Johnson’s 
Congressional P^ an reconstruction was promptly shelved, and 
Plan of Re- a new one, evolved by the Joint Committee on Re¬ 
construction, was substituted. This plan took the 
view that the seceded States had forfeited their rights and that 
they should not be permitted their old rights in the Union 
until the results of the war had been written into the Consti¬ 
tution. The essential features of the new plan were contained 
in a Fourteenth Amendment, which was approved by Congress 
on June 13, and was submitted to the States for ratification. 

This amendment wrote into the Constitution the essential 
provisions of the Civil Rights Act in order to place that legisla¬ 
tion beyond danger of repeal by a subsequent Congress. It 
The made the negroes citizens of the United States, and 

Fourteenth prohibited the States from abridging their privileges 
and immunities as such. It did not give them the 
franchise, but it made it to the interest of a State to do so by 
providing that representatives should be apportioned among 
the States according to population, excluding Indians not taxed, 
and that if any State denied the right to vote to any of its 
male citizens for other reasons than crime its representation in 


28 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Congress, and hence in the electoral college, should be propor¬ 
tionately diminished. It provided that any person who had 
previously held any office necessitating his taking an oath to 
support the Constitution of the United States, and had then 
engaged in rebellion, or given aid or comfort to the enemies of 
the nation, should be ineligible for office, either State or federal, 
but Congress might, by a two-thirds vote, remove such dis¬ 
ability. It affirmed the validity of the public debt incurred in 
conducting the war, and forbade the assumption by State or 
nation of any debt “ incurred in aid of insurrection or rebel¬ 
lion,” or any claim for loss or emancipation of any slave. The 
amendment was meant to settle certain issues growing out of 
the war, but one clause, forbidding any State to “deprive any 
person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law,” 
was later used by conservatively inclined courts for very dif¬ 
ferent purposes from those then contemplated. 

The Joint Committee also proposed that, when the new 
amendment should become a part of the Constitution, the se¬ 
ceded States that had ratified it should be accorded representa¬ 
tion in Congress. A bill to that effect failed to pass, 
Readmitted, but the principle was soon followed in the case of 
Tennessee, whose “Union” legislature disfranchised 
many ex-Confederates and ratified the proposed amendment 
(July 19, 1866). Five days later Congress voted to restore 
Tennessee to “her former proper, practical relations to the 
Union.” 

In the same month Congress passed over the veto a bill ex- 
Freedmen’s tiding the life of the Freed men’s Bureau for two 
Bureau years. By this time the breach between Johnson 
and the majority party had become so wide that in 
the Senate only three Republicans joined with the Democrats 
to sustain the veto. 

If the other Southern States had followed the example of 
Tennessee and accepted the congressional offer—that is, the 
Johnson conditions plus ratification of the Fourteenth Amend- 
ment they would have avoided much future humiliation. 
But the quarrel between President and Congress and the advice 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


2 9 


The 

Southern 

Mistake. 


of Northern Democrats led them to hope that they might, 
with their Northern allies, regain control of the government. 

Not another Southern State ratified the amendment 
at this time; the majorities against it were over¬ 
whelming. In the opinion of the historian Rhodes: 
“ It was a sad blunder. Compared with the settlement of other 
great wars, the plan was magnanimous, for it involved no exe¬ 
cutions, confiscations, or imprisonments. It restored the 
ballot to virtually every white man who would take an oath 
to support the Constitution, and it did not admit the negro 
to the franchise, though it held out a reward to the States to 
confer the franchise upon him.” 

Whether the presidential or the congressional plan should 
triumph depended on the outcome of the elections in the autumn 
of 1866. In August friends of the President held at Phila- 
Political delphia what was officially known as the National 
Campaign Union Convention, but which was popularly dubbed 
the “Arm-in-Arm Convention,” because, as a sign 
of the closing of the “bloody chasm” between the sections, the 
Northern and Southern delegates dramatically marched into 
the hall, or “Wigwam,” together. Opposition speakers and 
newspapers were soon calling the “Wigwam” a “Noah’s Ark” 
into which “the animals entered two by two, the elephant and 
the kangaroo, of clean beasts and of beasts that are not clean, 
and of fowls and of every thing that creepeth upon the earth.” 
They craftily pointed out that “Rebels” and “Copperheads” 
attended, and they charged that such persons were not per¬ 
mitted to voice their true sentiments. Furthermore, as a 
counter-demonstration, Southern Unionists and many Northern 
men met in Philadelphia on September 3, and, though they 
wrangled over the negro-suffrage question, they agreed in de¬ 
nouncing the President’s Southern policy. On September 17 
soldiers and sailors who favored the President assembled at 
Cleveland, but it was noticeable that none of the great Union 
generals attended. A week later some thousands of anti- 
Johnson soldiers and sailors held a convention in Pittsburgh 
and passed resolutions favoring Congress and its policy. 


3° 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The President’s cause was weakened by outrages committed 
against freedmen and white Unionists in the South. Out¬ 
breaks of this kind occurred at Memphis and elsewhere, but the 
most notable took place in New Orleans (July 30, 
Conflicts. 1866). Agitators favoring negro suffrage had ar¬ 
ranged for a meeting of the convention of 1864 for 
the purpose of changing the State constitution. The conven¬ 
tion’s legal right to do this was doubtful, and the mayor, Mon¬ 
roe, the same bitter secessionist who had held office when 
Farragut and Butler captured the city, was determined to 
break up the meeting if possible. A procession of negroes 
marching to Mechanics’ Institute, in which the meeting was 
to be held, became involved in a conflict with a white mob. 
The affair ended by the mob, the police, and the city firemen 
storming the hall and killing 40 or 50 negroes and white radi¬ 
cals, and wounding about 150 more. General Sheridan, who 
commanded the district, characterized the affair as “an abso¬ 
lute massacre ... a murder which the mayor and police of 
the city perpetrated without the shadow of a necessity.” 

President Johnson took the view that the riot was due to 
the agitation for negro suffrage, and held that the responsibility 
rested upon Northern radicals, but his explanation failed to 
Appeal of convince the country. The Southern Unionist Con- 
Southern vention, which met at Philadelphia some weeks 
later, charged that “more than a thousand devoted 
Union citizens have been murdered since the surrender of Lee,” 
and begged that loyal Southern men should not be left at the 
mercy of their enemies. The number of slain was perhaps ex¬ 
aggerated, but such affairs as that at New Orleans went far 
toward convincing doubtful Northern voters that the President’s 
generous policy toward the South was unsafe. 

In August and September an invitation to attend the dedica¬ 
tion in Chicago of a monument to Stephen A. Douglas gave 
Johnson an opportunity to visit some of the chief cities of the 
country and speak in defense of his course. On this “swing 
around the circle,” as the tour came to be called, he took with 
him Seward, Admiral Farragut, and General Grant, in order, 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


3i 


it was charged, to attract crowds. The trip began auspiciously. 
The reception accorded the President in Philadelphia was cor¬ 
dial, while in New York City decorative banners 
“Swing S bore such inscriptions as, “Thrice welcome, Andrew 
Cirde” the Johnson, the sword and buckler of the Constitu¬ 
tion, the Union’s hope and the people’s champion,” 
and he was greeted by tens of thousands with real enthusiasm. 
But Johnson’s injudicious words soon proved his undoing. He 
constantly glorified himself, bitterly denounced Congress, and 
offended his hearers by references to “Northern traitors” and 
“foul whelps of sin.” At Cleveland he indulged in an unseemly 
wrangle with some of the audience and, in reply to a rebuke, 
shouted: “ I care not for dignity! ” He also demanded: “ Why 
don’t you hang Thad Stevens and Wendell Phillips?” In St. 
Louis, when his egotistical harangue was interrupted by cries 
of “New Orleans,” he cried out that the riot at that place 
could be traced “back to the radical Congress.” At Indian¬ 
apolis the audience resented his remarks so much that he was 
silenced and driven from the platform. He returned to Wash¬ 
ington much weaker than he had left it. What James Russell 
Lowell humorously described as an “advertising tour of a policy 
in want of a party” had failed miserably. 

In his desperation Johnson removed many of his opponents 
from office, and made use of various other doubtful expedients, 
but all to no purpose. His opponents gleefully proclaimed that 
“Copperheads” and “CopperJohnsons” were sup- 
Defeated. porting him with enthusiasm, but that few Union 
men were following him into the Democratic party. 
Even three members of his cabinet—Postmaster-General Den¬ 
nison, Attorney-General Speed, and Secretary of the Interior 
Harlan—resigned rather than break their party ties, while 
Secretary of War Stanton openly proclaimed his opposition. 
The fall elections of 1866 proved a Waterloo to Johnson’s hopes. 
The voters gave his opponents a majority of more than two- 
thirds in each house of Congress. 

In February following the election a meeting of Southerners 
in Washington put forward an alternative for the proposed 


32 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Fourteenth Amendment, which by this time had been rejected 
by every seceded State except Tennessee, but their suggestion 
Congress passed unheeded. The congressional majority re- 
Proceeds to garded the election result as a mandate to reduce 
President’s the President to a cipher and adopt a more rig- 
Powers. Qrous recons t r uction policy. Numerous measures 
were passed to harass the President and to restrict his powers. 
A “rider” to an army appropriation bill forbade (March 2, 
1867) his issuing any military orders except through the general 
of the army—that is, Grant—to relieve the general of command, 
or to station him anywhere except at the capital, unless with 
his own consent or with the approval of the Senate. For a 
long time there had been unfounded rumors that the President 
contemplated gathering the unrecognized Southern claimants 
to seats in Congress and his own congressional supporters into 
one body, and recognizing it as the legal legislature of the nation, 
and this restriction was partly designed to prevent him from 
executing any such coup d’etat. 

Another act of the same date, passed, of course, over the 
veto, prohibited the President from dismissing civil officers 
without the consent of the Senate, but conceded a suspensive 
power when the Senate was not in session. In 
Office m". case th e President made use of this suspensive 
power he must, when the Senate reconvened, send 
in his reasons for acting in a given case, and, if the Senate re¬ 
fused to concur, the suspended official resumed his position. 
Violation of this Tenure-of-Office Act laid the President liable 
to fine and imprisonment. Opponents of the measure de¬ 
nounced it as unconstitutional, and pointed out that Washing¬ 
ton and every other President since his day had exercised the 
power of removal unhampered. The Constitution is silent 
upon the subject; it merely stipulates that appointments shall 
be “by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate.” 

The Tenure-of-Office Act was largely designed to 
Stanton^ prevent the dismissal from the cabinet of Edwin 
M. Stanton, whose position as secretary of war 
was at this juncture a highly important one. Stanton favored 
the radical reconstruction plan and opposed that of the 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


33 


President, and the radical leaders desired to keep him in the 
cabinet as a check on Johnson. 

On the same day that the Thirty-ninth Congress laid re¬ 
strictions upon the President’s removing power it passed over 
his veto (March 2, 1867) the Great Reconstruction Act. Two 
Miutary days later, in obedience to a law enacted for that 
Reconstruc- purpose, the new Fortieth Congress assembled, 
and this body enacted two supplementary recon¬ 
struction measures (March 23, July 19, 1867). The existing 
governments in the ten remaining “rebel States” were brushed 
aside, and the States were divided into five military districts, 
each to be ruled over by a military officer not below the rank 
of brigadier-general. Under the oversight of these officers 
constitutional conventions might be held, but the delegates to 
these conventions must be elected by the male citizens irre¬ 
spective of “race, color, or previous condition,” the constitu¬ 
tion must confirm the right of the freedmen to the suffrage, and 
the legislature elected thereafter must ratify the Fourteenth 
Amendment. In order to enable the negroes and white radicals 
to gain political control, the supplementary act of March 23 
provided that all applicants for registration must take an oath 
that excluded many ex-Confederates. Although he bitterly 
opposed the congressional plan, President Johnson did not 
venture to disregard these laws, and he assigned Generals 
Schofield, Sickles, Pope, Ord, and Sheridan to command the 
five districts. 

On the day after the passage of the second supplementary 
act Congress, disregarding the warnings of members who 
thought it unsafe to leave Johnson unwatched, adjourned until 
Johnson November. Many of the President’s supporters 
had long been urging him to dismiss Stanton from 
the cabinet, and Johnson took advantage of the 
adjournment to get rid of his obnoxious secretary of war. 
On August 5 he wrote Stanton saying that “public considera¬ 
tions of a high character” constrained him to ask for the sec¬ 
retary’s resignation. Stanton responded: “I have the honor 
to say that public considerations of a high character, which 
alone have induced me to continue at the head of this depart- 


Suspends 

Stanton. 


34 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

ment, constrain me not to resign the office of secretary of war 
before the next meeting of Congress.” Johnson then suspended 
Stanton and appointed General Grant, against Grant’s desire, 
secretary of war ad interim. He also removed Sickles from 
command of the district comprising the Carolinas, and Sheridan 
from that consisting of Louisiana and Texas, and substituted 
Generals Canby and Hancock. The removal of these officers 
pleased the Southern whites, but aroused bitter condemnation 
in the North, as did also the suspension of Stanton. 

For months there had been talk of impeaching Johnson, and 
when Congress reassembled a resolution to that effect was in¬ 
troduced in the House, but it was lost by a vote of 108 to 57 
Johnson (December 7, 1867). The Senate, however, re- 

Stanton CS * used to concur in the suspension of Stanton (Jan¬ 

uary 13, 1868), and Grant willingly relinquished the 
office to him, thereby angering Johnson, who wished him to 
hold on, in order to compel Stanton to resort to litigation that 
would result in a judicial opinion as to the constitutionality of 
the Tenure-of-Office Act. Johnson bitterly assailed Grant for 
his course, and presently brought the whole political conflict 
to a crisis by peremptorily dismissing Stanton and designating 
(February 21, 1868) a garrulous and convivial old general 
named Lorenzo Thomas as secretary of war ad interim. When 
Thomas appeared at the department to demand possession, 
Stanton firmly refused to yield. An amusing colloquy ensued, 
which ended amicably and with Stanton still in possession. 

The attempt to remove Stanton aroused great excitement 
in Washington and throughout the country. The Senate, by a 
large majority, denied the President’s power to dismiss Stan- 
House ton, and House, without loss of time, by a vote 
]ZSn heS ° f 126 t0 47 ’ resolved (February 24): “That 
Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, 
be impeached of high crimes and misdemeanors in office.” 
Eleven charges were drawn up against the President. Most of 
the articles dealt with Johnson’s alleged violation of the Tenure- 
of-Office Act. The tenth article, drawn up by the incorrigible 
Benjamin F. Butler, charged that the President’s denunciatory 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


35 


speeches in 1866 constituted “a high misdemeanor in office.” 
The eleventh article was fathered by Thaddeus Stevens, and 
was a sort of omnibus charge cleverly designed to catch votes. 

The trial proper began on March 30, with Chief Justice 
Chase presiding over “ the Senate sitting as a court of impeach¬ 
ment,” and with the chamber crowded with members of the 
two houses, high dignitaries, and other spectators. 
Triaf aChment Among those who appeared to represent the House 
were John A. Logan, George S. Boutwell, Benjamin 
F. Butler, and Thaddeus Stevens. The President’s counsel 
included Benjamin R. Curtis, ex-justice of the Supreme Court, 
the brilliant William M. Evarts of New York, and Henry Stan- 
bery, who resigned his position as attorney-general in order to 
defend his chief. The sittings were not continuous but were 
strung out through a period of almost two months. The trial 
afforded the lawyers and politicians concerned a splendid op¬ 
portunity to display their skill and eloquence for the admiration 
of court and country, but, in the words of Professor Dunning, 
“as a revelation to the world of lawlessness and infamy in 
Andrew Johnson, it soon became farcical.” The President’s de¬ 
fenders succeeded in showing that in dismissing Stanton he had 
not intended to start a revolution but had expected to get before 
the courts a test case as to the constitutionality of the Tenure- 
of-Office Act. Furthermore, evidence was brought in to prove 
that certain senators who were now favoring impeachment had 
taken the view, when the bill was under consideration, that it 
would not safeguard the places of members of the cabinet who 
held over from Lincoln’s administration, as Stanton had done. 
In short, all efforts to prove that Johnson was guilty of “ Treason, 
Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors,” which are 
the sole offenses specified in the Constitution for impeachment, 
broke down. But partisan bitterness was so aroused against 
Johnson that many senators believed that it would be justifiable 
to remove the President for political reasons or on grounds of 
public policy, and as a precedent they could point to the im¬ 
peachment because of drunken insanity of Judge John Pickering 
in the days of Jefferson’s presidency. 


36 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

The public clamor for conviction was prodigious, and the 
result was in doubt. The supporters shrewdly managed that 
the first vote should be taken on the omnibus article. Seven 
Failure of Republican senators—Fessenden of Maine, Hender- 
impeach- son of Missouri, Fowler of Tennessee, Van Winkle 
ment ‘ of West Virginia, Trumbull of Illinois, Grimes of 

Iowa, and Ross of Kansas—joined with the Democrats to save 
the President, and the vote stood: “guilty,” 35; “not guilty,” 
19—or one less than the necessary two-thirds. It is now known 
that at least two other senators—Sprague of Rhode Island and 
Willey of West Virginia—stood ready to vote against impeach¬ 
ment had their votes been needed. Later ballots on other 
articles proved equally vain, and, amid the helpless rage of the 
radicals, the case came to an end. 

The failure of impeachment caused great disappointment in 
the North, but it is the general verdict of historians that the 
outcome was fortunate for the country, that it was well that the 
independence of the executive should be preserved. 

Secretary Stanton at once resigned from the cabinet and 
retired to private life, being subsequently appointed by Grant 
a justice of the Supreme Court a few days before his death, 
in 1869. To fill the vacancy Johnson nominated 
General Schofield, and the Senate accepted him. 
The Senate spitefully refused, however, to consent to the re¬ 
turn of Stanbery to the office of attorney-general, but ratified 
the nomination of the brilliant and popular Evarts. The new 
cabinet members were tactful men who possessed the confidence 
of Congress as well as of the President, and they helped to 
establish a truce &that lasted until the end of Johnson’s ad¬ 
ministration. 

The impeachment controversy did not prevent progress in 

carrying out the congressional plan of reconstruction. Under 

New the oversight of military commanders elections were 

Southern held to choose delegates to constitutional conven- 
Constxtutions. ,. . . . . . . , 

tions, and in these elections negroes participated, 
while many white men were unable to take the prescribed oath 
and were excluded. Many of the delegates—in Louisiana and 


A Truce. 


CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 


37 


South Carolina a majority—were freedmen fresh from slavery, 
and of course not conversant with the framing of fundamental 
laws, but the chief part in the conventions was usually taken 
by Northern white men who had come South with the army 
or the Freedmen’s Bureau. The main feature of the constitu¬ 
tions was that they gave to negroes civil and political rights. 
In many matters, notably in the provisions for public educa¬ 
tion—in which hitherto the South had been backward—the 
conventions freely copied from the institutions of certain North¬ 
ern States. Naturally the origin of such provisions did not 
tend to increase the popularity of the constitutions in the eyes 
of the white population. 

In the winter and spring of 1868 the work of constitution¬ 
making was completed in all the States except Texas, and the 
electorates received an opportunity to pass upon the new funda¬ 
mental charters. Opponents of the constitutions at 
toe*Whites. once ra i se d the cry that “Caucasian civilization” 
was about to be submerged in “African barbarism.” 
“Continue over us, if you will do so, your own rule by the 
sword,” petitioned a convention of Alabama whites to Con¬ 
gress. “Send down among us honorable and upright men of 
your own people, of the race to which you and we belong, 
and, ungracious, contrary to wise policy and the institutions 
of the country, and tyrannous as it will be, no hand will be 
raised among us to resist by force their authority. But do not, 
we implore you, abdicate your rule over us, by transferring us 
to the blighting, brutalizing, and unnatural dominion of an 
alien and inferior race, a race which has never exhibited suffi¬ 
cient administrative ability for the good government of even 
the tribes into which it is broken up in its native seats; and 
which in all ages has itself furnished slaves for all the other 
races of the earth.” 

In six States—Louisiana, Georgia, Arkansas, Florida, and the 
Carolinas—the voters at once ratified the constitutions. That 
of Mississippi was rejected by over 7,000 votes. Alabama’s 
constitution was approved by over half the votes cast, but many 
whites, in accordance with a prearranged plan, remained away 


38 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

from the polls, with the result that less than half of the regis¬ 
tered voters participated; as Congress had provided that a 
Readmission ma J or ity must participate to make ratification valid, 

of Seven the constitution, in effect, was defeated. In June, 
States 77 

1868, Congress voted that, as soon as the legislatures 
of the six States that had accepted their constitutions should 
accept the Fourteenth Amendment, they should once more be 
considered in full fellowship in the Union. Furthermore, even 
Alabama was restored with the rest under the constitution which 
had failed of ratification. In Virginia, through the neglect of 
Congress to appropriate money for an election, the new con¬ 
stitution was not submitted to the people, so the Old Dominion, 
along with Mississippi and Texas, continued under military 
rule. 

In the States that had been readmitted elections were held 
for the selection of State and local officers, and the 

“Carpet- ’ 

Baggers” radical party, composed of negroes led by North- 

“Scalawags” ern “Carpet-Baggers’ 7 and Southern white “Scala- 
Controi wags,” proved generally successful. The Four¬ 
teenth Amendment was duly ratified by all the 
legislatures, and on January 20, 1869, it was formally pro¬ 
claimed a part of the Constitution. 

In most of the South society had been turned upside down. 
Those who had been the slaves were now the masters. Con¬ 
sideration of the results of this remarkable state of affairs is 
reserved for a later chapter. 


CHAPTER IV 


MEXICO, ALASKA, AND THE ELECTION OF 1868 

From his predecessor President Johnson inherited a danger¬ 
ous Mexican problem. In that country, ever since it became 
independent, revolution and rapine had been the rule rather 
than the exception. Foreigners were frequently 
^Mexico. 011 mistreated and even murdered, while both private 
and public debts were often repudiated. Late in 
1861 Great Britain, France, and Spain agreed to intervene in 
the country, being “compelled” to take this course “by the 
arbitrary and vexatious conduct” of the Mexican authorities. 
The three powers disavowed any intention of acquiring terri¬ 
tory or special advantages, and agreed not “to prejudice the 
right of the Mexican nation to choose and to constitute freely 
the form of its government.” The United States was invited 
to participate in the intervention, but declined. 

Vera Cruz was seized by the allies, but Great Britain and 
Spain soon withdrew from the enterprise. The French re¬ 
mained in Mexico and continued to push preposterous claims 
Schemes of f° r damages and debts, for Napoleon III, Emperor 
Napoleon of France, was full of imperialistic notions of re¬ 
storing French power and influence in the New 
World. In secret instructions to his commander in Mexico he 
pointed out the desirability of setting limits to the power of 
the United States, and emphasized “the duty of marching 
upon Mexico, there boldly planting our flag and establishing 
perhaps a monarchy, if not incompatible with the national sen¬ 
timent of the country.” Ultimately, in fact, the French cap¬ 
tured the City of Mexico and, with the approval of the Clerical 
party, set up a throne, upon which they placed as Emperor the 
Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, brother of Kaiser Francis 
Joseph of Austria. Many of the Mexicans refused to recog- 

39 


4 o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

nize Maximilian’s authority and, under the leadership of Benito 
Juarez, waged a bitter guerilla warfare against him and his 
supporters. 

The French course in Mexico was a plain violation of the 
Monroe Doctrine, but, with the Confederacy on his hands, 
President Lincoln deemed it wise to confine his disapproval 
to verbal protests. But the United States was 
StateY nited mereI y biding its time, and when the Southern 
Forces collapse came many Americans thought the inter- 

wfthdraw. lopers should be driven out by force of arms. In 

May, 1865, General Grant sent Sheridan to Texas 
to assemble a large force along the Rio Grande, and both 
generals did not hesitate to render, more or less openly, assistance 
to Juarez. Secretary of State Seward, however, felt confident 
that he could solve the difficulty by diplomacy, and he and the 
President held advocates of more forceful methods in check. 
Through various channels Napoleon HI was plainly but politely 
informed that he must withdraw his forces. The Emperor 
had found his Mexican experiment unpopular and enormously 
expensive, and he shrank from a conflict with the victorious 
fleets and armies of the United States. In April, 1866, an official 
announcement was made in Paris that the French troops in 
Mexico would be withdrawn. 

In the spring of 1867 the last French troops left Mexico, 
and the Clerical party had not the strength to uphold Maxi¬ 
milian’s tottering throne. The Emperor was captured, was 
Defeat and tried anci condemned to death, and was shot by a 
Death Of firing-squad at Queretaro, along with two of his 
generals. His fate served as a grim warning to 
other European princes who might in future think of setting 
up kingdoms in America. His queen, Carlotta, daughter of 
Leopold I, King of the Belgians, had gone to Europe in a vain 
quest for assistance, and during a tragic interview with the 
Pope her reason fled and she became hopelessly insane. For 
half a century the demented princess resided in a palace in 
Belgium, and she was still living there when the German army 
overflowed that unhappy land. 


MEXICO, ALASKA, AND ELECTION OF 1868 41 


Relations with Great Britain during these years lacked 
much of being entirely cordial. Late in 1865 Irish Fenians 
in the United States met in Philadelphia and organized a “Re¬ 
public,” with a “President,” a “Congress,” a 
Movement “Secretary of War,” and so on. Large sums were 
raised, ostensibly to further the cause of Irish free¬ 
dom, but much of the money was wasted and only a compara¬ 
tively small part found its way across the Atlantic. One fac¬ 
tion of the order favored fighting England in Canada, and in 
1866 repeated efforts were made to invade that country. The 
United States authorities exerted themselves to suppress these 
filibustering attempts, but millions of Americans did not hesi¬ 
tate to declare their sympathy with the Irish cause. 

The truth was that Americans had not forgotten the attitude 
of Great Britain during the Civil War, and a strong determi¬ 
nation existed to exact satisfaction for damage done by the 
The Alabama and other British vessels sailing under 

“Alabama the Confederate flag. Charles Francis Adams, our 
minister at the Court of St. James, insisted upon 
reparation, but the British Government persistently refused 
to allow American claims. In August, 1868, Reverdy Johnson 
succeeded Adams and negotiated what is known as the John- 
son-Clarendon Convention, but Americans felt that it failed 
to satisfy their just demands and the Senate rejected it by a 
vote of 54 to 1 (April 13, 1869). Sumner, the chairman of the 
committee on foreign relations, denounced it unsparingly. He 
estimated that Great Britain owed the United States $15,000,- 
000 for direct damages inflicted by the Alabama and other 
similar cruisers, and vastly greater sums for indirect damages to 
our merchant marine and on account of prolonging the war 
by too hasty recognition of Confederate belligerency and by 
failure to observe neutrality obligations. By way of reparation 
some Americans were urging the cession of Canada. The 
speech gave Sumner a moment of genuine popularity in Amer¬ 
ica, but in Great Britain it put friends of America in an awk¬ 
ward position, and seemed to diminish the prospect for a peace¬ 
able settlement of the dispute. 


42 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Secretary of State Seward was an ardent expansionist. In 
1867 he negotiated a treaty with Denmark for the cession of 
the Danish West Indies, only to have it come to naught through 
senatorial opposition, but he won a vaster triumph 
Purchased. * n an unexpected direction. Russia expressed a 
willingness to sell to the United States her immense 
possessions in northwestern America, and on March 30, 1867, 
Seward and the Russian minister, Baron de Stoeckl, signed a 
treaty providing for the purchase of the region, the price being 
fixed at $7,200,000. Considerable opposition to the treaty de¬ 
veloped, but expansion sentiment was strong, men remembered 
that during the Civil War Russia had displayed a friendly spirit, 
and some thought that the transaction would spite England, 
that through it we would “cage the British lion on the Pacific 
coast.” Sumner threw his influence into the scale in favor of 
the treaty, and it was soon ratified almost unanimously. 

Few Americans possessed any definite knowledge regarding 
the region thus quickly acquired. Some insisted that it was 
nothing but a barren region of rocks and ice, that 
the ground was frozen six feet deep throughout the 
year, that such territory was not worth taking as a 
gift. Wits delighted in calling the new possession 
“Seward’s Folly” and “Johnson’s Polar Bear Gar¬ 
den,” and suggestions were made that it should be christened 
“Walrussia,” but Seward fitly named it “Alaska,” after its 
chief peninsula. Time was to show that Seward did a splendid 
stroke of business for Uncle Sam in buying Alaska, for it was 
found to be rich in fish, furs, and minerals. 

On May 20, 1868, four days after the vote on the eleventh 
impeachment article, the National Union Republican party met 
in convention at Chicago. The platform condemned President 
Republican J ohnson in unsparing terms, congratulated the 
ConvenUcm country on the assured success of congressional re- 

OI I0O0. # - 

construction, denounced “all forms of repudiation 
as a national crime,” and in rather guarded terms opposed the 
so-called “greenback” plan of paying the national debt in de¬ 
preciated paper, a scheme that had many supporters, particu- 


Mistaken 
Notions 
about the 
New 

Possessions. 


MEXICO, ALASKA, AND ELECTION OF 1868 43 

larly in the Democratic party. With the subject of negro 
suffrage the convention found it expedient to deal very cau¬ 
tiously, for the four Republican States of Ohio, Michigan, 
Minnesota, and Kansas had recently refused to give the ballot 
to the blacks. The plank on this subject was a model of in¬ 
genuity. It read: “The guarantee by Congress of equal suf¬ 
frage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every 
consideration of public safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and 
must be maintained; while the question of suffrage in all the 
loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States.” 

Chief Justice Chase and various other men had been consid¬ 
ered for the presidential nomination, but sentiment had crystal¬ 
lized in favor of the victor of Donelson, Vicksburg, and Appo¬ 
mattox, and amid great enthusiasm Ulysses S. Grant 
Colfax and was named unanimously. For the vice-presidency 
the convention put forward Schuyler Colfax of 
Indiana, speaker of the House of Representatives. Grant ac¬ 
cepted the honor in a characteristically short letter, which 
closed with the words: “Let us have peace.” The phrase 
caught the popular fancy and was much used during the cam¬ 
paign. It is now graven upon the tomb that rises so imposingly 
over the Hudson in the city of New York. 

On July 4 the Democratic convention met in Tammany Hall, 
in New York City. Among the candidates were President 
Johnson, Chief Justice Chase, George H. Pendleton of Ohio, 
General Winfield S. Hancock of Pennsylvania, and 
As^rants. 10 Senator Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana. John¬ 
son had the nominal support of many delegates 
from the South, but Democrats generally, though they had ap¬ 
plauded his stand against Congress, preferred some other can¬ 
didate. Chase had hoped to obtain the Republican nomina¬ 
tion, but as that had gone to Grant he was willing to accept 
that of the Democracy. Lincoln had long before noted Chase’s 
“insanity on the subject of the presidency.” In reality, 
Chase’s desire to land the coveted prize was in large degree due 
to the ambition of his daughter, Kate Chase Sprague, wife of 
the senator from Rhode Island, a beautiful and accomplished 


44 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

woman, who had long looked forward to acting as mistress of 
the White House. 

Pendleton had been McClellan’s running mate in 1864. He 
lived in cultivated and polite surroundings in Cincinnati, and 
was popularly known as “ Gentleman George.” He made his 
The campaign for the nomination on what was known 

Greenback as the “Ohio idea,” which meant the payment of 

certain government bonds in greenbacks instead of 
coin. As business was bad and taxes heavy, the slogan of “ The 
same currency for the bondholder and the plough-holder” proved 
popular, especially in the West. Those who took this view 
urged that the bonds had been paid for in depreciated currency 
and that it was only just that they should be redeemed in the 
same medium. The letter of the law did not forbid this, though 
it provided that the interest should be paid in coin. Opponents 
of the greenback scheme held that the spirit of the law was 
against such a policy, and that to adopt it would amount to 
partial repudiation, and would lower the credit of the United 
States in the future. Some people favored repudiating the war 
bonds altogether. 

The platform adopted by the convention expressed the view 
that bonds not expressly made payable in coin should be re¬ 
deemed in “lawful money,” or, in other words, greenbacks, and 
favored taxing the bonds, which would have been 
Platform . 10 equivalent to reducing the rate of interest. It 
recognized the fact that “the questions of slavery 
and secession” had “been settled for all time to come,” but it 
denounced the reconstruction acts “as usurpations, and uncon¬ 
stitutional, revolutionary and void,” and charged Congress 
with having “subjected ten States, in time of profound peace, 
to military despotism and negro supremacy.” All the States 
should at once be restored to full rights, amnesty should be 
granted to ex-Confederates, and each State should decide the 
suffrage question for itself. 

The Pendleton forces had dictated the platform, and for 
fifteen ballots he led in the balloting, but on the sixteenth bal¬ 
lot he was passed by Hancock. On the fifth day of the con- 


MEXICO, ALASKA, AND ELECTION OF 1868 45 

vention Governor Horatio Seymour of New York, the presiding 
officer, made a speech designed to bring about the nomination 
of Chase, but the attempt failed. On the twenty- 
andmair. second ballot Ohio gave Seymour himself twenty- 
one votes, and started a stampede which ended 
by his receiving the vote of every delegate present. For the 
vice-presidency the convention nominated General Francis P. 
Blair, of Missouri, a soldier who had fought gallantly under 
Sherman. 

In the campaign the greenback issue played only a minor 
part. The main emphasis was laid on the Southern question, 
and Republican orators and newspapers harped constantly on 
accounts of outrages committed against their politi- 
Eiected. cal brethren in the South. In the election Grant 
carried 26 States and received 214 electoral votes, 
while Seymour carried only 8 States, with a total of 80 electoral 
votes. Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas, not being reconstructed, 
did not participate in the election. Of the other seceded States 
Seymour carried Louisiana and Georgia—it was charged by 
gross frauds and terrorism. 

The presidential contest was really much closer than the 
electoral votes indicated. Grant’s plurality of the popular 
vote was only a little more than 300,000, and the result in sev¬ 
eral States was very close. When they studied the 
Reflections, returns closely Republican leaders realized that if 
they were to retain control of the federal government 
in the future they must make use of the negro vote to carry 
Southern States. When Congress assembled, therefore, the 
Republicans carried through Congress a Fifteenth Amendment, 
which decreed that the right to vote should not be denied or 
abridged “on account of race, color, or previous condition of 
servitude.”, 


CHAPTER V 


THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

President-elect Grant felt so bitter toward Johnson that 
he refused to ride in the same carriage with him on inaugural 
day; in consequence, the retiring executive absented himself 
from the ceremonies, and, having issued a farewell address, left 
the same day for Tennessee, where for several years he lived in 
“restless obscurity.” In March, 1875, he returned to Wash¬ 
ington as a member of the body that had lacked only one vote 
of expelling him from the presidency; but his health was 
broken and he did not long enjoy his triumph, dying in the 
following July at his daughter’s home in Tennessee. Histori¬ 
ans are now almost unanimous in conceding the honesty of his 
intentions, and many are inclined to praise his plan of recon¬ 
struction, but his faults of temper proved disastrous in so criti¬ 
cal a period, and his quarrel with Congress made inevitable a 
more radical Southern policy than would have been followed 
had a more tactful man held the helm. 

Johnson’s rise from ignorance and poverty, astonishing 
though it was, had been less meteoric than that of his successor. 
Only eight years before Grant had been working in his father’s 
Career and store at Galena, Illinois, at a salary of six hundred 
Character dollars a year, and had behind him a practically 
unbroken record of failure. Beginning life in the 
army, he had fought bravely in Mexico, but had resigned from 
the service a few years later. He then tried running his wife’s 
farm and later dabbled in real estate; in neither pursuit did 
he make good. But hidden under an unpromising exterior he 
possessed military genius, and the nation’s need gave him an 
opportunity to display it. In less than three years he was 
leading all the armies of the Union, and now he was Chief Ex¬ 
ecutive. But the most splendid part of his career was already 

46 


THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 


47 


a matter of history, and the years of his presidency tended to 
diminish rather than to exalt his fame. Nature had created 
him for the camp rather than the council chamber, for the 
battle-field rather than the finesse of politics. His notions of 
statecraft were apt to be vague, and, through a strange paradox, 
though he displayed remarkable skill in selecting military men, 
he proved a failure in choosing civil subordinates. Honest 
and trustful by nature, he could not detect dishonesty in others. 
Designing men who pretended to be his friends frequently 
brought him into disrepute, yet even when their rascality was 
exposed he too often displayed misguided fidelity and refused 
to desert them “under fire.” 

In his inaugural Grant said: “The office has come to me un¬ 
sought; I commence its duties untrammelled.” He virtually 
ignored the party leaders in selecting his cabinet, and the ap¬ 
pointments were personal rather than political. 
Cabinet. For secretary of state he nominated Elihu B. 

Washburne, an Illinois congressman who had been 
so enthusiastic in advancing Grant’s military career that he 
was said to have “Grant on the brain.” But Washburne’s ap¬ 
pointment was intended as complimentary only and to give 
him prestige for the French mission, to which he was quickly 
transferred. In the bloody days of the Red Commune he won 
renown for himself and reflected high honor on his country. 
To fill the vacancy Grant named ex-Governor Hamilton Fish, 
of New York, who proved to be one of the ablest diplomatists 
that had ever held the office. Grant’s selection for secretary 
of the treasury was Alexander T. Stewart, a celebrated mer¬ 
chant prince of New York City. The nomination had hardly 
been confirmed before it was discovered that Stewart was in¬ 
eligible because the act creating the Treasury Department had 
excluded any one who should “directly or indirectly be con¬ 
cerned or interested in carrying on the business of trade or 
commerce.” As Congress was unwilling to change the law, 
Grant named George S. Boutwell, a Massachusetts congress¬ 
man, for the place. For secretary of the navy Grant nominated 
Adolph E. Borie, a rich Philadelphian who was politically so 


48 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


obscure that both the Pennsylvania senators professed never 
to have heard of him. For secretary of the interior the Presi¬ 
dent named Jacob D. Cox, an able soldier and politician from 
Ohio; for attorney-general, E. Rockwood Hoar, a distinguished 
Massachusetts jurist; for postmaster-general, John A. J. Cress- 
well, of Maryland; and for secretary of war, his old mentor and 
chief of staff, General John A. Rawlins. Cabinet changes were 
so frequent in the next eight years that the seven portfolios were 
occupied by twenty-four men, and only Hamilton Fish con¬ 
tinued in office until the end of Grant’s presidency. Rawlins 
died in the following September, and his loss was irreparable, 
for he had long been a sort oijidus Achates to Grant, and, being 
a man of good judgment, had exercised a powerful influence 
for good over his chief. Had Rawlins lived, he would probably 
have helped Grant to avoid many pitfalls. 

Grant early asked to be freed from the restraints of the 
Tenure-of-Office Act, and when Congress demurred he brought 
that body to terms by threatening to leave Johnson’s appointees 
Tenure-of- * n °® ce unt ^ wishes were complied with. The 
JMfice Art act was radically amended, but it was not finally 

Modified. _ , ... . „ _ J 

repealed until the first administration of Grover 
Cleveland, after having long been in what he called a state of 
“innocuous desuetude.” 


Under Grant, as under Johnson, problems of reconstruction 
continued to be the most persistent of any that faced the 
country, and to this complicated but interesting matter we shall 
first turn our attention. 

From the outset the Southern whites had viewed with hos¬ 
tility all efforts to raise the freedmen to a plane of equality 
with themselves. The view that the negro was divinely cre¬ 
ated to be a servant to the white man had so long 
Southern been a matter 0 f f a j t b f n ^ g out b that his occupy . 

toward the ing any other P osition was regarded as an attempt 

New Order, to overturn natural laws. He had been assigned 
to a distinct “place” as a menial, but now he was 
the nation’s ward, and he was being encouraged to assert equal 
rights with his former master. Such things were not to be 


THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 


49 


borne; the South was determined never to submit to negro 
equality or negro rule. But the new order was backed up by 
federal bayonets, and open resistance was hopeless. Some 
subterranean method must be found. As a result there sprang 
into being the secret societies variously known under such names 
as the Invisible Empire, or Ku Klux Klan, the Pale Faces, the 
White Brotherhood, and the Knights of the White Camelia. 

The Ku Klux Klan, the most famous of these organizations, 
was first formed in the spring of 1866 at Pulaski, Tennessee. 
Its originators were young men, and it is said that their prime 
motive was amusement, but the order soon came to 
Khj^Kian. have a different purpose. Deep mystery was af¬ 
fected, while the weird potency of the name of the 
order aroused curiosity and helped the order to spread. In 1868 
the various “dens” scattered over the South were said to have 
a membership of half a million, but the order was never closely 
organized, and no one knew with absolute definiteness how many 
persons had joined it. Profound secrecy was exacted from the 
members, and an elaborate rescript was drawn up providing 
for officers with such high-sounding names as Grand Wizard, 
Grand Dragon, Grand Turk, and Grand Cyclops. Any mem¬ 
ber who should betray the order or reveal its secrets was to 
suffer death. 

Some defenders of the Klan have represented that it sprang 
into being as a protest against negro and Carpet-Bag rule, but, 
as noted above, its formation considerably antedated the con¬ 
ferring of suffrage on the blacks. In its early his- 
the Kian° f tory it seems to have done occasionally some really 
laudable work. In the disturbed period following 
the war, thieving and the burning of barns and gin-houses be¬ 
came common, while worse crimes, even murder and rape, were 
now and then committed by the blacks. The Klan did some¬ 
thing to restrain such lawlessness, and also scared lazy negroes 
into keeping at work. It was only gradually that the “dens” 
became instruments of political proscription and private ven¬ 
geance. Ultimately the general objects of the Klan and of the 
other similar orders came to be t® keep the negro in his “place” 


50 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

as an inferior, to intimidate him and keep him from voting, 
to restrain his Scalawag and Carpet-Bag leaders, and otherwise 
to maintain the supremacy of the white race and the Demo¬ 
cratic party. Its operations varied from warning or punish¬ 
ing rascally negroes who richly deserved such attentions, to 
brutally whipping, maiming, or murdering white and black 
men whose chief offense was that they were politically active 
in the interest of the “Radical” party, as the Southern Repub¬ 
licans were called. Many of the crimes charged against the 
Klan were really committed by irresponsible individuals using 
its name and regalia as a disguise. The Ku Klux and the 
Knights of the White Camelia, an order that was strongest in 
the Gulf States, were exceedingly active in the presidential 
campaign of 1868, and some of their work did much to convince 
wavering Northern voters that the South could not be trusted 
to deal justly with the freedmen. Early in the following year 
the Ku Klux Klan was disbanded by proclamation of its Grand 
Wizard (February 20, 1869), but individual members and dens 
continued their operations long afterward. 

In their raids the Klansmen took shrewd advantage of the 
credulous fears of the superstitious blacks. They usually as¬ 
sumed some awesome disguise and worked only at the most 
“witching time of night.” “A trick of frequent 
the t Kkn° f perpetration in the country,” says a member, “was 
for a horseman, spectral and ghostly looking, to 
stop before the cabin of some negro needing a wholesome im¬ 
pression and call for a bucket of water. If a dipper or gourd 
was brought, it was declined, and a bucket full of water de¬ 
manded. As if consumed by raging thirst the horseman grasped 
it and pressed it to his lips. He held it there till every drop of 
water was poured into a gum or oiled sack concealed beneath 
the Ku Klux robe. Then the empty bucket was returned to 
the amazed negro with the remark: ‘That’s good. It is the 
first drink of water I have had since I was killed at Shiloh.’ 
Then a few words of counsel as to future behavior made an im¬ 
pression not easily forgotten or likely to be disregarded.” 
Written warnings were often used. These bore rude drawings 


THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 


5i 

of skulls and crossed bones, pistols and muskets, or coffins, and 
the messages were plentifully besprinkled with such terms as 
“hollow tomb/’ “bloody moon,” “hobgoblins,” “hell-a- 
Bulloo,” and “Horrible sepulchre.” In the early days of the 
orders, “a silent host of white-sheeted horsemen parading the 
country roads at night was sufficient to reduce the blacks to 
good behavior for weeks or months”; but gradually fear of the 
mysterious beings wore away, and a time came when more 
violent methods had to be used. “Uppish” negroes were 
warned, disarmed, whipped, mutilated, or murdered, while 
negro schoolhouses in some sections were burned and white 
teachers of negro children abused and driven out. 

Opposed to the Ku Klux and similar societies stood the 
Union or Loyal League, an organization formed in the North 
in 1862 and later transplanted in the South as a sort of radical 
bureau for organizing the negroes in the interest of 
League! 1011 th e Republican party. Its leaders were usually 
white men, many of them Freedmen’s Bureau 
agents, and they were frequently to be seen in Washington, 
denouncing Johnson’s reconstruction plan and indorsing that 
of Congress. The conclaves of the league were usually held at 
night, with awe-inspiring rites, and at these meetings the 
negroes were taught that their interests were opposed to those 
of their former masters. The league did much to widen the 
rift between the races, and to render it impossible for the whites 
to control the blacks politically. A freedman might come to 
his former master for advice about every other conceivable 
subject, but let politics be broached and he would become “as 
silent as a tombstone,” for that was a matter concerning which 
“Old Massa” could not be trusted. In some cases members of 
the league were armed, and drilling would take place. After 
the close of a meeting the members would sometimes, in the 
words of Professor Fleming, “march along the roads shouting, 
firing their guns, making great boasts and threats against per¬ 
sons whom they disliked.” Such activities naturally provoked 
counter-demonstrations by the Ku Klux, and the ultimate de¬ 
cline of the league was in part due to the work of the Klansmen. 


52 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

As already narrated, the process of reconstruction in Texas, 
Mississippi, and Virginia was delayed. These States were 
ultimately required to ratify not only the Fourteenth but also 
_ . . the Fifteenth Amendment, and early in 1870 Con- 

of Recon- gress recognized them as being once more in full 
struction. fellowship in the Union. It was significant of the 
mighty revolution of a decade that the man who appeared 
in the Senate from Mississippi to take the seat vacated by 
Jefferson Davis was a quadroon, Reverend Hiram R. Revells. 
Georgia had been readmitted some time before, but she had 
fallen under congressional disfavor for having expelled negro 
members from her legislature. Acting under authority con¬ 
ferred by Congress, General Terry purged her legislature of 
twenty-four Democrats who were ineligible under the Four¬ 
teenth Amendment, after which the legislature restored the 
negro members to their seats, ratified the Fourteenth and 
Fifteenth Amendments, and elected two new senators. Georgia 
was then again readmitted into the Union. 

The Fifteenth Amendment had already received a sufficient 
number of ratifications before Georgia acted, and it was pro¬ 
claimed a part of the Constitution on March 30, 1870. Al¬ 
though it was an attempt to carry to a logical con- 
Amendment. elusion the doctrines of the Declaration of Indepen¬ 
dence, many historians now regard its enactment as 
a mistake. Regret has also been expressed that it was not 
accompanied by some scheme for national education of the 
new voters. Sumner, Grant, and many other Baders favored 
the education at national expense of both whites and blacks in 
the South, in so far as the States of that section were unable 
or unwilling to provide it. In his announcement of the rati¬ 
fication of the amendment President Grant earnestly recom¬ 
mended such a provision, but the plan failed because of con¬ 
stitutional objections and what the late Senator Hoar called 
“mistaken notions of economy.” Before the war the teach¬ 
ing of negroes to read and write was generally forbidden in 
the South, while the percentage of illiteracy among the “poor 
whites” was appalling. 


THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 


53 


Although the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified by every 
former seceded State except Tennessee, the white 
Opposition people of the South never really accepted its prin- 
Suffrage? c ipl e - From the outset they determined to exclude 
the negro from the suffrage whenever possible, and 
with every election there recurred scenes of violence, intimida¬ 
tion, and fraud. 

The admission of the negroes to voting privileges by the 
reconstruction acts inaugurated a weird contest for political 
power that lasted in some States for a decade. On one side, 
Character * n contest > stood practically all the freedmen, 

of the led by Scalawags and Carpet-Baggers; on the other, 

the vast majority of the white people, including 
almost all the considerable property-owners. Generally speak¬ 
ing, it was a conflict between black ignorance on the one hand 
and white enlightenment on the other, made possible by the fact 
that the negroes and their white leaders professed loyalty to 
the Union and the results of the war, while the white popula¬ 
tion was out of harmony with the new order of things. 

In Virginia the whites were lucky enough at once to take 
over the government from the federal military authorities, and 
that State escaped the harrowing experience of negro domina¬ 
tion and Carpet-Bag rule. In Tennessee the con- 
Escape of flict was largely between white men, for white Union 

States 11 men had always been numerous in that State; 

furthermore, the radicals as early as 1869 lost con¬ 
trol in that State. Georgia and North Carolina were “ re¬ 
deemed” by the conservatives in the following year, but all 
the other former Confederate States were forced to remain 
for a longer period under the rule of the negroes and their white 
allies, the Carpet-Baggers and Scalawags. 

It was a strange and sinister alliance which was made pos¬ 
sible by the belief in the North that the freedmen 
Alliance 86 must given the ballot for their own protection 
and to safeguard the interests of the Union and of 
the Republican party. The new voters were wholly without 
political experience, and most of them were illiterate and ,un- 


54 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

moral. Some of their white allies were well-meaning men, 
but many were mere adventurers who took advantage of the 
situation to enrich themselves. The inevitable result was a 
lurid carnival of misrule hitherto undreamed of in America. 

Large volumes have been written about the experiences of 
each of the States under radical rule, but here a few character¬ 
istic facts regarding the course of events in two of the worst 
States, South Carolina and Louisiana, must suffice. 

In Louisiana wholesale corruption, intimidation of negro 
voters, political assassination, riots, revolutions constituted the 
normal condition of affairs for a decade. That this carnival 
of lawlessness surpassed that in any other State 
Conditions. was probably due in part to the character of the 
population. The negroes, despite the presence of a 
considerable number of educated “persons of color” in New 
Orleans, were on the average less intelligent than in most of the 
slave States; as late as 1874 it was estimated that only 8,597 
out of 87,121 negro voters could read and write. Many of 
them lived on immense plantations where civilizing contact 
with the white race was slight, while some of them were men 
of desperate or criminal character who, by way of punishment, 
had been “sold down the river.” Self-government based on 
such a constituency was foredoomed to failure. Furthermore, 
even under white rule Louisiana had not been notable as a 
law-abiding State. Antebellum society, particularly in New 
Orleans, had been polite and even brilliant, but the custom 
of the duello still lingered, and many bloody encounters took 
place beneath the moss-hung “duelling oaks” that are still 
pointed out to tourists. Now and then this lack of respect 
for law revealed itself in political matters, as in the notorious 
Plaquemine frauds of 1844, and in the New Orleans riot of 
1855, when for a time the city was a battle-ground between 
two rival factions, who seized public buildings and barricaded 
the streets. 

As elsewhere in the South, the white people of Louisiana did 
not take kindly either to emancipation or enfranchisement, 
but they did not wait to prove the fruits of African rule before 


THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 


55 


falling upon the hapless freedmcn. In July, 1866, before the 
negroes obtained the suffrage, occurred the bloody New Orleans 
riot that has already been described. In the sum- 
Conflicts. mer anc * fall of 1868 the Knights of the White Ca- 
melia systematically set about terrorizing the new 
voters and did the work so thoroughly that a Republican 
majority of over 26,000 in the spring election was in November 
transformed into a Democratic majority of about 46,000 for 
Seymour. 

In explaining this remarkable reversal the Republican mem¬ 
bers of a congressional investigating committee stated that 
testimony showed that over 2,000 persons had been killed or 
wounded in Louisiana within two weeks prior to 
the lenCe m the election; “that half the State was overrun by 
of a x868 gn violence; and that midnight raids, secret murders, 
and open riot kept the people in constant terror 
until the Republicans surrendered all claim. ” In the parish of 
St. Landry, on the river Teche, the Republicans had a majority, 
in the spring, of 678. “In the fall they gave Grant no vote, 
not one—while the Democrats cast 4,787, the full vote of the 
parish, for Seymour and Blair. Here occurred one of the bloodi¬ 
est riots on record, in which the Ku Klux killed or wounded 
over 200 Republicans, hunting and chasing them for two days 
and nights through fields and swamps. Thirteen captives 
were taken from the jail and shot. A pile of 25 dead bodies 
was found half-buried in the woods. Having conquered the 
Republicans and killed or driven off their leaders, the Ku 
Klux captured the masses, marked them with badges of red 
flannel, enrolled them in clubs, made them vote the Democratic 
ticket, and gave them a certificate of the fact.” S. S. Cox, a 
Northern Democratic member of Congress, says, in his Three 
Decades of Federal Legislation , that this statement was “a good 
deal exaggerated, especially as to the number killed,” but he 
concedes that “the failure of the negroes to vote can be ex¬ 
plained only on the theory that a reign of terror existed.” 

During the period of Carpet-Bag-negro rule the value of 
property in the State greatly declined, the payment of taxes 


56 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

fell far in arrears, and the public debt increased many millions 
of dollars. The decline in property values was in part due to 
Disastrous rava S es of war, to the unsettling effects of the 

Economic change from a slave-labor to a free-labor system, 
and to the disastrous panic of 1873, but in large 
measure it was the result of bad government. There were some 
legitimate reasons why the State debt should have increased, 
among these being the cost of repairing levees that had fallen 
into bad condition during the war, but vast amounts were em¬ 
bezzled. Much of the increase in some of the States was due 
to the granting of subsidies to new railroads; grave frauds were 
often connected with these grants. Bond issues were always 
floated below par, for investors lacked faith in Southern bonds, 
partly because many States in that section had repudiated their 
debts in the ’30’s and ’40’s. 

In course of time the radicals quarrelled among themselves, 
and Governor Warmoth, an unscrupulous Carpet-Bagger who 
had amassed a fortune in office, went over to the conservatives. 

The election of 1872 was claimed by both parties, 
Government kut Republicans managed to persuade a com- 
Upheid by plaisant federal judge named Durell to issue a 

Bayonets. “midnight restraining order,” and obtained the 

all-important aid of federal troops, with the result 
that they were able to install William Pitt Kellogg as governor. 
McEnery, the conservative claimant, also took the oath of 
office but soon had to abandon attempts to assert his authority, 
as this would have brought him into conflict with the federal 
government. In September, 1874, however, the White League, 
an armed conservative organization, rose against the Kellogg 
government, and Kellogg and his supporters were forced to 
take refuge in the custom-house. But President Grant inter¬ 
fered, and the radical government was reinstated by federal 
bayonets. A congressional investigating committee arranged 
a sort of compromise between the opposing parties, but 
for two years a state of virtual anarchy existed in parts of 
Louisiana. 

Probably never in history has a proud people drunk deeper 


THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 


57 


Social 
Overturn 
in South 
Carolina. 


from the cup of humiliation than did the white inhabitants 
of South Carolina in the period following the conflict begun by 
their ordinance of secession and the firing on Fort 
Sumter. After four years of desperate warfare they 
had at last been forced to accept the inevitable, 
after Sherman’s army swept through the State, 
consuming and destroying, and leaving the capital in ruins. 
At intervals thereafter for more than a decade Yankee troops 
wearing the hated blue were stationed here and there about 
the State, and from their camps there floated not infrequently 
the strains of a song dealing with a certain John Brown, whose 
body lay “ a-mouldering in the grave” but whose soul went 
“marching on.” No such reminders were necessary to bring 
home the fact that the old order had passed away. The pyra¬ 
mid of society had been turned upside down. Those who had 
been the slaves were become the rulers. In the government, 
in the places of the now impoverished aristocracy, stood black 
and brown freedmen, led by hated Yankees and equally hated 
Scalawags; and from the panels over the door of the capi- 
tol at Columbia the marble visages of George McDuffie and 
Robert Young Hayne looked down upon the incomings and 
outgoings of a strange legislature, three-fourths of whose mem¬ 
bers belonged to the despised race once the victims of the in¬ 
stitution which had formed the “corner-stone” of the fallen 
Confederacy. 

In 1873 James S. Pike, a Northern observer who recorded 
his impressions in a book called The Prostrate State , found 101 
negro members in the House of Representatives and only 23 
white men; the latter sat “grim and silent,” feel- 
Leg^lature.” i n g themselves “but loose stones, thrown in to 
partially obstruct a current they are powerless to 
resist.” Of the colored legislators the same observer wrote: 
“They were of every hue from the light octoroon to the deep 
black. . . . Every negro type and physiognomy was here to 
be seen from the genteel serving-man to the rough-hewn cus¬ 
tomer from the rice or cotton field. Their dress was as varied 
as their countenances. There was the second-hand black 


58 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

frock-coat of infirm gentility, glossy and threadbare. There 
was the stove-pipe hat of many ironings and departed styles. 
There was also to be seen a total disregard of the proprieties 
of costume in the coarse and dirty garments of the field; the 
stub jackets and slouch hats of soiling labor. In some instances, 
rough woolen comforters embraced the neck and hid the ab¬ 
sence of linen. Heavy brogans and short torn trousers it 
was impossible to hide. . . . The Speaker is black, the Clerk 
is black, the doorkeepers are black, the chairman of the Ways 
and Means is black, and the chaplain is coal black. ... At 
some of the desks sit colored men whose types it would be hard 
to find outside of Congo; whose costume, visage, attitude, and 
expression only befit the forecastle of a buccaneer. . . . Seven 
years ago these men were raising corn and cotton under the whip 
of the overseer. To-day they are raising points of order and 
questions of privilege.” 

A large majority of these legislators could not read or write; 
most paid no taxes. The total sum paid by all the members 
of the legislature of 1868-72 is said to have been only about 
$634 annually. Naturally such a legislature had 
of Misrule* little fear of extravagance, and, though some of 
the members had good intentions, misgovemment 
was certain. As a matter of fact, though the history of South 
Carolina in this period was not quite so replete with pitched 
battles as was the case in Louisiana, the financial aspects of 
negro rule in the Palmetto State were fully as deplorable. In 
the six years from 1868-74 the public debt was increased by 
about $14,000,000, while there was a great decline in the value 
of property. 

There were public land-steals, printing steals, railroad-bonus 
steals, and financial scandals of various other kinds, but per¬ 
haps the most striking instances of misappropriation of funds 
are to be found under the head of legislative ex- 
dSSis. penses. A free bar was established in the State- 
house, and thither members of the legislature re¬ 
sorted for expensive cigars, wines, whiskeys, and brandies; 
some would even come to the room before breakfast for an 
“eye-opener.” In refurnishing the State-house $4 looking- 


THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 


59 


Why the 
Radicals 
Retained 
Power. 


dishonest. 


glasses were replaced by $650 French mirrors, $1 chairs by $60 
chairs, $5 clocks by $600 ones, 40-cent spittoons by $60 im¬ 
ported china cuspidors, and in four years over $200,000 was 
paid out for furniture, the appraised value of which in 1877 
amounted to $17,715. Under the heading of legislative sup¬ 
plies were included such items as champagne, best Westphalia 
hams, imported mushrooms, finest plush velvet t6te-a-t£tes, 
feather beds, suspenders, ladies’ hoods, bonnets, chemises, gold 
watches, garters, perfumes, palpitators, and a metallic coffin. 
Needless to say, many of these articles did not long remain in 
the State-house. 

The great mass of the freedmen suffered from this carnival 
of misrule along with their white neighbors, but fear that con¬ 
servative victory would mean a return of slavery long kept the 
negroes voting for their despoilers, and as they 
outnumbered the whites by about five to three, 
they always elected the radical candidates for State 
office, no matter how incompetent, disreputable, or 
Some of the whites early resorted to Ku Klux 
methods in order to hold the blacks in check, but years passed 
before anything was accomplished toward bringing about 
better government. Many white people openly professed that 
they saw no way of escape, and grew “ gloomy, disconsolate, 
hopeless.’’ 

The first two radical governors were arrant rascals, but 
fortunately the third, Daniel H. Chamberlain, elected in 1874, 
was of a different type. A native of Massachusetts and a 
graduate of Yale, he left the Harvard Law School to 
Chamberlain, become an officer in a black regiment, and at the 
close of the war he settled in South Carolina as a 
cotton-planter. He served for four years as attorney-general 
of the State, but it was not until he became governor that he 
really made himself felt. Realizing that “the civilization of 
the Puritan and the Cavalier, of the Roundhead and the Hu- 
genot” was “in peril,” he set his face against the corrupt 
schemes of his unscrupulous party associates, and with the 
aid of the conservatives and of honest members of his own 
political faith, he managed to check the carnival of misrule 


6o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


that had so long disgraced the State. By so doing he won 
high encomiums not only in the North but also among Southern 
conservatives. But it was an unequal battle in which he was 
engaged, and the historian, as he studies the period, cannot but 
realize that, owing to the ignorance of the freedmen, no perma¬ 
nent good government could be obtained in South Carolina or in 
any other Southern State until the white people regained control. 

In the Southern elections of the period of 1868-70 the Ku 
Klux Klan and similar orders played so active a part that Re¬ 
publican national leaders realized that unless more effective 
First methods were evolved for protecting the freedmen 

Enforcement in their political rights most or all of the recon¬ 
structed States would soon be wrested from their 
party. In an effort to meet the situation, Congress passed a 
so-called Enforcement Act (May 30, 1870), which provided 
heavy penalties for infringing upon the rights conferred by the 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, and gave to the federal 
courts jurisdiction over cases arising under the act. The act 
was notable as involving an extension of federal authority over 
a field hitherto left exclusively to the States. 

In the elections later in the year the Democrats not only 
carried certain Southern States, as already related, but reduced 
the Republican majority in the House of Representatives from 
Second 97 to 35 - This result spurred on the Republican 
Enforcement leaders to carry through a more sweeping measure 
whereby a rigorous system of federal supervision 
over congressional elections was established. The new act 
was intended to be applied not only in the South but in certain 
great Northern cities, like New York, where fraudulent prac¬ 
tices had come to be common. 

For special application in the South Congress passed what 
was commonly called the Ku Klux Act, which conferred greater 
powers on the federal judiciary to deal with secret conspiracies 
against the negro’s rights, and empowered the 
Klux Act.” President, in certain contingencies, to suspend the 
writ of habeas corpus and suppress the Ku Klux 
by military force. Under this act President Grant, in October, 
1871, declared nine counties in South Carolina to be in a state 



THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 61 

of rebellion, and sent thither federal troops who arrested several 
hundred persons. More than a hundred persons in South Car¬ 
olina, and more than a thousand in the South as a whole, were 
convicted under the act during the next two years. In 1882, 
however, the Supreme Court adjudged the Ku Klux Act un¬ 
constitutional. 

In April, 1871, Congress created a joint committee to inquire 
into Southern conditions, and in particular to investigate the 
activities of the Ku Klux. This committee took twelve thick 
volumes of testimony, and added another volume 
investigation, containing majority and minority interpretations of 
the testimony. Beyond question, the investigation 
revealed in many Southern communities an appalling state of 
violence and disorder and of barbarities committed upon freed- 
men by low-class whites. This aspect of the subject was em¬ 
phasized by the Republicans in their report. 

Although admitting “deeds of violence which we neither 
justify nor excuse,” the Democratic minority members of the 
investigating committee declared: “We think no man can look 
over the testimony taken by this committee with- 
Rep° rt o ou j. coming to the conclusion that no people had ever 
Minority tlC been so mercilessly robbed and plundered, so wan¬ 
tonly and causelessly humiliated and degraded, so 
recklessly exposed to the rapacity and lust of the ignorant and 
vicious portions of their own community and of other States, 
as the people of the South have been for the last six years. 
History, till now, gives no account of a conqueror so cruel as 
to place his vanquished foes under the dominion of their former 
slaves.” 

In the matter of ex-Confederates who suffered under political 
disabilities commendable magnanimity was displayed during 
these years. Amnesty was granted by the President in many in¬ 
dividual cases, and in May, 1872, Congress by a 
I^dhSuafs! general act relieved all except a few hundred persons. 

In 1875 an attempt was made to remove all remain¬ 
ing disabilities, but James G. Blaine seized upon the opportunity 
to fire the Northern heart by making a bitter attack on Jefferson 
Davis, and the bill failed. In the quarter-century following 1872, 


62 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


however, many individual bills were passed, and finally, amid 
the good feeling aroused by the Spanish-American War, full 
amnesty was granted to the few ex-Confederates who had not 
yet received it (June 6, 1898). 

The Amnesty Act of 1872 would have been passed earlier had 
it not been for the attempts of Northern radicals, especially 
Charles Sumner, to enact a measure safeguarding the negro’s 
civil rights. Many Southern legislatures passed 
such acts, but it was only in 1875, after Sumner’s 
death, that a law of this sort was adopted by Con¬ 
gress. This federal act guaranteed equal rights to negroes 
in public conveyances, hotels, and places of amusement, and 
prohibited excluding them from juries, but did not apply to 
churches, schools, or cemeteries. The determination of Southern 
whites not to admit of anything approaching social equality 
made it difficult to enforce laws of this sort, whether State or 
federal. In 1883 the Supreme Court held most of the Civil 
Rights Act unconstitutional. After the overthrow of radical 
rule in the South, State civil-rights acts were repealed, and 
ultimately they were supplanted by “Jim Crow” laws, ex¬ 
pressly forbidding the mingling of whites and blacks in railroad 
cars and other specified places. 

Despite the Enforcement Acts, the Southern States continued 
to slip away from the Republican grasp. In 1873 
Gradually Texas, in 1874 Arkansas, and in 1875 Mississippi 
Control. escaped from Carpet-Bag-negro domination. The 
methods employed by the whites in these States 
were more or less lawless, being often a compound of bribery, 
persuasion, force, and fraud, but they proved effective. By 
1876 only Florida, South Carolina, and Louisiana remained in 
the hands of the radicals. 


CHAPTER VI 


FOREIGN RELATIONS AND THE LIBERAL REPUBLICAN 
MOVEMENT 


Act “to 
Strengthen 
the Public 
Credit.” 


The greenback craze had played a prominent part in the 
campaign of 1868, and in his inaugural Grant hastened to de¬ 
clare for sound money. “To protect the national honor,” 
said he, “every dollar of Government indebted¬ 
ness should be paid in gold unless otherwise stip¬ 
ulated in the contract.” A measure designed “to 
strengthen the public credit” was speedily enacted 
(March 18, 1869) which “provided and declared that the faith 
of the United States is solemnly pledged to the payment in 
coin or its equivalent” of the United States notes and of all 
bonds, except where it was expressly stipulated that they 
might be paid in “other currency than gold and silver.” 

The act also promised the earliest possible redemption of 
the notes, but years were to elapse before the resumption of 
specie payment. Meanwhile the fluctuation in the price of 
greenbacks was productive of much inconvenience 
and speculation. Soon after Grant entered office 
two unscrupulous New York financiers, Jay Gould 
and James Fisk, Jr., attempted to “corner” gold, and thereby 
precipitated the famous financial flurry known as “Black 
Friday.” In less than three weeks (September 2-22, 1869) 
the conspirators managed to force the price of gold from 132 
to 140On Friday, September 24, 1869, Wall Street became 
a maelstrom of wild speculation, surpassing anything ever be¬ 
fore known. Gold leaped to 162, but then came word that 
Secretary of the Treasury Boutwell, after consulting with 
Grant, had ordered the treasurer in New York City to dump 
$4,000,000 in gold on the market. At once the bubble burst. 

63 


“ Black 
Friday.” 


64 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

Fisk was temporarily ruined, but Gould, who had been warned, 
had quietly been selling gold and came through almost un¬ 
scathed. 

The speculation had resulted in great harm to legitimate 
business, and the popular uproar was so great that a congres¬ 
sional investigation was held. It resulted in the disclosure of 
the fact that the assistant treasurer at New York 
InvSigation! anc * even President Grant’s brother-in-law had been 
members of the plot. Grant’s honor was untouched, 
but his brother-in-law’s participation in the affair and the fact 
that Grant him self had incautiously accepted the hospitality 
of Gould and Fisk caused much criticism. Unfortunately it 
was not the last time that he allowed himself to be imposed 
upon by designing men. 

In the February following the Black Friday convulsion a 
great furor was aroused in financial circles by the Supreme 
Court’s deciding, in the case of Hepburn vs. Griswold, that the 
The Legal Legal-Tender Act of 1862 was unconstitutional so 
Tender far as concerned debts contracted prior to the pas¬ 
sage of the act. A curious feature of the case was 
that the decision was handed down by Chief Justice Chase, 
who as secretary of the treasury had been one of the chief 
promoters of the act. Justices Davis, Swayne, and Miller 
took a dissenting view of the case, and the majority opinion 
aroused much opposition throughout the country. On the 
same day, however, that the decision was handed down President 
Grant filled two vacancies on the Supreme Bench by nominating 
Joseph P. Bradley of New Jersey and William Strong of Penn¬ 
sylvania, both of whom sympathized with the minority view. 
Two new legal-tender cases presently came before the court, 
which, by a vote of five to four, reversed the ruling in the case 
of Hepburn vs. Griswold and held the act to be constitutional. 
As Grant and many other prominent Republicans were much 
disturbed by the original decision, it was charged that the court 
was purposely “packed” to secure the reversal, but the charge 
has received slight credence among historians. 

Early in his administration Grant became eager to annex 


FOREIGN RELATIONS 


6S 


Failure of 
Attempt 
to Annex 
Santo 
Domingo. 


the black republic of Santo Domingo, and without consulting 
the leaders of his party procured the negotiation of a treaty 
to that effect. When the treaty came before the 
Senate it was defeated (June 30, 1870), largely 
through the opposition of Sumner, who was chair¬ 
man of the committee on foreign relations. Sumner 
and Grant quarrelled bitterly, and in revenge Grant 
recalled the senator's friend, John Lothrop Motley, the historian, 
from the English mission. In organizing the next Congress 
(March, 1871) the Republican caucus deposed Sumner from 
the chairmanship of the committee on foreign relations, a posi¬ 
tion he had held for a decade. Sumner soon drifted out of the 
party he had helped to found. 

In 1868 Spanish misgovernment in Cuba provoked a revolt 
that occasioned troublesome diplomatic complications during 
Grant’s presidency. Most Americans warmly sympathized 
with the rebels, and in August, 1869, Grant, under 
Rebellion the influence of Secretary of War Rawlins, signed 
a proclamation recognizing Cuban belligerency. 
Secretary of State Fish, however, thought that conditions in 
the island did not justify the step, and realized, furthermore, 
that recognition would be inconsistent with the stand we had 
taken toward Great Britain in regard to her attitude toward 
the Confederacy. Fish pigeonholed the proclamation, and it 
waa never issued. In 1873 a Spanish gunboat 
Affair^ captured on the high seas, between Cuba and Ja¬ 
maica, a filibustering steamer called the Virginius , 
flying the American flag and bearing arms and men to the 
insurgents. The vessel was taken to Santiago, and there 
fifty-three of those on board, among them eight American citi¬ 
zens, were summarily shot. The seizure was contrary to inter¬ 
national law. Feeling flamed high in the United States. War 
seemed almost inevitable. But Spain ultimately agreed to 
surrender the Virginius and to make some other reparation, 
while American passion was also somewhat soothed by the dis¬ 
covery that the ship had obtained her registry by fraud and 
was not entitled to fly our flag. But the bloody incident and 


66 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


the cruelties practised by the Spaniards against the rebels were 
not forgotten by Americans. For ten years the “Pearl of the 
Antilles” was devastated by war, but finally the Spaniards, 
partly by force, party by promises of reforms, managed to re¬ 
store their rule. 

A yet more burning international question in this period was 
that of reparation by Great Britain for failing to enforce strict 
neutrality during the Civil War. The rejection of the Johnson- 
An(Tlo Clarendon convention has already been described; 
American also Sumner’s radical speech setting forth American 
wrongs. American sympathy with the Fenian 
movement helped to reveal to British statesmen the depth of 
feeling existing in the States, while Americans did not hesitate 
to say that if Great Britain ever became involved in a war 
she might expect privateers fitted out in our ports to pay her 
back in her own coin. Furthermore, the United States might 
even resort to arms to enforce her claims, and the prospect of 
being forced to meet the shock of veterans of the Civil War, 
led by such generals as Sheridan and Sherman, was not one to 
arouse enthusiasm in Great Britain. The outbreak, in the 
summer of 1870, of the Franco-Prussian War, and the course 
of that conflict added point to the arguments of British lead¬ 
ers who felt that it would be wise to reach an amicable settle¬ 
ment with their indignant kinsmen beyond seas. 

The President’s message of December 5, 1870, contained a 
paragraph, written by Secretary of State Fish, that conveyed 
a plain warning that the United States intended to push its 
claims. The passage stated that the British Gov¬ 
ernment had hitherto failed to admit responsibility 
for the acts complained of, and the President, there¬ 
fore, recommended that Congress “authorize the 
appointment of a commission to take proof of the 
amount and ownership of these several claims, on notice to the 
representative of her Majesty at Washington, and that authority 
be given for the settlement of these claims by the United States, 
so that the Government shall have the ownership of the private 
claims as well as the responsible control of all the demands 


Grant’s 

Recom¬ 

mendation 

Regarding 

Claims. 


FOREIGN RELATIONS 67 

against Great Britain.” The menace of this message was not 
lost on London. 

Fortunately a beginning toward a peaceful settlement had 
already been made (July, 1869) at a friendly interview in Wash¬ 
ington between Secretary Fish and Sir John Rose, a member 
of the Canadian cabinet and a skilful diplomat. 
Washington. In a subsequent visit to England Rose used his in¬ 
fluence in favor of an amicable settlement with 
such success that in January, 1871, he arrived in Washington 
authorized to treat concerning the disputed matters. Sumner, 
who was still chairman of the committee on foreign relations, 
drew up a memorandum insisting upon the withdrawal of the 
British flag from Canada, but Fish favored moderation. Fish, 
Rose, and Thornton, the British minister, reached an agree¬ 
ment to submit the Alabama claims and other disputes to a 
joint high commission which should meet and formulate a plan 
of settlement. On February 27 the high commission, com¬ 
posed of five representatives from each country, began its de¬ 
liberations in Washington, and on May 8 signed the famous 
Treaty of Washington, which was speedily ratified by the 
Senate. The outcome was due in part to Secretary Fish’s 
statesmanlike qualities, in part to the friendly spirit displayed 
by the Gladstone government. In the negotiation free use 
was made of the new Atlantic cable. 

The treaty contained a frank expression of “the regret felt 
by Her Majesty’s Government for the escape, under whatever 
circumstances, of the Alabama and other vessels from British 
ports and for the depredations committed by those 
Treaty 0 * vessels,” and it provided for referring the claims 
resulting therefrom to a tribunal composed of five 
arbitrators, one appointed by the Queen, one by the President 
of the United States, one by the Emperor of Brazil, one by the 
King of Italy, and one by the President of Switzerland. The 
treaty further provided for referring a dispute regarding North 
Atlantic fisheries to a mixed commission, and another regarding 
the northwest boundary to arbitration. It may be said here 
that the arbitrator chosen for the boundary question was the 


68 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


German Emperor, who in 1872 rendered a decision favorable 
to the United States. The work of the mixed commission was 
greatly prolonged, and it was not until 1877 that a decision 
was reached that the United States must pay $5,500,000 
damages for illegal fishing in Canadian waters. 

The Alabama tribunal met December 15, 1871, in the H6tel 
de Ville in the city of Geneva. The American arbitrator was 
Charles Francis Adams; the British, Chief Justice Alexander 
The Award Cockburn; the Swiss, Jacques Staempfli; the Italian, 
Count Sclopis; the Brazilian, Vicomte dTtajuba. 
The insistence of the American agent, Bancroft Davis, upon 
enormous “indirect claims” aroused intense opposition in 
Great Britain and threatened to wreck the proceedings, but 
fortunately, after prolonged negotiations between London and 
Washington, the commission, on the initiative of Adams, de¬ 
cided to exclude the “indirect claims” from consideration. 
The deliberations were then resumed, and on September 2,1872, 
all the arbitrators except Cockburn, who bitterly dissented, 
voted to award $15,500,000 for damages inflicted on American 
commerce by the Alabama and certain other cruisers. 

The outcome was a glorious triumph of international peace 
A Victory an d S 00 ^ an d, the wor ds of Rhodes, “ Geneva, 

for staid chamberlain of mighty issues, has never helped 

Civilization. J . . . . . ,, _ 

to crown a worthier undertaking.” Two great na¬ 
tions had found a better method than the sword. Well would 
it have been for humanity if their illustrious example had always 
been followed in future years by the great powers of the world! 

The successful settlement of the Alabama dispute reflected 
credit on Grant, but unfortunately he was less successful in 
many other matters. Starting out with the assumption that the 
presidency was a sort of- personal possession given 
into\he a S him by the people to manage as he thought proper, 
Politicians. he at first vir tually ignored the party leaders, but 
this independent policy broke down, and presently 
he fell entirely into the hands of the politicians, with disastrous 
results. He displayed lack of taste in choosing some of his 
personal associates, accepted presents with “Oriental non- 


FOREIGN RELATIONS 


69 


chalance,” and appointed some of the givers to public office, 
was guilty of nepotism, made some half-hearted efforts to re¬ 
form the civil service but failed to follow them up, forced Cox 
and E. R. Hoar, two able and honest men, from the cabinet, 
and in various other ways brought disappointment and dismay 
to some of his most high-minded supporters of 1868. In his 
conduct of Southern affairs he usually listened to the radical 
wing of the party—to such men as Morton, Butler, and Conkling 
—and turned a deaf ear to the advice of more liberal-minded 
leaders who favored a more generous policy toward the South. 

In course of time there developed within the Republican 
ranks an anti-Grant movement, the members of which came to 
be known as “Liberal Republicans.” Missouri was the original 
storm centre of the movement, and a prominent 
RepubUcans. P art was taken in it by Senator Carl Schurz, who 
disliked Grant’s radical Southern policy, his attempt 
to annex Santo Domingo, and certain other features of the ad¬ 
ministration. In 1870 these Missouri Liberals allied themselves 
with the Democrats and managed to elect B. Gratz Brown as 
governor over the regular Republican candidate. In January, 
1872, a mass convention of the Liberals met in Jefferson City 
and issued a call for a national convention to meet in Cincin¬ 
nati for the purpose of nominating candidates for the coming 
presidential election. The movement had the powerful support 
outside of Missouri of several great Republican newspapers, 
and of such individuals as Samuel Bowles, David A. Wells, 
William Cullen Bryant, David Davis, Horace Greeley, Jacob 
D. Cox, Lyman Trumbull, Edward Atkinson, and Charles 
Francis Adams. 

When the convention assembled (May 1, 1872) Schurz was 
made permanent chairman. The platform unsparingly de¬ 
nounced President Grant for having used his power for the 
Liberal “promotion of personal ends” and charged that he 
Republican had “kept notoriously corrupt and unworthy men 
in places of power and responsibility, to the detri¬ 
ment of the public interest.” It also declared for reform of 
the civil service and for a more liberal policy toward the South, 


70 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

but as regards reducing the tariff—a subject that had been 
much discussed—the views of the delegates were so divergent 
that the question was remitted to “ the people in their congres¬ 
sional districts and the decision of Congress thereon.” 

Schurz and most of the saner leaders had expected to bring 
about the nomination of Charles Francis Adams, who was then 
engaged in the Alabama arbitration. But, as not infrequently 
happens in conventions, the delegates got out of 
Brownf and hand, and on the sixth ballot there was a sudden 
stampede to Horace Greeley and he was nominated. 
For the vice-presidency the convention then selected B. Gratz 
Brown of Missouri. 

On June 5 the regular Republican convention met in Phila¬ 
delphia. The platform “pointed with pride” to the fact that 
during eleven years of supremacy the party had “accepted 
with grand courage the solemn duties of the time. 
It suppressed a gigantic rebellion, emancipated 
4,000,000 of slaves, decreed the equal citizenship 
of all, and established universal suffrage.” Taxes had been 
lowered, yet the national debt was being reduced at the rate 
of a hundred million dollars a year; menacing foreign difficul¬ 
ties had been “peacefully and honorably composed”; repudia¬ 
tion had been frowned down; prosperity blessed the land. 
“This glorious record of the past is the party’s best pledge for 
the future. We believe the people will not entrust the govern¬ 
ment to any party or combination of men composed chiefly 
of those who have resisted every step of this beneficent 
progress.” 

Grant was renominated for the presidency amid scenes of 
great enthusiasm. For the vice-presidency the con- 
Wilson^d vention then nominated Senator Henry Wilson of 
Massachusetts—the “Natick cobbler”—over the 
incumbent, Schuyler Colfax. 

When the Democratic convention met in Baltimore (July 9) 
most of the delegates realized that the only hope of beating 
Grant was to form an alliance with the Liberal Republicans. 
By large majorities the convention, therefore, accepted the Lib- 


FOREIGN RELATIONS 


7i 


eral Republican candidates and platform. A more inconsistent 
step was probably never taken by a political party. The Liberal 
Democrats Republican platform solemnly declared: “ We pledge 
indorse ourselves to maintain the Union of these States, eman¬ 

cipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any re¬ 
opening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, 
and Fifteenth Amendments.” By accepting this pledge the 
Democrats turned their backs on their platform of four years be¬ 
fore, and openly confessed defeat on the war and reconstruction 
issues. Their indorsement of Greeley was no less remarkable, 
for there was no public man in the country who had said more 
bitter things about Democrats and the South. For years, in 
fact, he had been saying in effect that, while not all 
Democrats were horse-thieves, all horse-thieves were Demo¬ 
crats. Little wonder, therefore, that the New York Nation 
declared that he appeared to be “‘boiled crow’ to more of his 
fellow citizens than any other candidate for office in this or 
any other age”—and thus was the political vocabulary enlarged 
by the expression, “to eat crow.” One fact that helped South¬ 
erners to accept Greeley was that he had signed Jefferson 
Davis’s bail-bond. Some Democrats, however, found the dose 
too strong and considered the party’s action “a cowardly sur¬ 
render of principles for the sake of possible victory.” A con¬ 
vention was held at Louisville by Democrats who felt thus, 
and Charles O’Conor of New York was put forward for the 
presidency, but he declined to accept. In the election about 
30,000 voters, nevertheless, voted for him. 

Greeley had not only been bitterly anti-Democratic and 
anti-Southern, but he did not favor either tariff reform or civil- 
service reform—two of the main tenets of many of the Liberal 
Absurdities Republicans. His political judgment was notori- 
of Greeley’s ously bad, while his record, personal characteristics, 
and childlike naivete, which is discernible even in 
his portraits and statues, lent themselves to ridicule and cari¬ 
cature. To Harper’s Weekly Thomas Nast, then at the height 
of his fame, contributed numerous striking cartoons that did 
much to bring Greeley’s characteristics into high relief. One 


72 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


cartoon represented the old Abolitionist editor eating with a 
wry face from a bowl of uncomfortably hot porridge that was 
labelled, “My own words and deeds.” Another pictured Gree¬ 
ley at his country home at Chappaqua, sitting well out on a 
limb, which he was solemnly sawing off—between himself and 
the tree! Ultimately some of the very men who had pro¬ 
moted the Cincinnati movement declared for Grant, while 
others gave Greeley only half-hearted support. 

Grant’s hold on the great mass of the Republican party re¬ 
mained unshaken. To millions his administration had proven 
satisfactory, and even those who realized that he had made 
some mistakes could not forget the thrills with 
Popuiar. tlU which, in days when patriots despaired of the re¬ 
public, they had heard the news of his victories. 
The criticisms uttered by Democrats and Liberal Republicans 
received scant consideration from men who had marched where 
“Ulysses led the van.” 

In the campaign Republican orators brought the Southern 
issue to the front and made effective use of stories of Ku Klux 
outrages and of the cry “Grant beat Davis, Greeley bailed 
him.” In September Greeley caused Republican 
Campaign. managers some uneasiness by making a tour through 
the “October States,” for his name had long been 
a household word in the North and vast crowds assembled to 
see and hear him, but the results of the early elections in these 
States showed that many people were drawn by curiosity rather 
than political sympathy. 


When the returns from the November election came in it 
was found that Greeley was one of the worst-beaten 
Re-elected. men w ^° had ever been a candidate of a great 
party for the presidency. He did not carry a 
single Northern State, and only six Southern States, while 
Grant received a popular plurality of over three-quarters of a 
million and a vast majority of the electoral votes. 

The canvass had been a comedy; it was followed by a tragedy. 
Chagrin over the result, financial troubles, and the death of 
his wife proved more than the old journalist could bear, and 


FOREIGN RELATIONS 


73 


Greeley died within the month (November 29, 1872). In that 
tragic hour men forgot his failings, and over his grave honored 
him for the good deeds that lived after him. 

In this campaign opponents of the use of intoxicating liquors 
had met at Columbus, Ohio, and had nominated a ticket and 
framed a platform declaring for prohibition, woman’s suffrage, 
and other reforms. They polled less than 6,000 
0 f votes in the election, and their voting strength in 

Party bltl ° n ^ ater years never rose to 300,000, yet in every presi¬ 
dential campaign thereafter they took the field and 
made their moral protest against “John Barleycorn.” Like 
the Liberty and Free Soil parties, the Prohibitionists were 
destined never to win as a party, yet their cause ultimately 
triumphed. 


4 


CHAPTER VII 


THE END OF AN ERA 

The Southern States suffered severely from corruption under 
Carpet-Bag rule, but they were equalled, if not surpassed, in 
this respect by the metropolis of the country under the notori¬ 
ous Tweed Ring. William Marcy Tweed, better 
Ring ed known as “Boss” Tweed, was an accomplished 
rascal who won friends by his liberal giving and 
coarse joviality, held numerous offices, and built up a band of 
political crooks who controlled Tammany Hall and ruthlessly 
plundered the city. The ring was greatly aided by the fact 
that a large part of the voters were ignorant foreigners, desti¬ 
tute of any standards of civic virtue, nor did the ring hesitate 
to use bribery, fraud, and all the other nefarious tricks common 
to corrupt politics. The ring included in its membership mayors 
and even judges, and in 1868, and again in 1870, Tweed managed 
to place one of his creatures, John T. Hoffman, in the governor’s 
chair at Albany and even groomed him for the Democratic 
nomination for the presidency. Estimates of the amount of 
money stolen by Tweed and his associates vary from $45,000,000 
to $200,000,000. 

For years many New Yorkers realized that they were being 
robbed, but the ring was so powerful that it long retained con¬ 
trol of the city. Finally the New York Times , which was con¬ 
ducted by two courageous, public-spirited men— 
Brokt^iip. George Jones and Louis J. Jennings—began a cru¬ 
sade against Tweed and his copartners; and Har¬ 
per’s Weekly , which worked effectively through the powerful 
cartoons of Thomas Nast, presently joined in the hue and cry. 
Tweed brazenly asked: “What are you going to do about it?” 
But the end of his power was at hand. Some prominent Demo- 

74 


THE END OF AN ERA 


75 


crats, among them Samuel J. Tilden and Charles O’Conor, 
joined in the battle against the ring. Some of the members fled 
to other countries; others were arrested; a few were convicted 
and punished. Tweed himself was sentenced (1873) to twelve 
years’ imprisonment and to pay a heavy fine, but was soon 
released on a technicality. He was arrested again, managed 
to escape to Spain but was recaptured and brought back, and 
finally died in the Ludlow Street jail (April 12, 1878). Thus 
ended the Tweed Ring, but unluckily it was not the end of 
corruption in New York City politics. 

Tweed and his associates were not the only politicians who 
preyed upon America in this period, but fortunately a young 
country, like a rhinoceros, can thrive and grow fat and lusty 
even when fed upon by a multitude of parasites. 
0^1870. Nor had the ravages of a great war sufficed to keep 
the United States at a standstill. The census of 
1870 showed that in a decade the population had increased 
over 7,000,000, or from 31,443,321 to 38,558,371. Only three 
States had lost in population, and, curiously enough, two of 
these—New Hampshire and Maine—were in the North, while 
the decrease of the third—Virginia—was largely due to her 
western counties having been set apart as a separate State. 
Every year thousands of settlers were pouring into the trans- 
Mississippi region, and the centre of population in a decade 
had shifted forty-two miles westward, to a point forty-eight 
miles east by north of Cincinnati. 

It was a period of almost unparalleled business expansion, 
especially in the development of transportation facilities. 
Cities, counties, States, and the nation lavishly voted loans 
and subsidies to encourage the construction of rail- 
Construction. roa ds. The land grants given by Congress to such 
enterprises exceeded a hundred million acres. In 
the period 1869-72 more than 24,000 miles of new railroad 
were built, largely in the West and Northwest, while old lines 
were improved. This activity in railroad construction enor¬ 
mously expanded the iron-and-steel industry, and greatly stim¬ 
ulated other lines of business, so that labor was kept busy. 


76 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

wages rose, immigration was fostered, and even the South 
reaped a rich harvest from the cotton crop. 

Frenzied speculation inevitably accompanied such activity, 
and “energy outran available means.” Although much Euro¬ 
pean capital was invested in the new enterprises, money grad¬ 
ually grew closer, for there had been “an excessive 
0*1873. conversion of circulating capital into fixed capital.” 

At a moment when investors were still gloating 
over their paper profits there came the stunning news of the 
failure (September 18, 1873) of the famous firm of Jay Cooke 
& Company. This firm had been the chief fiscal agent of the 
government in the sale of war bonds; it was at this time promot¬ 
ing the construction of the Northern Pacific Railroad; the public 
supposed it to be as solid as the eternal hills. The failure pre¬ 
cipitated a great rush to sell stocks, and the following day, in 
the New York Stock Exchange, the names of nineteen other 
firms that could not meet their contracts were announced. 
From coast to coast wild panic spread, and soon business was 
more completely paralyzed than at any time since 1837. To 
quote Rhodes, the next five years form “a long dismal tale of de¬ 
clining markets, exhaustion of capital, a lowering in value of all 
kinds of property including real estate, constant bankruptcies, 
close economy in business and grinding frugality in living, idle 
mills, furnaces and factories, former profit-earning mills re¬ 
duced to the value of a scrap heap, laborers out of employment, 
reductions of wages, strikes and lockouts, the great railroad 
riots of 1877, suffering of the unemployed, depression and 
despair.” 

Banks resorted to a new device, namely clearing-house certif¬ 
icates, in the settlement of balances, but these afforded only 
partial relief, and, as is usual in panic times, a great demand 
Demand developed for more money. President Grant was 

for More ^ implored to reissue greenbacks and “save the 

country from bankruptcy and ruin,” and he com¬ 
plied to the extent of ordering the purchase of bonds with 
$13,000,000 of surplus greenbacks in the treasury, but refused 
to trench on the reserve. However, Richardson, Boutwell’s 


THE END OF AN ERA 


77 


successor in the treasury department, reissued $26,000,000 of 
greenbacks that had been retired in Johnson’s presidency, 
and thus brought the total amount in circulation up to 
$382,000,000. 

When Congress met in December, scores of remedies were 
proposed to cure the financial ills of the country, and presently 
an “inflation bill” validating Richardson’s action, the legality 
of which had been questioned, and providing that 
BfflVctoed. t ^ ie maximum issue of greenbacks should be $400,- 
000,000 passed both houses. Many prominent Re¬ 
publican leaders supported the measure, but Grant vetoed it. 
Rhodes says that the veto served notice “ that we should not 
part company with the rest of the world in finance but that 
our endeavor would be to return to the recognized standard,’’ 
and he calls it “the most praiseworthy act of Grant’s second 
administration.” Greenbackers, of course, took the view that 
the veto helped the creditor class at the expense of the debtor 
class. 

It was Grant’s misfortune to be President in a period when 
political morality had fallen to a low ebb. The nation had 
recently emerged from the greatest civil war known to history, 
. , . . . and, even under Lincoln, the tremendous increase 

Admimstra- 7 7 

in governmental revenues and expenditures had re¬ 
sulted in a vast amount of peculation. In the 
morally unhealthy atmosphere that almost inevitably follows 
a resort to arms, it was but natural that the spoils system should 
produce its most noxious growth and that numerous scandals 
should dishearten lovers of their country. No President, no 
matter how capable, could have saved the country from some 
of the evil consequences of such a situation, and unfortunately 
Grant, though personally honest, possessed no skill in prevent¬ 
ing administrative demoralization and political corruption. 

By revelations concerning what were known as the 
Scandals. “Sanborn contracts” Secretary of the Treasury 
Richardson was so badly discredited that he resigned, 
being succeeded by Benjamin H. Bristow, an able and cour¬ 
ageous Kentuckian (June 1, 1874). Somewhat earlier our 


tive De¬ 
moralization. 


78 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

minister to Great Britain, General Schenck, brought disgrace 
upon himself by association with a dubious mining concern. 
But the most famous of the scandals of the day was that con¬ 
nected with the Credit Mobilier. 

The Credit Mobilier was a company formed by certain con¬ 
trolling stockholders of the Union Pacific Railroad, the history 
of which will be given in the next chapter. This inner ring of 
“high financiers,” as stockholders of the road, 
MobiU« dit awarded to themselves, as members of the Credit 
Mobilier, the contract of constructing much of the 
road, with the expectation of realizing an immense profit—nor 
were they disappointed. Prominent among these selfish finan¬ 
ciers was a certain Massachusetts member of the House of 
Representatives named Oakes Ames. The road had received 
an immense amount of assistance from Congress, and, fearing 
interference from that body, Ames, back in 1867-68, distributed 
at a low price among his congressional associates many shares 
of extremely valuable Credit Mobilier stock, his object being 
to put the shares w T here, in his own words, they would “do the 
most good.” Some of the statesmen to whom the shares were 
offered were high-minded enough to refuse them, but it is signifi¬ 
cant of the rudimentary state of political morality regarding 
such matters that those who accepted included several of the 
most prominent men in public life, among them being Schuyler 
Colfax, then speaker of the House and soon after elected 
Vice-President. For some years the matter remained a secret, 
but in the campaign of 1872 certain Democratic newspapers 
made charges which resulted in a congressional investigation 
that brought to light sensational facts that besmirched Colfax 
and others. The expulsion of Oakes Ames and James Brooks 
was recommended by the investigating committee, but they 
escaped with a formal censure. Both men died, however, 
within three months, their deaths being hastened by mortifica¬ 
tion and disgrace. A Senate committee recommended that 
Senator Patterson of New Hampshire should be expelled, but, 
as his term would expire in five days, no action was taken. 

The same Congress that investigated the Credit Mobilier 


THE END OF AN ERA 


79 


“Tidal 
Wave” of 
1874 - 


scandal passed an act increasing the salaries of the President, 
cabinet members, judges of the Supreme Court, and members 
of both houses of Congress. For the last-named the 
Grab.’^ alary nieasure was made retroactive. Precedents for 
such action existed, but this “ salary grab,” or “ back¬ 
pay steal,” as it was called, was “like vitriol on the raw wound 
of public sentiment”; such an outcry arose that many rep¬ 
resentatives and senators found it inexpedient to retain their 
share of the increased pay, while the new Congress that met 
in December, 1873, hurriedly repealed all the increases except 
those of the President and justices of the Supreme Court. 

Political scandals and hard times combined to create a great 
revulsion against the party in power. In the summer and fali 
of 1874 Republican orators continued to harp upon Southern 
“outrages,” but hundreds of thousands of the Re¬ 
publican rank and file refused to hearken to the 
old cries and voted for Democratic candidates, 
with the result that the Democrats carried even such States 
as Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts. By this political 
“Tidal Wave,” as it was called, the Republican majority of 
two-thirds in the House of Representatives was transformed 
into a minority of only a little more than one-third. It was a 
rude shoek to Republican leaders, who had fallen into the 
pleasant belief that the question of dispensing the loaves and 
fishes of patronage was settled forever. 

The expiring Congress struck a heavy blow at paper money. 
Under the leadership of Senator John Sherman of Ohio the 
Republican majority carried through a bill that provided (Jan¬ 
uary 14, 1875) f° r the reduction of the circulation 
Act. Umptl ° n °f greenbacks to $300,000,000, for an expansion in 
the circulation of national-bank notes, and named 
January 1, 1879, as the day when the government would begin 
the redemption of greenbacks in coin. Though the measure 
met with bitter opposition from the friends of greenbacks, 
who were particularly numerous in the Democratic party, 
most historians praise it as eminently wise and honorable. 

In 1875, by skilful detective work, Secretary of the Treasury 


8o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The 

“Whiskey 

Ring.” 


Bristow and able assistants unearthed startling facts regard¬ 
ing what was known as the “Whiskey Ring. ,, In St. Louis and 
other cities of the Middle West there had long ex¬ 
isted a secret understanding between distillers and 
internal-revenue officers to cheat the government of 
revenue duties. The government investigators decided that 
Colonel Babcock, the President’s private secretary, was a mem¬ 
ber of the ring. When a letter to this effect was shown to 
Grant (July 29,1875) he wrote on the back of it: “Let no guilty 
man escape”; and he said: “If Babcock is guilty, there is no 
man who wants him so much proven guilty as I do, for it is 
the greatest piece of traitorism to me that a man could possibly 
practice.” But friction between Grant and Bristow, public 
talk that Grant himself was connected with the ring, and some 
indiscreet remarks uttered in one of the trials by a government 
prosecutor, combined to cool the President’s prosecuting ardor. 
He made a deposition in Babcock’s behalf that helped to save 
the secretary, but, though the jury’s verdict was “not guilty,” 
that of the public was “not proven.” The friction between 
Grant and Bristow presently resulted in the retirement of the 
latter from the cabinet (June 20, 1876). 

Hardly had the Babcock trial closed when an investigating 
committee of the House of Representatives created a new sensa¬ 
tion by recommending that Secretary of War Belknap should 
be impeached for malfeasance in office. For some 
ment^f 1 ' years the post-trader at Fort Sill, in the Indian 
Belknap 7 Territory, had been paying $12,000 a year to a 
friend of Belknap’s for the privilege of retaining his 
lucrative business, and the testimony showed that part of this 
money had been turned over to Belknap or his wife. Belknap 
hurriedly resigned before the House could take action against 
him, and Grant foolishly accepted the resignation “with great 
regret.” In consequence the guilty secretary escaped punish¬ 
ment, for, though the House impeached him, some senators 
took the view that he was no longer subject to the Senate’s 
jurisdiction, and the vote in that body stood 37 to 29, or seven 
less than the required two-thirds. 


THE END OF AN ERA 


81 


There were so many public scandals in these years that one 

“The Nadir em i nent historian has characterized the period as 

of National “the high water mark of corruption in national 
Disgrace.” • • A 

affairs,” while another has termed it “the nadir of 

national disgrace.” By a sad irony of fate the year that wit¬ 
nessed the trial of Babcock and the disgrace of Belknap was 
also the hundredth anniversary of the nation’s birth. 

For five years vast preparations had been making for a Cen¬ 
tennial Exposition in Philadelphia, the city in which indepen¬ 
dence had been declared. The exposition was formally opened 
(May io, 1876) by President Grant in the presence 
Exposition. °f a distinguished company, including the Emperor 
and Empress of Brazil, and it proved to be the most 
remarkable display of its kind seen up to that time in the western 
world. Visitors flocked thither from every corner of the coun¬ 
try and also from foreign lands, and the total attendance was 
almost 10,000,000. The exposition did much to educate the 
people in art and taste, as well as in more material matters. 

The year 1876 also proved notable because of a remarkable 
electoral contest. In the preliminaries of the campaign the 
Republicans shrewdly sought to distract attention from un¬ 
comfortable disclosures of corruption under their 
Blaine. 0 ' rule, the leadership in this manoeuvre being taken 
by the “magnetic” James G. Blaine of Maine. 
Blaine had for eight years been speaker of the House, was 
still a member of that body, and was now and for years later 
an eager seeker after the presidency, but, like Henry Clay, 
with whom he has often been compared, he was repeatedly to 
see less brilliant men win the coveted prize and was to die 
disappointed in his great ambition. In January, 1876, a bill 
to grant amnesty to all persons still under political disabilities 
gave Blaine an opportunity to demand the exclusion of Jeffer¬ 
son Davis, to revive the horrors of the war and of Andersonvifle 
prison, to point out that there were sixty-one ex-Confederate 
soldiers then members of the House, and to bait these “ South¬ 
ern brigadiers” into saying things that rasped Northern sensi¬ 
bilities. 


82 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The 

“ Mulligan 
Letters.” 


By his adroit use of these “ waving-the-bloody-shirt ” tactics, 
as this sort of political manoeuvre came to be called, Blaine did 
much to fix the issues of the coming campaign, but his own 
personal fortunes were soon disastrously affected 
by charges that while speaker he had held im¬ 
proper relations with the affairs of the Little Rock 
and Fort Smith Railroad. Having discovered that some letters 
written by him to a certain Mulligan were about to be produced 
against him, Blaine regained possession of the letters by a 
ruse, and later made a dramatic defense in the House, in the 
course of which he read from some of the letters. The speech 
was a great histrionic effort, and his admirers claimed that it 
cleared him of all charges, but his enemies refused to accept 
this view. 

For a time there was talk of renominating Grant, but a great 
uproar was raised about “dynasties,” “dictatorships,” and 
“Caesarism,” and the House of Representatives effectively 
put an end to the third-term agitation by passing, by a vote 
of 233 to 18, a resolution declaring that any attempt to depart 
from the precedent established by Washington and other 
Presidents “would be unwise, unpatriotic, and fraught with 
peril to our free institutions.” 

As the time for the Republican convention drew near it be¬ 
came apparent that Blaine would be the leading candidate. 
His availability was, however, lessened by the scandal de¬ 
scribed above, and he also labored under the handi- 
Aspirants n cap having, years before, incurred the undying 
enmity of a powerful Republican leader, Senator 
Conkling of New York, by describing in debate “his grandilo¬ 
quent swell, his majestic, supereminent, overpowering, turkey- 
gobbler strut.” Conkling himself was a candidate, as were 
also Senator Morton of Indiana, Secretary of the Treasury 
Bristow, Governor Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio, and others. 
Bristow was regarded with special favor by “reformers,” some 
of whom met (May 15-16) in New York City, in w T hat was 
known as the Fifth Avenue conference, and issued a state¬ 
ment, written by Carl Schurz, in which they declared that they 


THE END OF AN ERA 


83 

would not support any candidate concerning whom there could 
be any question as to his being “really the man to carry through 
a thorough-going reform in the government.” As regards 
Hayes, comparatively few, even of his supporters, expected 
him to be nominated, and it is said that if the Ohio Republicans 
had really hoped to land the coveted prize, they would have 
put forward Senator John Sherman. 

The Republican convention, which met at Cincinnati on 
June 14, adopted a platform that temporized regarding resump¬ 
tion, feebly indorsed civil-service reform, commended Grant’s 
administration but promised “that the prosecution 
Piatformf n anc * punishment of all who betray official trusts shall 
be swift, thorough, and unsparing,” declared in 
favor of protection and against polygamy, and denounced the 
Democratic party as “being the same in character and spirit 
as when it sympathized with treason.” 

Blaine’s name was presented to the convention by Colonel 
Robert G. Ingersoll, a celebrated orator and agnostic, who 
characterized his hero as “a plumed knight” who “marched 
down the halls of the American Congress and threw 
his shining lance full and fair against the brazen 
forehead of every traitor to his country and every 
maligner of his fair reputation.” At the conclusion of the 
speech-making the tide in Blaine’s favor was running so strongly 
that if the voting had begun at once he might have been 
nominated, but it was found that the lighting equipment of the 
building was out of repair and an adjournment was taken to 
the next day. It has since been charged that Blaine’s enemies 
purposely cut off the gas supply in order to procure delay. 

When the first ballot was taken next morning Blaine received 
285 votes, Morton 125, Bristow 113, Hayes 61, and Hartranft 
58, with the rest scattered between minor candidates. On the 
sixth ballot Blaine’s vote rose to 308, and his sup- 
Wheder. nd porters were jubilant. But Hayes had been gaining 
slowly and had 113 votes, and when the names of 
Morton and Bristow were withdrawn most of their delegates 
flocked to the Ohio man, with the result that on the seventh 


The 

“Plumed 

Knight.” 


84 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

ballot he received 384 votes, 5 more than a majority. For the 
vice-presidency the convention then nominated William A. 
Wheeler, a New York member of the House of Representa¬ 
tives. 

The selection of Hayes surprised the country, but he was 
acceptable to both wings of the Republican party and was 
probably the strongest candidate that could have been named. 
_ , As a Union soldier he had been four times wounded 

Career and 

Character and had won a brevet major-generalcy. The qual- 
of Hayes. q £ ^ man was w h en> in 1864, while 

serving under Sheridan in the Shenandoah valley, he was urged 
to come home and campaign for a seat in Congress; he replied 
that any one who would leave the army at such a time to ad¬ 
vance his political fortunes “ ought to be scalped.” He was 
elected to Congress, nevertheless, and subsequently was three 
times chosen governor of Ohio. In each of his gubernatorial 
campaigns he had stood stubbornly for “sound money,” and 
in his letter accepting the presidential nomination he de¬ 
nounced the spoils system and declared for civil-service reform. 
On this subject the platform was weak and evasive, but Hayes’s 
letter won favor among reformers, and ultimately most of the 
Liberal Republican leaders, including Carl Schurz, gave him 
their support. 

The Democratic national convention met at St. Louis late 
in June and adopted a vigorous platform, the key-note of which 
was reform. “Reform,” it declared, was necessary to save the 
Democratic countr y “from a corrupt centralism which, after 
Slogan— inflicting upon ten States the rapacity of carpet-bag 
tyrannies, has honeycombed the offices of the 
Federal Government itself with incapacity, waste, and fraud, 
infected states and municipalities with the contagion of misrule, 
and locked fast the prosperity of an industrious people in the 
paralysis of ‘hard times.’” After enumerating a long fist of 
public scandals it contended that “the demonstration is com¬ 
plete, that the first step in reform must be the people’s choice 
of honest men from another party, lest the disease of one 
political organization infect the body politic, and lest by making 


THE END OF AN ERA 85 

no change of men or parties we get no change of measures and 
no real reform.’’ 

Senator Thurman of Ohio, Senator Bayard of Delaware, 
Governor Hendricks of Indiana, and General Han- 
Hendricks? coc ^ Pennsylvania competed for the nomination, 
but the logical man to lead a reform campaign was 
Governor Samuel J. Tilden of New York, and on the second 
ballot he was nominated. For second place on the ticket the 
convention then selected Hendricks. 

From boyhood Tilden had taken an active part in Democratic 
politics, and in his teens was a protege of that prince of New 
York politicians, Martin Van Buren. In 1855 he was an un- 
Career and successful candidate for attorney-general on the 
Character “soft shell” Democratic ticket, and in 1866 he was 
chairman of the Democratic State committee. 
Down to 1871 he was chiefly known as a shrewd lawyer who by 
his skill in helping financiers to “reorganize” and consolidate 
railroads had made himself a millionaire. In 1871 he threw 
himself into a vigorous fight against the Tweed Ring, and by 
this activity so won public favor that in 1874, though bitterly 
opposed by Tammany Hall, he won the Democratic nomina¬ 
tion for governor and was elected by a plurality of over 50,000. 
As governor he managed the finances of the State with con¬ 
spicuous ability and added to his record as a reformer by 
breaking up a corrupt organization known as the “Canal Ring.” 
The source of Tilden’s political leadership lay chiefly in his 
intellect and in his ability as an organizer; personally he was 
cold, calculating, exceedingly secretive, and almost totally 
lacking in the arts that usually arouse popular enthusiasm. 

Tilden secretly managed his own campaign, and effectively 
directed the Democratic artillery against the many vulnerable 
points in the Republican record. Republicans sought to shift 
the issue from “reform” by vigorously “waving the 
Campaign. bloody shirt,” attacking Tilden’s war record, and 
charging him with “wrecking” railroads and failing 
to make full returns of his income to tax-assessors. In hard- 
money centres they also pointed to the ambiguity of the Demo- 


86 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


cratic platform on the currency question and to the fact that 
Hendricks was openly a friend of fiat money. For Harper's 
Weekly Nast drew a striking cartoon along this line, representing 
the Democracy as a “double-headed, double-faced Tiger,” one 
head being that of Tilden, the other that of Hendricks; the 
collars round their necks were labelled respectively “Con¬ 
traction” and “Inflation,” while the inscription below as¬ 
serted that the beast could “be turned any way to gull the 
American people.” 

The currency question was, in fact, one of the main issues 
of the campaign. Radical friends of paper money had met in 
May and had organized the Independent National, or Green- 
The back, party and had nominated Peter Cooper of 

“Greenback New York for the presidency. This party polled 
only 80,000 votes in the election, but these figures 
by no means represent the strength of the paper-money tide. 
In the congressional election of 1878 the Greenbackers cast a 
million votes, but in 1880 their candidate, General James B. 
Weaver of Iowa, received only a third of that number. Four 
years later the party took the field for the last time under 
Benjamin F. Butler, who had left the Democrats in the Civil 
War period and now turned his back upon the Republicans. 
Butler made a vociferous campaign, but received only 175,000 
votes. The party then disappeared from the political arena, 
but many of its members later took an active part in the Pop¬ 
ulist movement and carried with them some of their old prin¬ 
ciples. 

In the South the Democrats made strong efforts to “re¬ 
deem” South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana—the three States 
remaining in Republican hands—and their methods were so 
vigorous that stories of intimidation and murder 
were telegraphed to the North and reacted against 
the Democratic cause in that section. In South 


Carolina white “rifle clubs,” as the Democratic organizations 
in that State were known, became so active that in October, 
in response to an appeal from Governor Chamberlain, President 


THE END OF AN ERA 


87 


Grant sent more than thirty companies of regulars into the 
State to restore the peace. 

Preliminary elections in the “October States” proved un¬ 
favorable to the Republicans, and the returns that came in 
on the night of the November election ran so strongly Demo- 
Tiiden cratic that next morning almost every Republican 

Thought to newspaper in the country conceded a Democratic 
be Elected. . . ^ 

victory; even the Republican managers in the Fifth 
Avenue Hotel in New York City early deserted their national 
headquarters and went to bed in the belief that they were 
beaten. But the New York Times took the view that the re¬ 
sult was in doubt, and its news editor, John C. Reid, in the 
early morning hurried to the Republican headquarters to point 
out to the managers the possibilities of the situation. In the 
hotel he fell in with William E. Chandler, a national committee¬ 
man from New Hampshire, and the two obtained from Zacha- 
riah Chandler, the national chairman, authority to continue 
the contest. Later in the day Zachariah Chandler sent out a 
telegram to the effect that “Hayes has 185 electoral votes and 
is elected.” 

Developments presently showed that Tilden would receive 
184 electoral votes, 1 less than a majority, that 
Hayes was certainly entitled to 166 electoral votes, 
and that the 7 votes of South Carolina, the 8 votes 
of Louisiana, the 3 votes of Florida, and 1 vote in Oregon were 
in doubt. 

In Oregon the Hayes electors had received a majority of the 
popular vote, but one of them was a postmaster, and the Demo¬ 
crats contended that this served to disqualify him and to give 
a place in the electoral college to the Democratic 
candidate who received the next highest number 
of votes. After a prolonged contest two electoral 
returns were forwarded to Washington, one of them, the Re¬ 
publican return, giving 3 votes to Hayes, and the other, the 
Democratic return, giving 2 votes to Hayes and 1 to Tilden. 

In South Carolina the campaign had been a disorderly one, 


The 

Outcome 
in Doubt. 


The 

Oregon 

Contest. 


88 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


In Florida. 


bloody race conflicts had occurred, and many negroes had been 
intimidated from voting as they desired, but the returns showed 
small majorities for the Hayes electors. The State 
Carolina. returning board certified their election, but the 
Democrats claimed a victory, took the contest into 
the courts, and ultimately two sets of returns were forwarded 
from South Carolina. 

In Florida both parties were guilty of illegal campaign 
methods, but the State returning board, acting under the eyes 
of “visiting statesmen” of both parties from the North, certi¬ 
fied the choice of the Republican electors. As in 
South Carolina, the contest was thrown into the 
courts, and ultimately there were three returns—two Demo¬ 
cratic, one Republican—from that State. 

In Louisiana the Democrats had a majority of several thou¬ 
sand on the face of the returns, but the State returning board, 
all of whom were Republicans and most of whom were negroes 
or mulattoes, proceeded to throw out enough polls 
in which the Democratic vote predominated to ob¬ 
tain a majority of over 3,000 for the Hayes electors. 
In this, as in the other disputed Southern States, it was the old 
story of the kettle and the pot. In the campaign the Democrats 
employed every conceivable device, from moral suasion to mur¬ 
der, to accomplish their ends; as for the Republicans, a shrewd 
investigator, Benjamin F. Butler, subsequently remarked that 
what they “lacked of the lion’s skin they eked out with the 
fox’s tail.” In the parish of East Feliciana Democratic “bull¬ 
dozing” tactics were so pronounced that the Republicans, who 
two years before had cast 1,688 votes, gave up the contest and 
cast only one ballot and that a defective one. In several other 
parishes there were almost equally remarkable results. The 
returning board not only threw out most of the precincts in 
these parishes, but did much less justifiable work in dealing 
with returns from other places. As the Louisiana Supreme 
Court had held that the decisions of the returning board were 
not subject to judicial review, it was impossible for the Demo¬ 
cratic electoral claimants to carry the matter into the courts. 


In 

Louisiana. 


THE END OF AN ERA 


89 


Nevertheless, they, as well as the Republican electors, met and 
voted, and ultimately, as a result of further complication, four 
certificates were forwarded to Washington, one of them being 
a humorous one signed by “John Smith, bull-dozed Governor 
of Louisiana.” 

The electoral colleges met and voted on the 6th of December; 
Congress had assembled two days earlier. Meanwhile the coun¬ 
try resounded with cries of fraud and threats of violence, and 
Who shall ey ery rumor, no matter how wild, found ready be- 

Count the lief among the credulous. All men realized that the 
Votes? • • 

situation was fraught with peril, all the more so 
because of the vagueness of the Constitution on the matter of 
counting the electoral votes. Then, as now, the Constitution 
merely provided that the returns from the electoral colleges 
should be transmitted sealed to the president of the Senate, 
and that “the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of 
the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certifi¬ 
cates, and the votes shall then be counted.” But counted by 
whom? Herein lay the crux of the whole controversy. If by 
the president of the Senate, then Thomas W. Ferry of Michigan, 
president pro tempore —Vice-President Wilson having died in 
1875—would decide between the contesting returns, and, as 
Ferry was a partisan Republican, there could be little doubt 
that he would declare Hayes elected. Most Republicans con¬ 
tended that to Ferry belonged the counting power; most Demo¬ 
crats were equally positive that no votes could be counted 
without the consent of the House of Representatives, in which 
they had a majority. It was clear to every one that if the de¬ 
cision was left to the two houses voting separately, a deadlock 
would ensue, and one view was that the choice of a President 
would then be thrown into the Democratic House, that of the 
Vice-President into the Republican Senate. All sorts of the¬ 
ories were propounded and debated, but none found general 
acceptance, nor were there any conclusive precedents that 
could be invoked. 

Mu oh violent talk was heard in Congress and throughout the 
country, but Americans had so recently passed through the 


9 o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

fiery furnace of civil war that a great majority were anxious for 
a compromise of some sort. Southern Democrats were less 
warlike than some of their Northern compatriots. 
^ r C p or In a Democratic congressional caucus Benjamin 
Hill of Georgia, an ex-Confederate general, referred 
cuttingly to a section of his party who were “invincible in peace 
and invisible in war,” and he asserted that Fernando Wood of 
New York and other fiery Northern members of Congress had 
“no conception of the conservative influence of a 15-inch shell 
with the fuse in process of combustion.” However, there were 
men in each party willing to go to any lengths to win. In a 
number of places Tilden and Hendricks “minute men” were 
enrolled into companies, and Colonel Henry Watterson declared 
in a speech made on “St. Jackson’s Day” that he would take 
a hundred thousand Kentuckians to Washington to see that 
justice was done Tilden. Meanwhile President Grant quietly 
but grimly prepared to preserve the peace, for he was determined 
not “ to have two governments or any South American pro- 
nunciamientos. ’ * 

Fortunately the “fire-eaters” of both parties were pushed 
aside, and a joint committee of both houses, after weeks of 
wrangling, ultimately presented a plan for a compromise. The 
Electoral pl an P rov ided for an electoral commission composed 
Commission of five representatives, five senators, and five 
justices of the Supreme Court, who were to consider 
disputed returns concerning which the two houses could not 
agree, and their decisions were to stand unless rejected by both 
houses voting separately. Neither Hayes nor Tilden favored 
the plan, but the country was eager for a peaceful settlement 
and the bill passed both houses and was signed by President 
Grant (January 29, 1877). 

In fulfilment of an understanding that was not' incorporated 
into the act, the Senate named two Democrats—Bayard of 
Delaware and Thurman of Ohio—and three Republicans— 
Frelinghuysen of New Jersey, Edmunds of Vermont, and Mor¬ 
ton of Indiana. The House named two Republicans—Hoar of 
Massachusetts and Garfield of Ohio—and three Democrats— 




THE END OF AN ERA 


9i 


Hunton of Virginia, Abbott of Massachusetts, and Payne of 
Ohio. Two Republican justices—Miller and Strong—and two 
Democrats—Field and Clifford—were indirectly 
judge. lfth designated by the act, and it was made their duty 
to select a fifth. While the bill was under considera¬ 
tion it was supposed that Justice David Davis of Illinois would 
be the fifth judge. Davis had been appointed to the Supreme 
Court by Abraham Lincoln, but he now had Democratic lean¬ 
ings and had besides a desire for the presidency. He was an 
exceedingly fat man, of size so vast that it was said that he 
had to be “surveyed for a pair of trousers.” His disincli¬ 
nation to accept the thankless task of casting the deciding 
vote fully equalled his dimensions. While the Electoral Bill 
was still before Congress the Democratic members of the 
Illinois Legislature, with strange fatuity, combined with five 
independents and elected Davis to the United States Senate, 
to succeed John A. Logan. This gave Davis an excuse to de¬ 
cline an appointment on the electoral commission, and the four 
justices ultimately named Justice Joseph P. Bradley, who had 
been appointed as a Republican but who was the most ac¬ 
ceptable to the Democrats of any of the remaining judges. 

During February the disputed electoral returns from Florida, 
Louisiana, Oregon, and South Carolina were referred to the 
commission by Congress, and in every case, on 
Seven.” t0 every vital question, Justice Bradley voted with the 

Republican members, and the commission, by a 
strict party vote of 8 to 7, decided that all the disputed elec¬ 
toral votes should be counted for Hayes. The House in each 
case voted to reject the award, but the Senate in each case 
sustained it, so, under the law, the decision stood. 

Democrats savagely attacked the majority of the commis¬ 
sion for their rulings, most of all for refusing to take evidence 
™ _ aliunde the certificates, and the charge was then 

lne Charge 

of incon- made, and has frequently been repeated, that some 
of the rulings were inconsistent. The truth, how¬ 
ever, is that the majority followed the convenient line of 
cleavage between State and federal powers, as laid down in 


92 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

the constitutional provisions regarding the choice of electors, 
and, whatever else may be said as to the commission’s decisions, 
they were consistent. 

Though bitterly disappointed in the commission’s decisions, 
most Democratic leaders realized that they were bound to 
accept the result, but in the final days of the count irrecon- 
The cilables began a filibuster designed to prevent the 

Wormley completion of the count before March 4, when Con- 
° n r n ’ gress would expire, and Grant’s term would come 
to an end. Some of the participants were Southerners who 
cared comparatively little for Tilden, but thought the occasion 
opportune to force the incoming Hayes administration to prom¬ 
ise concessions to the South. In Florida the Democratic 
claimants to State office had succeeded in gaining control, but 
in Louisiana and South Carolina there existed rival Republican 
and Democratic governments, each claiming to be the legal one. 
Up to this time the Republican claimants had been upheld by 
federal troops, but it was well understood that if this support 
were withdrawn the Carpet-Bag-negro governments would 
quickly fall. In what were known as the “Wormley Con¬ 
ferences” friends of Hayes, though without express authority 
from him, undertook to guarantee that if the Democrats would 
permit the count to be completed, the new President would 
cease to support the Southern Republican claimants. 

Despite this “bargain” some Democrats attempted to con¬ 
tinue the filibuster, but Speaker Samuel J. Randall suppressed 
them with an iron hand. After exciting scenes the count was 
finally completed at four o’clock in the morning 
Completed. °f March 2, and President pro tempore Ferry for¬ 
mally announced that Hayes and Wheeler were duly 
elected, having received 185 electoral votes to 184 for Tilden 
and Hendricks. The greatest contest for an elective office in 
the history of popular government had been peacefully con¬ 
cluded. 

There were many rumors that Tilden intended to take the 
oath of office and assert his rights, but he was in no sense a 
revolutionist and contented himself with making verbal pro- 


THE END OF AN ERA 


93 


tests. To the last, however, there was considerable uneasiness, 
and, as March 4 happened to fall on Sunday, it was thought 
best by President Grant that Hayes should be inducted into 
office on the night of the 3d. The oath was secretly adminis¬ 
tered by Chief Justice Waite in the Red Room of the White 
House, in the presence of Grant and his son Ulysses. The 
formal inauguration ceremonies were held on Monday, March 5. 

A delicate task which confronted the new President was that 
of adjusting affairs in South Carolina and Louisiana. Al¬ 
though not formally bound by the promises made at the Worm- 
Adjustment Conferences, Hayes seems to have felt himself 
s 1 l th under obligation to carry them out, and besides he 
had come to believe that it was time for federal 
interference in the South to end. In April the troops were 
ordered to cease supporting the Republican claimants in the 
two States, and in both the Carpet-Bag governments speedily 
vanished into thin air. 

Thus ended the final scene in reconstruction. It had been 
a lurid drama but perhaps an inevitable one. A frightful war 
had been fought for certain principles that the world now 
agrees were just and right. The problem that pre¬ 
concerning sen ted itself at the close of the conflict was the pres- 
tion° nStrUC " erva ti° n of the principles that had triumphed on 
the battle-field. One policy—the milder one—of¬ 
fered some promise of achieving the desired result, but whether 
or not it would have done so will always be a matter of debate. 
Had Lincoln lived, this milder policy might have been adopted, 
though this is by no means certain. A harsher policy, one less 
magnanimous and more in accord with human passions, as¬ 
sured the result beyond reasonable doubt and seemed to promise 
certain benefits to the race which the war had freed. The latter 
policy was adopted. It produced many unfortunate results, but 
it at least tided the country over the crisis and secured the fruits 
of the war. It is easy now to point out the faults of recon¬ 
struction, and it is reasonably certain that military rule until 
the rights of the freedmen were fully established would have 
been better than negro suffrage, but it is beyond question that 


94 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

military rule or any other plan would also have had its failures. 

Southerners, with reason, look back to the reconstruction 
period as a dark one, and yet, comparatively speaking, the 
treatment of the South was not really very harsh. “ Imaginary 
comparisons with other civilized governments are 
Treatment sometimes useful,” says the historian Rhodes, in 
South this connec ti° n - “It seems to me certain that in 

1865-1867 England or Prussia, under similar circum¬ 
stances, would not so summarily have given the negroes full 
political rights. More than likely they would have studied 
the question scientifically through experts, and therefore could 
not have avoided the conclusion that intelligence and the pos¬ 
session of property must precede the grant of suffrage. Their 
solution of the difficulty would therefore have been more in 
the interest of civilization. On the other hand, with the ideas 
which prevail in those countries concerning rebellion against 
an established government, England and Prussia would un¬ 
doubtedly have executed Jefferson Davis and others and con¬ 
fiscated much of the southern land. The good nature and 
good sense of the American people preserved them from so stern 
a policy, and as a choice of evils (since mistakes it seems were 
sure to be made) the imposition of negro suffrage was better 
than proscriptions and the creation of an Ireland or a Poland 
at our very door.” 

After the withdrawal of federal armed support, the Repub¬ 
lican party virtually disappeared in the South. Since 1876 
not one of the former Confederate States has ever cast its elec¬ 
toral votes for other than a Democratic candidate. 
South.” 0lid Wherever necessary, the negro vote was eliminated 
by fraud or force, such methods being excused on 
the ground that white supremacy must be preserved. The 
negroes soon found that it was unsafe to persist in trying to 
assert their political rights, and except in a few districts they 
practically ceased voting. 

In course of time, however, the whites discovered that the 
methods used to eliminate the negro voters were tending to 
demoralize the white people themselves, and they sought legal 


THE END OF AN ERA 


95 


or quasi-legal methods for accomplishing the desired result. 
The problem was a difficult one, for the Fifteenth Amendment 
expressly prohibits suffrage discrimination on ac- 

Attempts to , » . . .. . . 

Avoid the count of race, color, or previous condition of servi- 

Amendment. tude > and was clear that straight property 

or educational qualifications would deprive many 
poor and illiterate white men of the franchise. 

In 1890 Mississippi evolved what is known as “the under¬ 
standing clause” plan. A provision was inserted into the con¬ 
stitution to the effect that all persons permitted to register 
The “Un- “shall be able to read any section of the Constitu- 

derstanding tion of the State: or he shall be able to understand 
Clause.” 

the same when read to him, or to give a reasonable 
interpretation thereof.” As the registration officers were prac¬ 
tically all white men, it was easy for them, when they deemed 
it desirable, to enforce a very high standard in the case of 
negroes and to lower the bars for illiterate whites. 

Several of the other Southern States presently adopted this 
or some other plan for steering between “the Scylla of the 
Fifteenth Amendment and the Charybdis of negro domina- 
The tion.” Louisiana, for example, in 1898 adopted 

Louisiana educational and property qualifications for voters, 
but as loopholes for poor and illiterate whites of 
native birth incorporated a “grandfather clause,” and for those 
of foreign birth a “naturalization clause.” No citizen who 
was on, or prior to, January 1, 1867, a voter, or who was the 
son or grandson of such a voter could be deprived of his right 
to vote, even though he could not meet the educational or 
property qualifications; and similarly no citizen of foreign birth 
naturalized prior to January 1, 1898, could be excluded from 
the polls. All persons desiring to take advantage of either of 
these loopholes must, however, register prior to September i, 
1898, and neither loophole was available for illiterate poor 
whites who came of age after that date. As only a few Northern 
States permitted negroes to vote prior to 1867, the number of 
colored citizens able to register under the “grandfather clause” 
was negligible. The general effect of the new system was to 


96 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

reduce the number of registered negro voters from 127,000 in 
1896 to 3,300 in 1900; many more than the last number were 
eligible to register but felt that it was useless to do so. The 
adoption of such restrictions laid States liable to have their 
representation in the House of Representatives lowered, as 
provided by the Fourteenth Amendment, but Congress, fearful 
of reviving sectional antagonisms, never deemed it expedient 
to impose the penalty. 

The federal courts long evaded passing judgment upon the 
constitutionality of the disfranchising provisions, 
father* 1 " k ut in 1915, the Supreme Court decided that 

Clauses” the “grandfather clauses” were unconstitutional, 
Void. because the device “recreated the very conditions 

which the Fifteenth Amendment was intended to 
destroy.” The practical effect of the decision was, however, 
negligible. 

With the final restoration of home rule in the South the era 
of civil war and reconstruction may be said to have ended. 
The old issues long continued to play a part in politics, but 
more and more they were relegated into the background by 
great social and economic questions, with which we shall deal 
in future chapters. 

Despite the ravages of war and misgovemment in recon¬ 
struction days, the South recovered its material prosperity 
more rapidly than could reasonably have been expected. By 
1880 the section was growing a greater cotton crop 
South. ”^ CW tham had ever been “made” under slave labor; 

by 1911 the number of bales produced was over 
four times the number of i860. The courage and energy with 
which the Southern people set themselves to the task of rehabili¬ 
tation were worthy of unstinted praise. To be sure, there was 
some repining, but the mass of the people soon emerged from 
the dark shadow of lethargy and despair into the sunshine of 
hope for the future. By 1886 Henry Grady of Atlanta could 
say to the New England Society in New York City: 

We admit that the sun shines as brightly and the moon as 
softly as it did “before the war.” We have established thrift in 


THE END OF AN ERA 


97 


the city and country. We have fallen in love with work. We 
have restored comforts to homes from which culture and elegance 
never departed. We have let economy take root and spread among 
us as rank as the crab grass which sprung from Sherman’s cavalry 
camps, until we are ready to lay odds on the Georgia Yankee, as 
he manufactures relics of the battlefield in a one-story shanty 
and squeezes pure olive oil out of his cotton seed, against any 
downeaster that ever swapped nutmegs for flannel sausages in 
the valley of Vermont. 

By 1880 the South was producing one-eighth of all the coal 
mined in the United States; by 1909 more than a sixth. Ala¬ 
bama, Tennessee, and other Southern States contain immense 
deposits of iron ore, though the ore is not so rich 
Progress^ as that about Lake Superior. In 1909 Alabama 
produced 4,687,000 tons of ore, which was almost 
5 per cent of the total mined in the United States, and Bir¬ 
mingham had become a miniature Pittsburg. In the ’8o’s and 
’90’s cotton-mills began to spring up in many parts of the South, 
and the textile industry developed with astonishing rapidity. 
In 1909 North Carolina and South Carolina stood second and 
third respectively in the manufacture of cotton goods, being 
surpassed only by Massachusetts. Despite industrial progress, 
however, the South remained primarily an agricultural section, 
and the value of all products manufactured in all the States 
south of Mason and Dixon’s line and east of the Rockies was, 
in 1909, only 12.7 per cent of the total manufactures of the 
whole country. Next to agriculture, lumbering was the most 
productive of Southern occupations, though many others, in¬ 
cluding the production of petroleum, especially in Oklahoma, 
Texas, and Louisiana, were important. The whole section is 
rich in natural resources, and future years will doubtless behold 
some marvellous developments in the South. 

As in other sections of the country, industrial development 
in the South produced some trying problems, one of the most 
notable being that of child labor in the cotton-mills. Children 
of tender years worked incredible hours in some of the mills, 
and, as in some Northern States, selfish influences long balked 
efforts to abolish this hideous wrong. Lazy and shiftless par- 


98 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Child 

Labor. 


The “Lost 
Cause.” 


ents of the “poor white” class would often put their children 
at work and then live off the proceeds. “What all’s the use 
of me workin’ when I got three head of gals in the 
mill?” said such a parent as he leaned over the 
bar of a Southern saloon. In recent years progress 
has been made toward regulating child labor, but some States 
still lag disgracefully behind the procession. 

Gradually the old Southern enmities toward the North have 
disappeared. Hostility toward “Yankees” in the abstract 
still lingers in some circles, however, though usually combined 
with surprising friendliness for individual Yankees 
in the concrete. The “Lost Cause” is still roman¬ 
tically cherished by Daughters of the Confederacy 
and other organizations, but few Southerners regret that the 
nation is united. Even Jefferson Davis, though never really 
“ reconstructed,” closed his book on the rise and fall of the Con¬ 
federacy with the sentiment—“The Union, Esto perpetual ” 
The final reconciliation took place during the Spanish- 
American War. That conflict roused a great wave of patriotic 
feeling in the South such as had not been experienced since 
Taylor and Scott led their armies into Mexico. 
For the first time since the sad days of secession 
the nation became a real union of hearts. Volun¬ 
teers came forward as freely in the South as in any 
other section, and a number of ex-Confederate 
officers accepted high command. It is said that in the heat of 
conflict one of these officers forgot himself and implored his 
men to “give the Yankees hell!” But everybody smiled over 
such incidents, and felt no desire to criticise. Says Roosevelt, 
in describing the progress of his Rough Riders from San Antonio 
to Tampa: 


Effect of 

Spanish- 

American 

War on 

Southern 

Feeling. 


We were travelling through a region where practically all the 
older men had served in the Confederate Army, and where the 
younger men had all their lives long drunk in the endless tales 
told by their elders, at home, and at the crossroad taverns, and in 
the court-house squares, about the cavalry of Forrest and Morgan 
and the infantry of Jackson and Hood. The blood of the old 




THE END OF AN ERA 


99 


men stirred to the distant breath of battle; the blood of the young 
men leaped hot with eager desire to accompany us. . . . Every¬ 
where we saw the Stars and Stripes, and everywhere we were told, 
half-laughing, by grizzled ex-Confederates that they had never 
dreamed in the bygone days of bitterness to greet the old flag as 
they now were greeting it, and to send their sons, as they now 
were sending them, to fight and die under it. 

On the fiftieth anniversary of Gettysburg the survivors of 
the hosts who had fought under Meade and Lee assembled on 
that famous field and mingled as comrades rather than as en¬ 
emies. At the appropriate hour a handful of gray-haired 
Confederate veterans marched slowly up the slope where Pickett 
had led his gallant column in the long ago. As they reached 
the top of Cemetery Ridge and “High Tide,” they were greeted 
with cheers and handclasps and embraces by their former foes. 
The “bloody chasm” was forever closed. 


CHAPTER VIII 

THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 

A generation ago every American boy knew of Sitting Bull 
and Geronimo and was full of their bloody exploits on the 
war-trail. A youth of the present generation, when asked about 
living Indians, will name such “ chiefs ” as Thorpe or Bender, 
and will tell you of how they won championships at Olympic 
meets or mowed down batsmen in world series. Between the 
two attitudes of mind lies a wonderful transformation, not 
only in the status of the Indian race but in the whole of the 
great West. 

At the close of the Civil War the population of the region 
beyond the Mississippi, excluding the older States of Iowa, 
Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and parts of Minnesota and Loui- 
A Wonderful s ^ ana —constituting about two-thirds of the United 
Transforma- States proper—was only a million and a half; and 
vast areas existed that were peopled only by no¬ 
madic savages who won a livelihood by slaying the swarming 
buffaloes. Forty-five years later the wild buffaloes in the 
limits of the United States had long since gone the way of the 
passenger-pigeon and the great auk; the sons and grandsons of 
their breech-clouted pursuers were attending Carlisle or Haskell 
and playing football and baseball instead of seeking scalps on 
the war-trail; and the region above described contained more 
than 13,000,000 people. This marvellous transformation of 
the romantic “Wild West” of buffalo herds and “hostiles” 
into a peaceful land of ranches and railroads, of wheat-fields 
and fruit farms, of dams and irrigation ditches, of mines and 
macadam roads, forms one of the biggest facts in American his¬ 
tory and is worthy of study. 

It is hard for Americans of this generation to realize that for 


100 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST 


IOI 


the 
Aborigines. 


years after the Civil War most of the Far West continued to be 
“Indian country,” and that travellers who crossed the Great 
Dispossessing Plains and the mountains beyond ran imminent 
risk of leaving their bones bleaching in the buffalo- 
grass and of having their scalps swing in the smoke 
of wigwams—even in times of so-called “peace.” In the West, 
as formerly in the East, the history of how the aborigines were 
conquered and dispossessed is a long and complicated story of 
encroachments upon the Indian’s lands, of warfare, of treaties 
“made to be broken,” a story that does little credit to Americans 
and their government. However, in the words of Chittenden: 
“It was the decree of destiny that the European should displace 
the native on his own soil. No earthly power could pre¬ 
vent it.” 

Even after the tribes accepted the guardianship of the gov¬ 
ernment they were often mistreated by rapacious Indian agents 
and contractors. For years an “Indian Ring” preyed upon 
the reservation Indians, cheating them in the 
Ring.” Indian amount and quality of the supplies they were sup¬ 
posed to receive. The blankets given them were 
likely to be of shoddy, the cattle fed to the wards of the nation 
were apt to be leaner than Pharaoh’s kine, and many of the 
supplies for which the government paid never reached the red 
men at all. More than one bloody outbreak was due to dis¬ 
satisfaction and hunger caused by such cheating. As already 
related, some of the facts regarding this “ring” came to light 
in the impeachment proceedings against Secretary of War 
Belknap, but a thorough investigation of the abuses was never 
made, partly because certain politicians were anxious to pre¬ 
serve the existing state of affairs. 

Furthermore, unscrupulous white men encroached upon the 
Indians’ lands, stole their horses, slaughtered the game upon 
which they depended for food, debauched their squaws, cheated 
them in trades, sold them “firewater,” and taught them all the 
vices of civilization but few of the virtues. 

However, the Indians were not altogether blameless in most 
of the scores of petty wars that occurred in the quarter-century 


io2 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


following 1865. Despite attempts to idealize the red men, 
their normal existence was a state of warfare. When they 
were not fighting the palefaces, they were apt to be making 
Character of kl°°dy f° ra y s against other tribes. Indian children 
the Western were brought up to regard cruelty as praiseworthy, 
and they delighted in helping to torture captives. 
The men whom boys took as their models were warriors re¬ 
nowned for ferocity and cunning on the war-trail, for the 
ponies they had stolen, for the number of enemies they had 
slain. The prime ambition of a youth was to tear a scalp from 
the head of an enemy, and to obtain the gory trophy he would 
murder a woman or a child as remorselessly as he would a 
man. In peace the Plains Indian was polygamous, lazy, a 
habitual gambler, and grossly licentious. In war the cruelties 
he practised upon his captives were of so shocking a nature 
that they cannot be put down in public print. When we 
realize that practically every white woman and girl ever cap¬ 
tured by war parties of the Plains tribes was subjected to 
nameless outrages, we need not feel surprise that an implacable 
feud developed between the two races and that a fixed axiom 
in the minds of frontiersmen was that “the only good Indian 
is a dead Indian.” 

It was an inevitable and irrepressible conflict, the kind of 
conflict that invariably develops when a stronger civilized 
race is brought into Contact with a weaker primitive but war¬ 
like people. 

Even in those days, however, the red man did not lack friends 
and defenders. Eastern idealists and the officials of the In¬ 
dian Bureau usually stood ready to uphold his cause against 
the army and the men of the frontier. For a long 
Purposes. period the army and the Indian Bureau worked at 
cross-purposes in the management of the tribes, 
and as a result of divided jurisdiction it not infrequently hap¬ 
pened that soldiers of the one fought hostiles who were fur¬ 
nished with repeating rifles and cartridges by agents of the 
other. 

At the close of the Civil War the whole Western frontier was 





































A -J ' Sante 

/ N B w , 

I -Albuqu r q ue P 


er narcJ 


r ffani 


'oahua\i 

i- ftes. ‘ 


N.Y. 


117 


THE WEST 

in 1876 

Railroads. 


Reservations — 

Buffalo Ranges 

in 1876 _ 


L.L. POATES CO., 


Longitude 


West 

























































































THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 


103 


ablaze, and nearly every important tribe from the Canadian 
border to the Red River of the South was on the 
of 1865 S war-path. In the Indian campaigns of that year 
about $40,000,000 was expended, yet very few hos- 
tiles were either killed or captured. 

The next quarter-century witnessed wars with the Modocs, 
Comanches, Nez Perces, Arapahoes, Kiowas, and 
Petty Wars, °ther tribes, in the course of which many hundreds 
of “contacts” occurred between troops and hos- 
tiles, but the tribes that caused the most persistent trouble 
were the Apaches of the arid Southwest and the great Sioux 
confederacy of the upper Missouri country. 

In August, 1862, the Sioux in the region of the upper Missis¬ 
sippi had risen and massacred nearly a thousand white settlers 
on the Minnesota frontier, and had caused 50,000 others to 
flee in terror to St. Paul and other places of refuge, 
” ar but the hostiles were speedily defeated, many were 
captured, and thirty-nine were hanged for murder. 
Some of those who escaped joined their wilder brethren, the 
Plains Sioux of the Dakota region, and hostile bands kept up a 
desultory warfare for years. 

One cause of the persistent hostility of the western Sioux 
was the opening of a new road from Fort Laramie to the mines 
of Montana and Idaho. A few chieftains, mainly from a degen¬ 
erate band known as the “Laramie Loafers,” gave 
their assent, but the real leaders of the Sioux did not, 
and this “Bozeman Road,” as it was called, was all 
the more distasteful to the aborigines because it led through a 
favorite hunting-ground, a charming foot-hill country, where 
bears, antelope, elk, buffalo, and other game abounded. 

Many travellers along the new road were waylaid and slain, 
and in December, 1866, a big band of Sioux, aided by some 
The warriors from other tribes, surrounded and massa- 

Fetterman cred to the last man a force of eighty-one men under 
Massacre. Captain William J. Fetterman close to Fort Phil 
Kearney, near the Bighorn Mountains. A few months later 
another detachment of about thirty men, under Major James 


The 

Bozeman 

Road. 


104 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Powell, were attacked not far from the same place by a vast 
force of hostiles, but Powell stationed his men behind a breast¬ 
work of bullet-proof wagon-beds made of iron and drove off 
the Indians with great slaughter. 

In 1868 the warlike Cheyennes swept through western 
Kansas like a devastating storm, and in a single month killed 
or captured over eighty men, women, and children, while again 
The and again they wiped out gangs of workmen em- 

Cheyenne ployed in the construction of the new railroad to 

War of 1868. pacific. The fate of the captured women and 
girls was particularly revolting, and the stories of how some of 
them were finally rescued exceeds in adventurous interest most 
fiction. 

General Sheridan, of Winchester fame, personally took the 
field against the Cheyennes and other bands, but it was gen¬ 
erally easy for the hostiles to evade the troops, for the Indians 
depended mostly upon game for food and were 
Victory mounted upon swift ponies that were usually able 

Washita to ou t-travel the slow-going horses of the troopers, 

while, when hard pressed, a band could easily scat¬ 
ter and later meet again at an appointed rendezvous. Sheri¬ 
dan, in fact, found the task of catching his enemy so difficult 
that he compared it to “ chasing the Alabama .” In September 
a thousand hostiles under Chief Roman Nose made the mistake 
of attacking a band of fifty scouts intrenched on a sandy island 
in the Arickaree fork of Republican River, and were beaten 
off after a desperate struggle, largely because of the determined 
resourcefulness of Colonel George A. Forsyth. Near the end 
of the year General George A. Custer, with the Seventh Cavalry, 
carried out a winter campaign when the snow was deep and the 
Indian ponies were weak from lack of proper food. By good 
management he surprised Black Kettle’s band of Cheyennes 
and Arapahoes in camp along the Washita River, killed more 
than a hundred warriors, took many prisoners, almost a thou¬ 
sand ponies, also hundreds of buffalo-robes and bows, arrows, 
and other savage paraphernalia. The surviving Cheyennes and 
Arapahoes made peace soon after. 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 


105 

In the previous spring peace had been concluded with the 
Kiowas, Apaches, Sioux, and certain other tribes 
0/1868 s by what was known as the Peace Commission. By 

these treaties the Indians conceded certain rights 
of transit through their country, but reservations were set apart 
for their use, and the Bozeman Trail in the Powder River coun¬ 
try was given up by the whites. 

Under President Grant a Board of Indian Commissioners 
was created, and in general better Indian agents were appointed, 
but dishonesty still lurked in the Indian Bureau, and the In¬ 
dians were still often cheated in the matter of sup- 
Black Hills? P^es. Furthermore, encroachments on the In¬ 
dians’ lands continued, with much killing of the 
game upon which the aborigines largely depended for subsis¬ 
tence. In 1874-76 the discovery of gold in the Black Hills, on 
the Sioux reservation, precipitated a great rush of prospectors 
to that region and helped to bring on the last great Indian 
war. 

At that time there were many Indians who refused to re¬ 
main on the reservations, as provided by the treaty of 1868, 
but roamed at will over the buffalo country and never visited 
the agencies except to see friends or relatives, or 
“Hostiles ” to trade—preferably for guns and ammunition. 

These irreconcilables came to be known as the 
“hostiles,” and they habitually waylaid hunters, trappers, and 
other white men who ventured into the region. Every hunt¬ 
ing season other Indians from the reservations would travel to 
the camps of the hostiles, partly to kill buffaloes for meat and 
robes, and on such occasions these “agency Indians” were 
almost as dangerous as their wilder brethren. 

The foremost leader of the hostiles was a Sioux of the Hunk- 
papa Teton tribe, named Sitting Bull. He was not 
Sitting Bull, really a fighting leader, but when bullets were flying 
preferred to remain in his tepee making “medi¬ 
cine”; nevertheless, he wielded great influence and had about 
sixty lodges of followers upon whom he could always depend. 

Early in 1876 the federal government determined to round 


io6 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Plan of 
Campaign 
in 1876. 


Custer’s 

March. 


up these irreconcilables and force them to settle upon the re¬ 
serves. With that end in view three expeditions were prepared 
and sent out: General Gibbon with the so-called 
“Montana column,” marched from the west; 
General Crook, who had won fame fighting the 
Apaches in Arizona and New Mexico, moved up from the 
south; and General Terry, who was in supreme command, 
led a force from the east. It was expected that the hostiles 
would be found somewhere in the Yellowstone country. 

On June 17 Crook’s column attacked the hostiles in the val¬ 
ley of the Rosebud River, but were beaten off. About the 
same time a scouting force from Terry’s command discovered 
the Indian trail leading up the Rosebud, and Terry 
ordered Major-General George A. Custer to take 
his regiment, the Seventh Cavalry, consisting of 
some 600 troopers, follow the trail, and attack the Indians. 
Custer had won high distinction under Sheridan in the Shen¬ 
andoah Valley and elsewhere, and subsequently in Indian 
warfare; he was a handsome, dashing officer, fond of wearing 
the buckskin clothing of the border and his yellow hair long 
and in curls; he was bold even to rashness, and was, in fact, 
almost the ideal cavalry leader. Custer’s little force, travel¬ 
ling mostly at night, in order to conceal their movements, fol¬ 
lowed the trail and by the 25th of June were in striking dis¬ 
tance of the hostiles, whose camps were pitched in the valley 
of the Little Big Horn River. With some Crow scouts Custer 
personally reconnoitred the enemy, but the camps were strung 
out for several miles along the valley, and, owing to some in¬ 
tervening bluffs, Custer, unfortunately, did not see all of them. 

The truth was that many lodges of agency Sioux had jour¬ 
neyed into the buffalo country to join their hostile brethren, so 
that, encamped along the river that day, there were from 2,500 
to 4,000 warriors—Sioux, Cheyennes, Arapahoes, 
th^Hostiks. etc *— un der such chieftains as Sitting Bull, Crazy 
Horse, Crow King, and Rain-in-the-Face. Most 
of these warriors were armed with breech-loading rifles—many 
even with repeaters—being better equipped, in fact, than the 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 


107 

troops, who carried Springfield carbines that had been origi¬ 
nally muzzle-loaders but converted into breech-loaders; the 
extractors of these weapons worked so badly that often, in re¬ 
moving empty shells, it was necessary for the soldiers to use 
their knives, which meant, of course, loss of precious time. 

According to Captain Godfrey, who survived the campaign 
and later wrote an account of it, one of the Crow scouts re¬ 
marked that there were enough hostiles to keep the troops busy 
fighting several days, but Custer only smiled and 
Plan. erS said that he thought the task could be finished in 
one day. He was then unaware of the magnitude 
of the force confronting him, but even had he known the truth 
he would doubtless have attacked, though he would hardly 
have employed the plan he adopted. This plan was based 
upon the knowledge that Indian fighting was “touch and go 
warfare,” that ordinarily the great problem was to catch the 
Indians. He realized that if he attacked as one force the war¬ 
riors would rush to confront him and hold him off until the 
squaws and other non-combatants could have time to save 
their belongings and drive off the valuable pony herds. There¬ 
fore he divided his regiment into four parts: he ordered one 
troop to guard the pack-train, sent Captain Benteen with 
three troops to the left and Major Reno with three troops and 
some Indian scouts to cross the Little Big Horn and move up 
the valley against the Indian camps, while he personally took 
five troops and made a detour to the right in order to cut off 
the Indians when they fled toward the fastnesses of the Little 
Big Horn Mountains. 

Reno soon met so many Indians that, after hard fighting, he 
gave up the attempt to reach the village and rejoined Ben- 
teen’s force, suffering heavy losses, particularly in recrossing 
the river. Uncertain what to do, the united force 
Massacre. 61 hesitated and thus gave the Indians an opportunity 
to concentrate against Custer’s five companies. 
Practically the whole Indian force, under able war chiefs, sur¬ 
rounded the little band of 200 troopers and slew them to the 
last white man; only a half-breed Crow scout named Curly 


io8 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Sioux 

Subdued 


managed to escape. Later in the day the Indians attacked 
Reno and Benteen’s force, but, largely owing to the courage 
and skill of Benteen, the white men managed to hold them off 
until the approach of the combined columns of Gibbon and 
Terry. Only then did the survivors of the regiment learn that 
Custer had met with disaster. 

The hostiles gained little by their victory, for during the 
following fall and winter they were continually pursued by 
fresh forces, and many found it expedient to surrender. Sitting 
Bull and some of his followers managed to escape 
into Canada, whence they occasionally sent out 
raiding parties over the border, but in 1881 they 
were so reduced by hunger that they returned and surrendered. 
One result of the war was that the Sioux were forced to cede 
the Black Hills country. For almost a decade they resided on 
the reservations in reasonable peace and quiet. 

About 1888 many of the western tribes began to hold “ghost 
dances,” and their medicine men were constantly prophesying 
the coming of a Messiah who would destroy the white men and 
bring back the buffalo herds. The delusion gained 
of U i8gc> ak such a foothold that a wide-spread outbreak seemed 
imminent. The Sioux became especially uneasy, 
and it was known that Sitting Bull was once more engaged in 
stirring them up. Indian policemen were sent to arrest him, 
but some of his followers defended him, and Sitting Bull was 
slain (December 15, 1890). A couple of weeks later a consider¬ 
able battle took place at Wounded Knee, but the Sioux suffered 
heavily, and this defeat and the energetic action of General 
Nelson A. Miles sufficed to bring to an end what proved to be 
the last of our many Indian wars. 

The submission of the Plains tribes to the inevitable was 
due almost as much to the disappearance of the 
buffaloes as to the campaigns of the soldiers. These 
mighty, shaggy, lumbering beasts were to these red 
men what manna was to the Children of Israel 
during their sojourn in the Wilderness—and more, for from 
them the Indians obtained not only most of their food, but 


Importance 
to the 
Indians of 
the Buffalo. 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 


109 

also clothing, bowstrings, harness for ponies and dogs, and 
skins for lodges. While the buffaloes were plentiful it was 
generally easy for bands on the war-path to evade the slow- 
moving soldiers, but when the herds of “Plains cattle” dis¬ 
appeared, the old system of warfare became impossible. Lack 
of food was the main factor that forced Sitting Bull and his 
band to return from Canada. 

When white men first settled on the Atlantic coast, the buf¬ 
faloes ranged over a large part of the United States, Canada, 
and Mexico, and only five years before the Revolution, George 
Their Range Washington and some companions shot five of 

and them in one day near the Great Kanawha River, 

Numbers. .... 

m what is now West Virginia. By 1830 they had 
been driven far beyond the Mississippi, except in the region of 
Minnesota, yet as late as the early ’70’s they still numbered 
millions. In 1868 General Sheridan and an escort rode for 
three days through one vast herd. The same year a train on 
the Kansas-Pacific Railroad ran for more than 120 miles 
through “an almost unbroken herd,” and the next year a train 
on the same road was delayed for eight hours by buffaloes 
crossing the track ahead of it. Though vast in size and fero¬ 
cious in aspect, buffaloes were really among the least danger¬ 
ous of large wild animals, and the comparative safety with 
which they could be hunted, the value of their hides and flesh, 
and their intense stupidity all combined to hasten their de¬ 
struction. Their stupidity was so great that when stampeded 
they would sometimes plunge by hundreds over cliffs, dash 
madly into moving railroad trains, wade into quicksands that 
had already swallowed up multitudes of their companions 
ahead, or stand foolishly in range of ambushed hunters until 
literally hundreds had been shot down. Colonel Richard I. 
Dodge, the author of an interesting book on the Plains, records 
that he once counted 112 dead buffaloes lying inside a semi¬ 
circle of 200 yards, all of which had been slain by one man 
firing from the same spot. 

The Indians annually killed hundreds of thousands of the 
animals for their meat and hides. Every fall hundreds of Red 


no THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


River half-breeds from the Lake Winnipeg region journeyed 
into the buffalo country and returned with their creaking 
wooden carts (in the manufacture of which not an 
Enemies. ounce of iron was used) laden down with hides and 
jerked meat. Hunters from the East and from 
Europe sought the plains to gratify their desire for slaughter, and 
shot buffaloes until their passion was appeased, being usually 
content to leave the bodies lying undisturbed, or, at most, to 
take the horns and tails for trophies, with perhaps the tongues 
and a little of the hump for meat. Not infrequently buffaloes 
were shot by passengers firing from the windows of moving 
trains, the sole object being mere slaughter. Sometimes, of 
course, the killing of buffaloes served a more useful purpose, 
as, for example, when William F. Cody, in eighteen months, 
killed 4,280 to furnish food for the builders of the Kansas- 
Pacific Railroad and thereby won his famous sobriquet of 
“ Buffalo Bill.” 

The number of buffaloes was so vast, however, that the 
animals would have survived much longer had it not been for 
the operations of “skin-hunters” seeking “robes” for Eastern 
markets. This destructive industry, which first 
Hunters.’’ 1 " attained considerable dimensions about 1872, was 
rendered practicable by the construction of rail¬ 
roads, which made the buffalo country more easily accessible. 
The most approved parties for this business were composed of 
four men—one shooter, two skinners, and one cook, who also 
stretched hides. Heavy, long-range Sharps or Remington 
rifles were generally used, and, if buffaloes were plentiful, the 
hunter had little difficulty in keeping the skinners busy; in 
fact, he often killed more animals than they were able to take 
care of. The herds were constantly harried by these skin- 
hunters, and in places the air for miles would be poisoned by 
the noxious effluvia from the rotting carcasses. Colonel Dodge 
estimates that in the three years 1872-74 fully 3,000,000 buf¬ 
faloes were slain by hide-hunters, and that the total number 
killed in those years was probably 5,000,000. Practically all 
the meat was wasted, but years afterward bone-pickers went 
about the plains and gathered up the skeletons for fertilizer. 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” hi 

As early as 1870 the original range on the Plains had been 
divided, and there was a northern and a southern herd, which 
never came together. By the end of another decade the great 
herds had been wiped out, but a few small ones 
Extinction, remained in the Llano Estacado country in the 
south, and Montana in the north. In 1887 there 
remained in the whole United States only a few hundred scat¬ 
tered buffaloes, and these were soon exterminated save in 
Yellowstone National Park, where a small herd is still pre¬ 
served. In Canada the wild buffaloes lasted longer, and a 
few so-called “wood bison” still wander through the remote 
wilderness between the lower reaches of the Liard and Peace 
Rivers. 

In the far Southwest the Apaches, an offshoot from the Atha¬ 
bascan family of the far Canadian northland, indulged in fre¬ 
quent bloody forays against scattered ranchers and prospectors, 
and displayed unsurpassed cunning and a pitiless 
Wars Apache ferocity that spared neither sex nor age. Although 
less numerous than the Sioux, they dwelt in a more 
difficult country, full of mountain and desert fastnesses, while, 
when hard pressed, they were often able to escape over the 
border into Mexico. Thither they were frequently followed by 
American forces, while Mexican troops co-operated against the 
common foe. Such Indian leaders as Cochise, Victorio, Juh, 
and Geronimo won fame in these outbreaks, while on the side 
of the white man the most noted names were those of Generals 
Crook and* Miles. It was not until 1886 that the final out¬ 
break was suppressed. In that year the Chiricahua Apaches, 
the most incorrigible of all, with their leader Geronimo, were 
deported to Florida and Alabama, where they were subjected 
to military imprisonment, being subsequently transferred to 
Fort Sill, Oklahoma, on the Kiowa reservation. At the last- 
mentioned place they engaged in successful farming, and de¬ 
veloped an ability to make money and to save it. 

In 1887 Congress passed the so-called Dawes Act, under the 
provisions of which many Indian reservations were broken up, 
part of the land being allotted to the Indians in severalty, 
while the remainder was opened to white settlement. Most 


ii2 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


of the tribes of the Indian Territory consented to accept the 
terms of the act, and ultimately the territory was admitted to 
_ . the Union as the State of Oklahoma (1907). A 

The Opening # . , . rt . . 

of picturesque episode in the transformation occurred 

a ° ma " on April 22, 1889, when more than a million acres 
were opened to homesteaders. At noon precisely, at the 
call of a bugle, tens of thousands of frantically eager would- 
be settlers, on foot, on horseback, in every imaginable vehi¬ 
cle, dashed madly over the border to claim fertile quarter- 
sections or choice town lots. By nightfall, Guthrie, which six 
hours before had been only a town site, was thronged with 
10,000 people, while Oklahoma City and other places were 
thickly populated. Many persons who participated in the 
rush soon sold out their holdings and departed, but most re¬ 
mained, and by the end of 1889 Oklahoma, “the Beautiful 
Land,” which as yet included only a part of the Indian Ter¬ 
ritory, had a population of about 60,000. Subsequently other 
reservations were thrown open to settlement, and similar scenes 
were enacted. The soil proved highly productive, oil and vari¬ 
ous kinds of minerals were discovered, and the territory and 
later the State prospered exceedingly, so that by 1910 Okla¬ 
homa contained 1,657,153 inhabitants. 

Tribal relationships were broken up so rapidly that by 1910 
there remained in the United States only 71,872 
Tribal Indians who were not taxed as citizens. Those re- 

j^ ansul taining their reservations still held, however, an 

area twice that of the State of New York, scattered 
through twenty-six commonwealths. 

In the United States, exclusive of Alaska, the total number 
of Indians was 265,683, which, strange as it may seem, was 
probably not much less than the number living in the same 
limits in the days of John Smith, Powhatan, and 
Condition Pocahontas. Included, however, were many per- 
iLSms. sons °* mixed blood, for miscegenation with Indians 
has excited comparatively little prejudice, and one 
President was fond of boasting that he had Indian blood in 
his veins. Only a few States, such as California and Arizona, 


THE PASSING OF THE “ WILD WEST 


where the aborigines are rather lower in the scale than else¬ 
where, forbid intermarriage, and in many places the red race 
is rapidly being absorbed by the Caucasians. In some in¬ 
stances the Indians who have turned farmers are thrifty and 
prosperous, this being especially true in Oklahoma, where a 
considerable number have become rich through the discovery 
of oil on their lands. Many, of course, are shiftless and de¬ 
graded, victims often of tuberculosis, “fire-water,” and venereal 
diseases. In most the primitive love of the woods and waters 
persists, but, within the limits of the United States, the really 
“wild” Indian is virtually a thing of the past. So far as their 
welfare depends upon governmental assistance, they are better 
cared for than formerly. Large sums are expended to give 
them elementary, secondary, and higher education, and com¬ 
paratively few of the younger generation are unable to read 
and write. The glorious scalp-lifting days are gone forever, 
but the young men now play baseball and football, and re¬ 
cently helped their white brethren to fight the “Huns.” 

A more serious obstacle in the way of settlement of the West 
than the aboriginal inhabitants was the problem of transporta¬ 
tion. The Pacific coast region could be reached by way of 
Transporta P anama or the Straits of Magellan, though either 
tion of these routes was long, costly, and dangerous, 

but the plains and mountain country required an 
overland trip. The usual starting-place for such a journey was 
some point on the Missouri River, which offered an inlet for 
3,000 miles, by steamer, mackinaw boats, or canoes, for fur 
traders, missionaries, trappers, prospectors, or other travel¬ 
lers; but it was a treacherous stream, the Indians along 
its upper reaches were often hostile, and sixty or sixty-five 
days were required to reach the head of navigation even by 
steamer. 

Passengers for the interior rode on horseback, in stage-coaches, 
or in prairie-schooners; some of the mail for a time reached 
its destination by the famous “pony express”; while freight 
was carried by pack-trains or wagon-trains, drawn by horses, 
mules, or slow oxen. It took from forty-five to seventy-four 


11 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


days for teamsters to go from Fort Leavenworth to Denver, and 
freight rates ran as high as twenty-five cents a pound in the 
Civil War period, though the average was nearer ten 
of Travel. cents. The great companies engaged in the trans¬ 
portation of passengers and mails were Wells Fargo 
& Company and the Overland Stage Line, the latter owned 
by an aggressive individual named Ben Holladay, who at one 
time owned 260 coaches, 6,000 horses and mules, scores of stage 
stations, and other equipment. Except in the heart of winter 
or when the Indians were too aggressive, a coach set out daily 
from Atchison to Placerville, and another from Placerville to 
Atchison, and the trip required on the average five days and 
four hours of continuous travel. In 1865 the fare to Denver 
was $175, to California $500. A telegraph line to San Fran¬ 
cisco was completed as early as 1862, and remained in continuous 
operation except when disturbed by storms, Indians, or buffaloes. 

Several routes for a railroad to the Pacific coast were sur¬ 
veyed by the federal government in 1853-54, but sectional 
rivalries and the outbreak of the Civil War delayed the con- 
A Pacific summation of the project, and it was not until 
Railroad 1862 that Congress formally authorized the con¬ 
struction of a Pacific railroad. In aid of the ven¬ 
ture the government granted ten alternate sections of land per 
mile on each side of the road, and issued bonds to the ultimate 
sum of over $55,000,000, these last being secured by a mortgage 
on the road. Construction was begun at both ends of the fine, 
in both Nebraska and California, by companies organized for 
that purpose. 

At the end of 1865 the Union Pacific builders, working from 
Omaha, had finished only forty miles of road, but progress 
thereafter was more rapid. Meanwhile the Central Pacific 
Difficulties was buildin S eastward from Sacramento through 
the Sierras. At both ends “ Hurry! ” was the watch¬ 
word, for each mile constructed meant an added 
subsidy in bonds. The Western builders were hampered by 
the necessity of bringing the rails immense distances via Panama 
or the Horn, and also by lack of labor, but they solved the latter 


of Con¬ 
struction. 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 


ii5 

difficulty by employing thousands of Chinese. Those moving 
toward the sunset were often molested by Indians, but, as 
many of the workmen were veterans of the Civil War, the con¬ 
struction gangs were usually able to beat off their savage 
assailants. 

Finally, on May 10, 1869, “tracks ends” met at Promontory 
Point, northwest of Ogden, Utah. When Leland Stanford, 
president of the Central Pacific, drove the golden spike fur¬ 
nished by California into the last tie of laurel wood, 
Completed. men felt that at last East and West were joined. 

The occasion was celebrated with noisy demon¬ 
strations throughout the United States. A historian who has 
written extensively on the history of travel in America expresses 
the view that as the multitudes lifted up their rhythmic shouts 
in answer to the bells, “It was as though they were chanting 
the last, triumphant words in a long epic of human endeavor. 
And if those of future times should seek for a day on which the 
country at last became a nation, and for an event by virtue 
of which its inhabitants became one people, it may be that they 
will not select the verdict of some political campaign or battle¬ 
field but choose, instead, the hour when two engines—one from 
the East and the other from the West—met at Promontory.” 

At all events, the completion of a railway to the Pacific, by 
solving the problem of transportation, spelled the doom of the 
“Wild West” and opened a “new period of national assimila- 
A New tion.” Before this to reach the Rocky Mountains 

Period or the region beyond necessitated arduous and 

often dangerous effort; thenceforth the would-be 
settler could be whirled thither in a day or two, and, further¬ 
more, he would have a means of sending his products to Eastern 
markets. 

By 1884 three other transcontinentals had been added, while 
many branches from all four had been pushed out 
contiaeSaS. ^ nto re gi° ns not traversed by the main lines. The 
days of the stage-coach and of the slowly moving 
wagons of the freighters were numbered, and the “Frontier” 
had vanished. 


n6 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The Trader. 


In the occupation by white men of the Far West east of 
California a distinct succession is noticeable: first came the 
trapper and Indian trader, next the prospector and miner, next 
the cattleman and sheep-herder, and finally the 
farmer. The trader sometimes carried his goods 
overland by pack-train, but more commonly he made his slow 
way up the muddy current of the turbulent Missouri, and 
established his post somewhere along its upper course. 

From such posts the trapper usually pushed out into the 
haunts of the beaver, taking little except traps and his rifle 
and ammunition, for he trusted for food almost solely to the 
game he could kill. Furs weighed little, and if he 
Trapper. went in with horses, he brought out his spoil on 
their backs; if afoot, he might build a boat and 
descend one of the numerous streams to the great river. Usu¬ 
ally he sold his catch to the traders of the country, but occa¬ 
sionally he might float it down to a better market in St. 
Louis. 

As gold and silver were discovered, the miner followed the 
trapper into the land. He required more supplies than did 
the trapper, and to meet his needs trails were opened, and 
The Miner pack-trains, and later wagon-trains, made their slow 
way to his diggings. Still his product, like that of 
the trapper, had little weight and bulk in comparison to value, 
and the placer miner, in rich ground, could operate without 
the railroad. Quartz-mining and stamping-mills were another 
matter. 

Following the miner and close on the heels of the vanish¬ 
ing buffaloes came the cowboys, with their herds of long-horned 
cattle ranging free over the plains and through the valleys. 

The cattleman’s product could transport itself, 
Cowboy. an d herds of branded steers were often driven hun¬ 
dreds of miles to the end-of-steel, whence they were 
carried by rail to Kansas City or Chicago. A rival of the cat¬ 
tleman was the sheep-herder, and many were the bitter battles 
fought by these two for possession of a choice range. 

The Western cattle business first attained importance in 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 117 


Texas, where a wild variety, descended from those brought 
over by the Spaniards, had long thrived on the nutritious na¬ 
tive grasses. Gradually cattle-raising became more 
Drfve.”° ng an d more profitable and spread to the northward. 

A day came when some cattlemen annually made 
the “Long Drive” from Texas to Dakota, Wyoming, or Mon¬ 
tana; that is, as the summer sun scorched the grass of the 
plains they would move their herds slowly northward and thus 
keep them on fresh grass. In the fall they would sell the 
cattle to stock up ranches that were being established in the 
north country or to be killed for beef. Even many of the cat¬ 
tlemen who did not make the Long Drive would move their 
herds northward from Texas across the “Territory” or the 
“Panhandle” to some shipping-point on the railroad. Those 
were the halcyon days of gambling-dens and dance-halls, of 
cowboys who wore fifty-dollar broad-brimmed hats, enormous 
spurs, and chaparajos, and “shot up” towns; of “rustlers” 
who altered brands and ran off cattle and horses; of terrors to 
desperadoes like “Wild Bill” Hickock, marshal of Hayes City. 

The prices of horses and cattle often fell so low that ranch¬ 
ing frequently was more picturesque than profitable, but the 
grass on the public domain cost nothing, and the mere romance 
of the business attracted many men into it, even 

Ranching. _ . . 

Easterners and Englishmen. Among the former 
was Theodore Roosevelt, who for several years owned the 
“Elkhorn Ranch” on the Little Missouri River in western 
Dakota. His narratives of his experiences as a rancher and 
big-game hunter vividly describe certain phases of Western 
life in that period. 

Not far behind the cattleman came the homesteader, with 
his prairie-schooner, his draught-horses, oxen, and milch cows, 
his pigs, ploughs, and barbed-wire fences. The last soon put 
an end to the free ranges, except where the soil 
steader° me " was to ° aricl to cultivated successfully without 
irrigation. Cowboys, “longhorns,” round-ups, and 
romance gave place to prosaic fields of wheat, oats, alfalfa, 
and potatoes. 


n8 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Down to the Civil War settlers on the public domain were 
required to pay for their land, though the price was never 
large. For many years there was agitation in favor of giving 
The the land to actual settlers, but this plan aroused 

Homestead much Southern opposition, and it was not until 

1862 that Congress passed the celebrated Home¬ 
stead law. Under it any citizen of the United States twenty- 
one years of age, or any one of that age who had declared an 
intention of acquiring citizenship, might become the owner of 
a piece of surveyed land up to 160 acres by residing on it for 
five years and paying certain nominal entry-fees. This Home¬ 
stead Law, with its future amplifications, constituted an invita¬ 
tion to all the world to come to America and receive free land. 
In the words of a popular song: 

“Of all the mighty nations in the East or in the West 
This glorious Yankee nation is the greatest and the best; 

We have room for all creation and our banner is unfurled, 
Here’s a general invitation to the people of the world. 

Come along, come along, make no delay, 

Come from every nation, come from every way; 

Our lands are broad enough, don’t be alarmed, 

For Uncle Sam is rich enough to give us all a farm.” 

Every year tens of thousands at home and abroad accepted 
the invitation and received millions of rich acres from the 
public domain. The homestead policy not only hastened the 
Free Land settlement of the West but—and this point deserves 
a Safety- emphasis—long served as a sort of safety-valve 

whereby men dissatisfied with economic and social 
conditions in long-settled districts could escape to a new and 
freer environment. From the moment that free land became 
practically exhausted industrial and social problems became 
more acute. 

Let us turn now to some of the details of the development 
of specific Western communities. Following the discovery of 
gold in California in ’48, that region was settled so rapidly that 
“Jonah’s gourd” ceased to be any longer “the symbol of mir- 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST 


119 


aculous growth,” and by the beginning of our period the State 
contained half a million people. It was still primarily a land 
California g°ld-miners, but wheat-farming was beginning 

to take on “bonanza” proportions in some of its 
rich valleys, the wine vintage reached 3,500,000 gallons by 
1867, lumbering flourished in the incredible forests of immense 
trees, and in the south oranges, lemons, figs, English walnuts, 
and similar products were “growing in sub-tropical profusion.” 
Already California was one of the wonder spots of the world, 
and after the completion of the Pacific railroad San Francisco 
became the main American gateway to the Orient. 

As in the case of California, the first important influx of white 
settlement into most of the mountain States resulted from the 
discovery of mineral wealth. California had developed a pro- 
Prospectors fessional mining class of eager prospectors who were, 
and Their says a historian of the West, Professor Paxson, “mo¬ 
bile as quicksilver, restless and adventurous as all 
the West, which permeated into the most remote recesses of 
the mountains and produced before the Civil War was over, 
as the direct result of their search for gold, not only Colorado, 
but Nevada and Arizona, Idaho and Montana. Activity was 
constant during these years all along the Continental Divide. 
New camps were being born overnight, old ones were aban¬ 
doned by magic. Here and there cities rose and remained to 
mark success in the search. Abandoned huts and half-worked 
diggings were scars covering a fourth of the continent.” 

Small discoveries of gold in the desolate region of the present 
Nevada, then a part of Utah Territory, resulted in 1858 in the 
founding of Carson City, but it was not until the spring of 
1859 that the finding of incredibly rich silver de¬ 
posits near Gold Hill east of Lake Tahoe produced 
a real “stampede” thither. In five years a hundred million 
dollars in ore was mined from the sides of the mountains, and 
the “Comstock lode” and bonanza towns like Virginia City 
were famous the world over. Among those who sought their 
fortunes in the new country was a young journalist named 
Samuel L. Clemens, who subsequently penned a graphic ac- 


Nevada. 


120 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


count of those wild days in Roughing It. In 1861 Nevada 
was made a separate territory, and in 1864 the exigencies of 
Union politics caused Congress to admit the “child of the 
Comstock lode” as a State, though the actual population 
scarcely justified such a step. No other State has been so 
much dependent upon mining as has Nevada, and the census 
figures furnish a rough index to the prosperity of the mining 
industry: in 1870 the population was 42,491, in 1880 it had 
risen to 62,266, in 1890 and 1900 it had declined to 47,355 and 
42,335 respectively, and in 1900 it had risen to 61,875. After 
yielding more than $300,000,000 in silver and gold bullion the 
Comstock lode was finally exhausted, but rich discoveries of 
silver, gold, and copper were made elsewhere, and such camps 
as Tonopah, Ely, and Goldfield became famous. 

In the summer of 1858 rumors reached Missouri that gold 
had been discovered in the Pike’s Peak region, and soon hun¬ 
dreds of prairie-schooners bearing such legends as “Pike’s 
„ , , Peak or Bust” were pushing westward across the 

Colorado. 

plains. Groups of delvers in the sands of Cherry 
Creek combined and took the name of Denver City—named 
in honor of the governor of Kansas Territory—of which the 
new gold region then formed a part. Other towns sprang up, 
but some were short-lived, for not a few of the “finds” proved 
of trifling importance. Many argonauts, “bitter, disgusted, 
and poor,” returned to the States, and their wagons on the home¬ 
ward way not infrequently bore such mottoes as “Busted, by 
Gosh!” Others persevered and prospered either as miners or 
by turning their hands to farming and other occupations. 
When Horace Greeley visited th^ West in 1859, Denver was 
still composed of Indian lodges and a couple of hundred log 
cabins, with earth floors and mud roofs, but by 1864 it contained 
4,000 inhabitants, and a choice corner lot had been sold for 
$12,000. The placer diggings soon became exhausted, but 
rich gold and silver quartz veins were discovered in many 
places and furnished a more solid basis for prosperity. In 1861 
Colorado was formally organized as a separate territory, and 
in 1876 it was admitted to the Union, being popularly known 
as “the Centennial State.” 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 


121 


About 1861 gold was found in the sands of Grasshopper 
Creek in what is now Montana. Bannack City sprang up 
“with mining-camp rapidity,” and soon a couple of thousand 
Montana, prospectors were gathered along a crooked street 
Idaho, and that ran down the narrow gulch. In 1861 a rich 

Wyo ming 0 ° 

strike was made in Alder Gulch between the Beaver¬ 
head and Madison Rivers, and Virginia City, at first named 
Varina in honor of Mrs. Jefferson Davis, came into being, and 
by 1864 had a population of perhaps 10,000. As early as i860 
gold was discovered in the Clearwater country of what is nov/ 
Idaho, but the real history of this State may be said to begin 
with the finding of gold in the Boise Basin two years later. 
In 1863 Idaho, which included the present Montana and most 
of Wyoming, was organized as a territory, but Montana was 
set apart in 1864, and Wyoming, which for a time had been 
reattached to Dakota, in 1868, the same year that the Union 
Pacific reached Cheyenne. The building of the Northern 
Pacific, completed in 1883, and the discovery of vast copper 
deposits at Butte greatly aided the development of Mon¬ 
tana. 

Of the mining camps Professor Paxson has said, in his The 
Last American Frontier , that they developed a type of life un¬ 
like any other that America had known. Their picturesque 
features misled thoughtless people into regarding them as ro¬ 
mantic, but at best the dark places were only “ accentuated 
by the tinsel of gambling and adventure.” He continues: 


A single street meandering along a valley, with one-story huts 
flanking it in irregular rows, was the typical mining camp. The 
saloon and the general store, sometimes combined, were its represen¬ 
tative institutions. Deep ruts along the streets bore wit- 
Camp* imng ness t0 heavy wheels of the freighters, while horses 
loosely tied to all available posts . . . revealed the reg¬ 
ular means of locomotion. . . . Few decent beings habitually lived 
in the towns. The resident population expected to live off the 
miners, either in way of trade, or worse. The bar, the gambling 
house, the dance-hall have been made too common in description to 
need further account. In the reaction against loneliness, the ex¬ 
tremes of drunkenness, debauchery and murder were only too fre¬ 
quent in these places of amusement. 


122 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Pacific 

Railroad. 


In 1875-76 rumors of gold in the Black Hills caused a rush 
thither, despite the danger of being scalped by the Sioux own¬ 
ers, but the diggings presently petered out, and Dakota was to 
owe its main development to the discovery that its 
Wheat-Mds. prairies would grow wheat. In the ’8o’s native 
Americans and hardy immigrants from the Scandi¬ 
navian countries and Germany braved the northern blizzards, 
and the rapidity with which the tough sod was broken and 
prairie-dog villages gave place to sod huts and waving fields of 
grain was one of the wonders of the age. 

An important factor in the development of the Dakotas, 
Montana, and the Pacific Northwest was the completion in 
1883 of the Northern Pacific Railroad, which had reached Bis¬ 
marck, on the Missouri, just as the panic of 1873 
Northern brought ruin to its promoters, Jay Cooke and Com¬ 
pany. In 1879 the road was revived under the 
presidency of Frederick Billings, but its completion 
was largely due to the activities of Henry Villard, a German 
journalist and financier who was a son-in-law of William Lloyd 
Garrison. The outcome of the venture proved financially dis¬ 
astrous to Villard personally, but the road immensely benefited 
the whole Northwest. 

Railroads made the plains more easily accessible, but it is 
beyond question that settlement of the prairies would have been 
much slower if it had not been for the development of the 
labor-saving device known as McCormick’s reaper. 
McCormick’s Cyrus McCormick took up, when scarcely more 
than a boy, the development of an idea that had 
ruined his father. His first patent for a machine 
to cut grain was granted in 1834, but it was not 
until 1840 that the device was placed on the market. He 
established a factory in Chicago about 1846, perfected self- 
rakes, mowing-machines, and finally the self-binder, and lived 
till the whir of his invention was “heard around the world.” 
By using McCormick’s devices one man could do the work of 
many men, and W. H. Seward once expressed the view that 
owing to them “the line of civilization moves westward thirty 
miles a year.” 


Reaper on 
Settlement 
of the West. 


THE PASSING OF THE “WILD WEST” 123 

The passing of the frontier and the Wild West was bewilder¬ 
ing in its rapidity. As Whittier wrote: 

“Behind the scared squaw’s birch canoe, 

The steamer smokes and raves; 

And city lots are staked for sale 
Above old Indian graves. 

I hear the tread of pioneers 
Of nations yet to be: 

The first low wash of waves where soon 
Shall roll a human sea. 

The rudiments of Empire here 
Are plastic yet and warm; 

The chaos of a mighty world 
Is rounding into form! ” 

“The West has changed,” wrote one who beheld the trans¬ 
formation. “The old days are gone. The house dog sits on 
the hill where yesterday the coyote sang. The fences are short 
and small, and within them grow green things instead of gray. 
There are many smokes rising over the prairie, but they are 
wide and black instead of thin and blue.” 

The disappearance of the Wild West meant progress in civili¬ 
zation, yet many people viewed its passing with regret. It is 
not meet that all the land should be tamed and parcelled out 
The into farms and town lots. For the sake of pos- 

National terity lovers of nature in its primeval forms sought 

to preserve unspoiled some of the choicest bits of 
the Western wonderland. In 1872 Congress set apart 3,344 
square miles of northwestern Wyoming and this region is now 
world famous as the Yellowstone National Park. The spout¬ 
ing geysers and other natural wonders of the region had first 
been discovered by John Colter, one of Lewis and Clark’s 
men, who had remained in the mountains to trap beaver; but 
seventy years elapsed before a skeptical world was convinced 
of their existence. The park was also made a sanctuary for 
wild animals; and buffaloes, elk, black and grizzly bears, big¬ 
horn sheep, and other animals roam there in large numbers. 
Many other parks have since been created, among them the 


124 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


General Grant and Sequoia Parks, partly designed to preserve 
the world’s largest living trees; Yosemite and Grand Canyon 
Parks; Mesa Verde, with its cliff-dwellings; and Mount Las¬ 
sen Park, with its volcano. In the grandeur and variety of 
their natural wonders the national parks far surpass the scen¬ 
ery of Switzerland, but it is only recently that the mass of 
Americans have come to realize their attractions. 


CHAPTER DC 


AN INTERLUDE 

President Hayes was an able, honest man who earnestly- 
sought to live up to the maxim, announced in his inaugural 
address, that “he serves his party best who serves his country 
best.” He gathered round him an unusually capa- 
of^Hayes! net ble group of advisers, including William M. Evarts 
as secretary of state, John Sherman as secretary of 
the treasury, and Carl Schurz as secretary of the interior. In 
the hope of helping to close the chasm that still yawned be¬ 
tween the sections, he called to the head of the Post Office 
Department David M. Key, of Tennessee, an ex-Confederate 
soldier. He had even considered asking General Joseph E. 
Johnston to become secretary of war, but gave up the idea 
-when he discovered that the step would arouse wide-spread op¬ 
position. “ Great God! governor, I hope you are not thinking 
of doing anything of that kind!” exclaimed one horrified Re¬ 
publican to whom he mentioned the possibility. 

The President’s wife, Lucy Webb Hayes, exercised an influ¬ 
ence on the course of events fully equal to that of a cabinet 
member. She was a high-minded, energetic, charming woman, 
^ who, like Abigail Adams, was a model of the domestic 

Prohibitionist virtues. She did much to restore a wholesome 
simplicity in the White House, and, being a strong 
prohibitionist, she banished intoxicating liquors from the Presi¬ 
dent’s table. The innovation was bitterly attacked in some 
quarters and warmly defended in others. On one occasion the 
witty Evarts was asked how a certain state dinner had gone off, 
and he replied: “Excellently, the water flowed like cham¬ 
pagne!” In course of time, however, it was whispered that 
the White House chef had taken compassion on thirsty souls 
and had evolved for their benefit a dessert composed of an 

125 


126 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


orange skin filled with a “delicious frozen punch, a chief ingredi¬ 
ent of which was strong old Santa Cruz rum.” Thenceforth 
this dessert was very popular among the knowing, who called 
it “the Life-Saving Station”; and there was much quiet merri¬ 
ment at the expense of the good hostess, who, it was presumed, 
was ignorant of the matter. From President Playes’s diary, 
however, we learn: “The joke of the Roman punch oranges 
was not on us, but on the drinking people. My orders were 
to flavor them rather strongly with the same flavor that is 
found in Jamaica rum. This took! There was not a drop of 
spirits in them! ” 

Under President Hayes much was done to improve admin¬ 
istrative efficiency and to weed out dishonesty, and he made an 
earnest effort to introduce civil service reform. Back in 1871 
Congress, under pressure of public opinion, had 
Hayes and authorized the President to prescribe rules for the 
Reform entrance of men into the civil service and to name a 
body of men to aid him in the work. Grant ap¬ 
pointed a commission of seven members, headed by George 
William Curtis, an eminent editor and reformer. But practical 
politicians sneered at the “Chinese system,” which deprived 
them of their patronage, and Congress in 1873 failed to make 
any further appropriation for the work, with the result that 
the commission, though it still had a nominal existence, could 
accomplish virtually nothing. Hayes repeatedly urged upon 
Congress the desirability of the reform, but did not succeed in 
prodding that body into action. 

In 1877 an investigation into the affairs of the New York 
custom-house resulted in the disclosure of mismanagement and 
undue political activity on the part of many of the officials, 
who formed part of the “machine” of Senator 
Conkling Wlth R°scoe Conkling, the proud Republican boss of the 
State. Hayes removed Chester A. Arthur, collector 
of the port, and A. B. Cornell, the naval officer, and thereby 
precipitated a bitter controversy with Conkling and other 
senators over the patronage question. A majority of the 
Senate at first sustained Conkling but later accepted the Presi- 


AN INTERLUDE 


127 


dent’s nominees. In New York, however, the “Stalwarts,” 
as one wing of the Republican party was coming to be known, 
nominated Cornell for governor, and elected him, in spite of 
considerable defection known as “Young Scratchers.” 

Temporarily the efforts of Hayes in behalf of civil service 
seemed almost barren of results, but what he did served to 
keep the subject agitated. Meanwhile other reformers were 
at work helping to educate the public as to the need of the 
reform. In 1877 a civil service reform association was organ¬ 
ized in New York and quickly spread to other States. Four 
years later a national civil service reform league was formed. 
Thus the seeds were being sown; the harvest was not far in 
the future. 

The President’s attitude toward the civil service and his 
withdrawal of the troops from the support of Southern Carpet- 
Bag governments aroused bitter hostility among many Repub¬ 
licans, while Democrats criticised him even more 
Attitude 1C vigorously than is the usual custom on the part of 
Hayes* the opposition. Favorite Democratic names for 
him were “the de facto President,” “Old Eight to 
Seven,” “The Usurper,” and “The Boss Thief,” while their 
newspapers never lost an opportunity to refer to the “Great 
Steal.” To a crowd of admirers assembled in front of his house 
at 15 Gramercy Park, in New York City, Tilden declared that 
he had been cheated out of the presidency by a “political 
crime,” which the American people would not condone “under 
any pretext or for any purpose.” 

In order to gather political ammunition, the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives, which was controlled by the Democrats, created 
(May 17, 1878) what was known as the “Potter Committee” 
to investigate once more the elections in Louisiana 
and Florida. The Democratic members of this 
committee labored with zeal and took much testi¬ 
mony discreditable to their opponents, being greatly aided by 
several Southern Republicans who were disgruntled because 
they felt that they had not been properly rewarded by the 
Hayes administration. Long lists were also made of Repub- 


The Potter 
Committee. 


128 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


licans connected with the Southern elections who had since 
been given lucrative federal offices, and an attempt was made 
to show that the appointments had been made as rewards for 
corrupt services. One member of the committee, Benjamin F. 
Butler, who was now an independent, said of the appointments 
that the most charitable construction was that “post hoc is 
not always propter hoc” 

The jubilant Democrats broadcasted the Potter Committee 
revelations over the country, and confidently looked forward 
to a bountiful political harvest, but an unexpected turn to the 
investigation suddenly dampened their hopes and 
Despatches, revived the spirits of their depressed opponents. 

It so happened that the New York Tribune , a Re¬ 
publican paper, had in its possession several hundred cipher 
despatches that had been transmitted by Democratic leaders 
during the exciting days of the disputed election. By using 
methods more suggestive of Poe’s Gold Bug than of an event in 
real life, two ingenious members of the Tribune staff managed to 
discover the “keys” to all except a few messages. The trans¬ 
lations of some revealed the fact that Democratic agents had 
attempted to purchase Southern electors and returning boards, 
the sums named being enormous; and the sensation created by 
publication of the despatches was all the greater because many 
of them were transmitted from or to Tilden’s residence, being 
addressed to or signed by his nephew, Colonel W. T. Pelton. 
Republican pressure forced the Potter Committee to investi¬ 
gate the cipher despatches. Some of the Democrats concerned 
admitted their own complicity, but all did their best to shield 
Tilden. Tilden himself denied having taken any part in the 
corrupt negotiations, and testified that when the negotiations 
came to his attention he ordered that they be discontinued. 
Most historians are inclined to acquit him of blame in the 
matter. The general effect of the cipher-despatch disclosures 
was, however, to blanket the other revelations made by the 
Potter Committee, and to render ineffective the Democratic 
cry of “fraud.” 

Throughout the Hayes administration the Democrats con- 


AN INTERLUDE 


129 


Struggle 

over 

Federal 

Election 

Laws. 


trolled the House of Representatives, and during the last two 
years of it they controlled the Senate also. One of their main 
efforts was directed toward repealing the federal 
laws designed to protect the political rights of the 
Southern negroes. By refusing to appropriate 
money for the army the House finally forced the 
Senate and the President to accept a bill (June 18, 
1878) prohibiting the use of troops at the polls. Subsequently 
Hayes vetoed eight measures aimed at the remaining “force 
bills.” The “force” legislation that survived became almost 
a dead letter, and some of it was declared unconstitutional in 
1882. Most of what remained was repealed by a Democratic 
Congress in 1894. 

The currency question continued to excite much contro¬ 
versy during this administration. The country had not yet 
fully recovered from the effects of the panic of 1873, and the 
debtor class, to which many Western and Southern 
farmers belonged, inclined to oppose the resump¬ 
tion of specie payments and to favor a further in¬ 
flation of the currency. In their opinion it was a hardship 
that they should be compelled to pay their debts in dearer 
dollars than those they had borrowed. With this view we 
ought not to quarrel, though we can hardly sympathize with 
the desire of many to pay in cheaper dollars than those they 
had obtained. Honest creditors, on the other hand, thought 
that they ought to be paid in dollars that were at least no 
cheaper than those they had loaned, while the grasping were 
eager for contraction, which would obviously be to their in¬ 
terest. 

In the elections of 1878 the “Greenback” party, which had 
had a ticket in the field in 1876, cast a million votes, while 
inflationist sentiment ran strongly even in the two older parties. 

During 1877 and 1878 persistent efforts were made 
Carriecfout! to repeal the Resumption Act of 1875, or to post¬ 
pone its execution, but all came to naught except 
that a provision for the retirement of the greenback circulation 
in excess of $300,000,000 was repealed. In preparation for 


The 

Currency 

Question. 


i 3 o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

the appointed day Secretary of the Treasury Sherman was 
careful to gather by December, 1878, a gold reserve of $142,- 
000,000, which was about two-fifths of the amount of out¬ 
standing notes. In consequence resumption was effected 
without creating a financial ripple. The report from the New 
York sub treasury for January 2 (the 1st, the date fixed by the 
act, having fallen on Sunday) showed only $135,000 of notes 
! had been presented for coin, while $400,000 of gold had been 
turned in for notes! Gold and greenbacks had at last been put 
upon a par, and, as Sherman had predicted, when the public 
found they could have either gold or notes, they preferred the 
notes. 

Resumption was a great triumph of sound finance, and the 
credit for bringing it about belongs first of all to Sherman, 
the author of the act, and the man who put it into execution. 
In this and in other matters, notably in refunding bonds at a 
lower rate of interest, he showed himself one of the greatest of 
our public financiers. 

Owing largely to the development of rich silver mines in the 
Western States and Mexico the world’s production of the white 
metal had for some years been increasing more rapidly than 
silver De- th at As a result the relative value of the 

monetized two metals was changing in favor of gold. In i860 
the ratio had been 15 to 1, in 1873 it was 16 to 1, 
and by 1877 it was 17 to 1. In 1867 an international confer¬ 
ence that met in Paris recommended the adoption of the single 
gold standard, and most great nations gravitated in that direc¬ 
tion. In 1873 Congress in codifying the coinage laws omitted 
from the standard list the silver dollar, which had been little 
used for nearly forty years, and this “demonetization of silver,” 
which attracted little attention at the time, was subsequently 
denounced as “the Crime of 1873.” 

The decreasing value of silver served to make that metal 
attractive to advocates of cheap money, and under Hayes a 
strong demand arose for the restoration of bimetallism. In 
1877-78 debtors and the silver-producing barons of the West 
rallied enthusiastically in favor of a bill introduced by Richard 


AN INTERLUDE 


131 

P. Bland, a Democratic Representative from Missouri, to re¬ 
store silver to “its ancient legal equality with gold as a debt¬ 
paying money.” Thenceforth any owner of silver 
Aiifson^Act. bullion was to have the right to bring it to the 
mint and have it coined at the ratio of 15.62 to 1. 
The bill passed the House, but the Senate, on motion of Sen¬ 
ator Allison of Iowa, struck out the “free and unlimited” 
feature, and provided instead that the secretary of the treasury 
must purchase monthly not less than $2,000,000 nor more than 
$4,000,000 worth of silver bullion and coin it into money. 
Finding that they could not pass the original measure, the 
radical advocates of silver, on the theory that half a loaf is 
better than no bread, consented to accept the Bland-Allison 
bill, as it was called, and the measure became a law over the 
President’s veto (February 28, 1878). 

During the next eleven years (February 28,1878 to November 
1, 1889) $286,930,633.64 worth of silver bullion was purchased 
under the act and coined into 343,638,001 standard dollars, 
but it was found difficult to keep them in circulation, and they 
persisted in drifting back into the vaults of the treasury in 
payment of government dues and taxes. On November 1, 
1889, less than a fifth were in circulation. 

The Hayes administration was marked by unrest in many 
other matters. A description of the great railroad strike of 
1877 will be given in the next chapter. Another manifestation 
of discontent was the “Sand-lot” movement, or 

Keameyism. . . . . ...... 

Kearneyism. The originator of this agitation was 
an Irishman named Dennis Kearney, who was the prime mover 
in founding (September 12, 1877) the “Workingman’s Party 
of California,” an organization that demanded abolition of 
land and moneyed monopolies, also shorter hours for labor, but 
laid most stress on excluding the Chinese. 

In the early years following the discovery of gold these 
almond-eyed Celestials had been welcomed on the West Coast, 
for they willingly did cooking, laundering, and other work 
that white men disliked. In 1868 the Burlingame Treaty 
formally recognized their right to enter the United States, and 


i 3 2 the united states in our own times 


the census taken two years later showed that they numbered 
56,000, all but 467 of whom were west of the Rockies. Already, 
however, white laborers were beginning to feel their 
Question! 6 ** competition, for the Chinese were frugal and hard¬ 
working, willing to work for wages on which a 
white man would starve. Furthermore, their customs were 
outlandish, their habits repellent, and they gathered in filthy, 
congested districts where strange and abominable vices were 
practised. In 1871 a mob in Los Angeles shot or hanged more 
than a score of Chinese; similar brutal scenes became com¬ 
mon over the West. Attacks upon Chinese quarters formed, 
in fact, a reasonably safe sort of diversion, for the dwellers in 
such places rarely made any effective resistance, and their gov¬ 
ernment at home was too weak to exact satisfaction for out¬ 
rages against its citizens abroad. 

Kearney’s party brought the hostility to the Celestials to a 
head. Kearney, imitating Cato, habitually ended all of his 
speeches—which were usually made on the vacant “sand lots” 
of San Francisco—with the slogan, “The Chinese 
Cmsade. S must go! ” In 1879, in alliance with the Grangers, 
the new party controlled the State constitutional 
convention and inserted into the new fundamental law clauses 
aimed at the Chinese, but these and some State laws having 
the same object were set aside by the federal Supreme Court. 

For years the East gave scant attention to the Chinese ques¬ 
tion, but when Celestials began to appear in that section, 
Eastern workingmen, fearing their “cheap labor,” made com¬ 
mon cause with their Western brethren. Interested 
capitalists and disinterested philanthropists vainly 
strove to quiet the agitation; Western mobs con¬ 
tinued to maltreat and murder the “heathen Chinee.” In 
1879 Congress passed a bill restricting the immigration of the 
Chinese, but Hayes vetoed the measure on the ground that it 
was in conflict with the Burlingame Treaty. Next year, how¬ 
ever, the United States persuaded China to modify that treaty, 
and in 1882 legislation excluding Chinese coolies for ten years 
was enacted. In 1892 the drastic Geary law extended the period 


Chinese 

Exclusion 

Acts. 


AN INTERLUDE 


*33 


for another decade, despite the protests of China. Later 
legislation continued the prohibition, and in recent years the 
number of Chinese in the United States has tended to diminish 
rather than increase. In 1910 there were only 71,531. Only 
students and certain other designated classes are now permitted 
to come into the country at all. 

Historians are inclined to agree that Hayes ruled firmly and 
patriotically in a confused and critical period, but he never 
managed to achieve much popularity. In his letter of accept¬ 
ance he had declared that if elected he would not be a can¬ 
didate for a second term, and the “Stalwart” faction of his 
party were determined to hold “Granny Hayes,” as many of 
them called him, to his word. 

Among the candidates for the Republican nomination in 
1880 were Secretary Sherman of Ohio, Senator Blaine of Maine, 
and Senator Edmunds of Vermont, but the name that at- 
The Grant tracted most attention was that of General Grant, 
Third-Term whom certain Stalwart leaders, notably Conkling 
of New York, Don Cameron of Pennsylvania, and 
Logan of Illinois, were bringing forward for a third term. On 
his retirement in 1877 Grant had made a tour around the world, 
in the course of which he had been received with high honors 
that were very flattering to the American people. Many Re¬ 
publicans believed that his added experience would enable him 
to avoid the blunders of his previous tenure of office, while, to 
combat the arguments against a third term, it was urged that 
the precedent applied only to a third consecutive term. His 
candidacy was greeted with warm approval and equally warm 
opposition. 

The Republican convention, which met at Chicago on June 
2, 1880, praised the record of the Republican party and the 
administration of President Hayes and denounced the Demo¬ 
cratic party’s “supreme and insatiable lust of office 
pSonm 11 anc * patronage” and the methods taken by it to 
secure a “solid South.” The platform, as reported, 
omitted any reference to civil service reform, but a Massa¬ 
chusetts delegate proposed a “plank” demanding that “Con- 


i 3 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

gress shall so legislate that fitness, ascertained by proper prac¬ 
tical tests, shall admit to the public service.” Thereupon a 
delegate from Texas, Flanagan by name, won nation-wide no¬ 
toriety by springing to his feet and proclaiming the old slogan, 
“To the victors belong the spoils.” “What are we up here 
for?” he demanded, mystified. Probably a majority of the 
delegates sympathized with Flanagan’s view, but they felt it 
unsafe to go on record to that effect, so the amendment was 
adopted. 

Conkling presented Grant’s name in a striking speech which 
began: 

“And when asked what State he hails from, our sole reply shall be, 
He hails from Appomattox and its famous apple tree.” 


The speech of James A. Garfield in Sherman’s behalf was also 
a splendid effort, and it was to have unexpected results. On 
the first ballot Grant led with 304 votes, Blaine was a close 
second with 284, Sherman had 93, and Edmunds 
Arthun and 34 > with the rest scattering. Grant’s “phalanx,” 
as his delegates were called, stuck to him to the 
end, but his vote never rose above 313, which was 65 short of 
a majority. Sherman’s vote rose to 120 on the thirtieth ballot, 
but he could get no more, while Blaine’s number never exceeded 
285. On the second ballot one delegate had voted for Gar¬ 
field, and on several succeeding ballots he received 1 or 2 votes; 
on the thirty-fourth ballot Wisconsin gave him 16 votes, making 
him a total of 17. To show his loyalty to Sherman, Garfield 
sprang to his feet to make a protest, but Senator George F. Hoar, 
the permanent chairman, who tells us in his Autobiography that 
he secretly hoped that the deadlock would be broken in the way 
that actually happened, ruled Garfield out of order and com¬ 
manded him to sit down. On the next ballot Garfield received 
50, and on the next a mad rush to him ensued, with the result 
that he received 399 votes and the nomination. As a sop to 
Conkling and the disappointed Stalwarts, the convention then 
named for the vice-presidency Chester A. Arthur, the man 


AN INTERLUDE 


i 35 


whom Hayes had removed from the collectorship of the port 
of New York. 

James A. Garfield, who was thus unexpectedly nominated, 
was born at Orange, in the Western Reserve of Ohio, in 1831. 
His parents were poor, and as a boy he drove mules on the tow- 
Garfield’s P at ^ of the Ohio Canal, but he managed to obtain 
Character^ a co ^ e & e education. When the Civil War came, 
he was president of a small institution known as 
Hiram College, but he entered the army and rose to the rank of 
a major-general, being later elected to the House of Represen¬ 
tatives, where he served several terms. At the time he was 
nominated he had been elected by the Ohio Legislature to the 
Senate, but had not yet taken his seat. The story of his rise 
from poverty and obscurity made a strong popular appeal. 

Many people supposed that the Democrats would renominate 
Tilden and under his leadership seek to “right the wrong” of 
1876. But he was far from popular with most of the leaders, 
and many believed that the cipher-despatch dis- 
Nominate closures weakened his availability. When Tilden 
an^English wrote a somewhat equivocal letter in which he ex¬ 
patiated upon his bad health and seemed to depre¬ 
cate proposals to nominate him, most Democrats chose to 
interpret the missive as a definite declination, and in the con¬ 
vention, which met at Cincinnati (June 22), he received only a 
few votes. On the first ballot nearly a score of other candidates 
received more or less support, among them being Thomas F. 
Bayard of Delaware, Henry B. Payne of Ohio, Allen G. Thur¬ 
man of Ohio, and Thomas A. Hendricks of Indiana, but General 
Winfield S. Hancock of Pennsylvania led, and on the second 
ballot he was nominated. The man thus selected was a veteran 
of both the Mexican and Civil Wars, and had greatly distin¬ 
guished himself at Gettysburg and Spottsylvania. His fine 
appearance and soldierly bearing had won him the nickname 
of “the Superb.” Although he had fought against the South, 
he had won favor in that section by showing, as a district com¬ 
mander, that he did not sympathize with the Congressional 
plan of reconstruction. As his associate on the ticket, the con- 


136 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


vention selected William H. English of Indiana, a former mem¬ 
ber of Congress in the days of the Kansas controversy. 

In the campaign the Democratic orators harped constantly 
on the “fraud of 1876,” an issue which their platform declared 
“dwarfs every other” and “imposes a more sacred duty upon 
The the people of the Union than ever addressed the 

Campon conscience of a nation of freemen.” Republicans 

retorted with details of the cipher-despatch disclo¬ 
sures and with stories of the methods used by their antagonists 
to suppress the negro vote and maintain the “solid South.” 
The tariff, the currency, and Garfield’s alleged connection with 
the Credit Mobilier scandal also received attention. In the 
last week of the canvass the Democrats also gave wide pub¬ 
licity to a forged document known as the “Morey letter,” in 
which Garfield was represented as deprecating the agitation 
against “Chinese cheap labor.” The letter was chiefly designed 
for effect on the Pacific coast, and probably won Hancock five 
of the six electoral votes of California. On their side, the Re¬ 
publicans caught up a phrase of Hancock’s in which he char¬ 
acterized the tariff as “a local issue,” and they tried to convince 
voters that such a statement revealed his abysmal ignorance 
of public questions. The fact is that in this period of transi¬ 
tion the contest was little more than a struggle for office. Old 
issues were dead or dying, and neither party championed any 
great cause. 

The October election in Maine proved discouraging to the 
Republicans, but they redoubled their efforts thereafter, and 
even the silent Grant took the stump in behalf of the ticket. 
A Hancock carried the “ solid South,” but in the North 

Republican and West he won only New Tersey, Nevada, and 

Victory * ** J 7 

five of the six electoral votes of California—in all, 
155 electoral votes. Garfield carried the same number of 
States but received 214 electoral votes and the presidency. 
The Republicans regained control of the House of Represen¬ 
tatives, while the Senate would stand 37 Democrats, 37 Re¬ 
publicans, with the balance of power resting in the hands of the 
Vice-President and two independents. 


AN INTERLUDE 


137 


The victory was speedily followed by a quarrel between the 
victors. Garfield at first sought to conciliate Senator Conk- 
ling of New York, but soon incurred his hostility by naming 
James G. Blaine, one of Conkling’s bitterest enemies, 
Garfield- as secretary of state, and by nominating W. H. 

Feud. UnS Robertson for collector of the port of New York, a 

position which carried great weight in politics, as 
the collector had over a thousand subordinates who were ex¬ 
pected to be political workers, according to the spoils system, 
upon which Conkling was largely dependent for his power. 
Robertson had repeatedly defied the Stalwart boss, and at the 
Chicago convention had supported Blaine instead of Grant. 
Conkling believed that in Robertson’s appointment “he saw 
the fine Italian hand of Blaine.” In his insane determination 
to make the President “bite the dust,” Conkling made public 
a letter written by Garfield to stimulate the collection of cam¬ 
paign contributions from government employees. The dis¬ 
closure brought discredit upon the President, but it did not 
enable Conkling to persuade the Senate to reject Robert¬ 
son. He therefore petulantly resigned his seatiin the Senate, 
and his example was followed by his colleague, Thomas C. 
Platt, who thereby won the nickname of “Me Too.” The two 
expected and demanded a re-election as a vindication, but, to 
the delight and amusement of the country, the New York 
Legislature elected two other men, E. G. Lapham and Warner 
Miller. Conkling never again held public office, but Platt, a 
younger man, subsequently regained his power, and, as “the 
Easy Boss,” was long a familiar figure in both State and na¬ 
tional politics. 

During the campaign Garfield had written to J. A. Hubbell, 
chairman of the Republican congressional committee, another 
letter of the same tenor as that which Conkling made public. 
_ „ This letter fell into the hands of Second Assistant 

The Star 

Route Postmaster-General Brady. Brady and confed¬ 

erates had long been involved in corrupt practices 
in connection with the “star” mail routes, and when James, 
the new postmaster-general, began an investigation of these 


138 the united states in our own times 

frauds, Brady tried to frighten the President into stopping it. 
Tailing, he published the Hubbell letter, and thus added to the 
scandal already created by the letter that Conkling had made 
public. Several prominent men were involved in the frauds, 
but the prosecution was hampered by all sorts of obstacles, and 
only one of the offenders, and he a minor one, was finally brought 
to justice. 

Great crowds of office-seekers dogged Garfield’s footsteps 
and crowded his waiting-room. Of course, many were disap¬ 
pointed. Among these was a half-crazed creature named 
Charles J. Guiteau, who had been at various times 
Assassinated, preacher, editor, “reformer,” and politician. Per¬ 
sonal resentment and an insane notion that the 
death of Garfield would help to close the yawning chasm in 
the Republican party determined Guiteau to kill the President. 
On July 2, 1881, Garfield and Secretary of State Blaine were 
walking on the platform of a railway station in Washington, 
waiting to take a train in order to attend commencement at 
Garfield’s alma mater , Williams College, when Guiteau drew 
near and fired two bullets into the President’s back. For eleven 
weeks the wounded man lingered between life and death, while 
optimistic and pessimistic bulletins alternately cheered and 
depressed his sympathetic countrymen. At last, after a brave 
fight for life, he died (September 19, 1881) at Elberon on the 
Jersey coast, whither he had been taken in the vain hope that 
the ocean breezes would benefit him. His murderer was 
brought to trial, and, despite a plea of insanity made in his 
behalf, he was convicted and hanged (June 30, 1882). 

During Garfield’s long illness the country remained virtually 
without a President, and various theories were proposed as to 
what should be done to meet the situation, but fortunately no 
vital questions pressed for a decision. On the day 
President. following his death Vice-President Arthur took the 
presidential oath in his New York home, and a 
few days later the ceremony was repeated in Washington. 
“Men may die,” said the new President on the latter occasion, 
“but the fabrics of our free institutions remain unshaken.” 


AN INTERLUDE 


139 


Arthur’s past record seemed to justify the prevailing impres¬ 
sion that he was merely a second-rate politician. Further¬ 
more, as he was a member of the Stalwart faction, which many 
people held responsible for the tragedy, he incurred a part of the 
odium. Little wonder, therefore, that millions deplored the 
fact that this “ pot-house politician,” as some newspapers 
called him, must take the place of Garfield, who was already 
idealized as a martyr. Fortunately Arthur was an abler and 
better man than most people supposed, and the tremendous 
responsibility placed upon his shoulders served to bring out 
the best that was in him, with the result that as President he 
displayed unexpected firmness and sagacity. 

Arthur presently reorganized the cabinet, and only Secre¬ 
tary of War Lincoln, a son of the martyred President, remained 
in office for any length of time. Before the end of the year 
Blaine was succeeded by Frederick T. Freling- 
Reorganized. huysen of New Jersey, and the “Man from Maine” 
retired temporarily from politics, busying himself 
with the production of his well-known Twenty Years of Congress , 
the first volume of which was published in 1884. Otherwise 
the new President permitted most of Garfield’s appointees to 
remain in office, and some of them repaid his generosity with 
ingratitude. The expectant Stalwarts won no special consid¬ 
eration from him, and some of them, including Conkling, soon 
drifted into hostility to his administration. 

The murder of Garfield by a disappointed office-seeker di¬ 
rected the attention of the country in a dramatic way to the 
evils of the spoils system, and thus the tragedy had one good 
The result. Although once a spoilsman, President 

Pendleton Arthur discouraged the assessment of federal offi¬ 

cials for political purposes, and in 1881 and again 
in 1882 he urged upon Congress the desirability of civil service 
reform legislation. Public pressure proved so strong that 
early in 1883 the Pendleton bill, which had really been drawn 
by Dorman B. Eaton, a leading reformer, was enacted into 
law. The measure forbade the assessment of federal employees 
and provided for the appointment of a Civil Service Commis- 


i 4 o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

sion of three persons, who were to conduct examinations for 
persons wishing to enter what was known as the “classified 
service ” of the government. The law did not require the ap¬ 
pointment of those who passed with the highest grades, and 
some political manipulation remained possible; nevertheless, 
a great step forward had been taken. Arthur made Eaton 
chairman of the commission, with John M. Gregory and Leroy 
D. Thoman as associates. He also placed 13,780 offices in the 
classified service. 

Spoils politicians long continued to sneer at “snivel service,” 
as they dubbed the reform, and to call its supporters “goody- 
goodies” and “holier-than-thous,” but their ridicule and hos¬ 
tility alike proved unavailing. 

Another subject that was attracting considerable attention 
in these years was that of polygamy in Utah and adjoining 
territories. Since their migration across the Great Plains to 
The the Salt Lake Basin in the ’4o’s the Mormons had 

Edmunds prospered exceedingly, and some of them, as their 

money multiplied, had made corresponding in¬ 
creases in the number of their wives. This state of affairs had 
been frequently denounced in party platforms, and that of the 
Republican party in 1880 had declared “that, slavery having 
perished in the States, its twin barbarity, polygamy, must die 
in the Territories.” In 1882 Congress enacted the so-called 
“Edmunds Law,” which prohibited under heavy penalties the 
practice of polygamy in the Territories. Under this law many 
polygamists were disfranchised, and several hundred were sen¬ 
tenced to imprisonment. 

This administration was also notable for beginning the crea¬ 
tion of a new American navy. At the close of the Civil War 
the American navy had been one of the strongest in the world, 
but practically no new vessels had since been con- 
NavyBegun. structed, and ships that were considered powerful 
then were now antiquated, obsolete hulks that were 
fit for little except the junk heap. In March, 1883, Congress 
authorized the construction of three steel protected cruisers 
and a despa cch-boat, and these vessels, which were named the 


AN INTERLUDE 


141 


Boston , Atlanta , Chicago , and Dolphin respectively, were begun 
before Arthur retired from office. None of them was a vessel 
of great power, but they formed the beginning of a navy that 
was to render notable services to America and to humanity. 

A subject with which Congress grappled less successfully 
was the tariff. There had been some tariff tinkering in the 
early ’70’s, but the duties in force were practically the exceed¬ 
ingly high ones levied in the Civil War, the primary 
Question.^ purpose of which was revenue rather than protec¬ 
tion. There was some popular complaint over the 
operation of these duties, and they had been attacked by cer¬ 
tain theoretical political economists, but the tariff had not yet 
become a political issue of prime importance, and the main 
cause for the attempted revision was that the high duties were 
filling the treasury to overflowing, thereby withdrawing money 
from circulation and increasing the temptation to extravagant 
expenditure. Thus the surplus in 1881 amounted to $101,000,- 
000 and in 1882 to $145,000,000. 

In May, 1882, Congress created a commission to study the 
matter, and this body, after an extended investigation, recom¬ 
mended reductions of at least 20 per cent. But Republican 
advocates of protection joined with certain similarly 
minded Democrats, notably ex-Speaker Randall, 
who came from the great manufacturing State of 
Pennsylvania, and after much debate, in which the spectre of 
the competition of European “pauper labor” was made to do 
yeoman service, Congress in 1883 passed a new tariff act which 
provided for reductions so slight that most were scarcely per¬ 
ceptible, while some schedules were actually raised. In the 
words of the Nation , “ the kaleidoscope has been turned a hair’s 
breadth, and the colors transposed a little, but the component 
parts are the same.” 

The Republicans lost control of the House of Representa¬ 
tives in the election of 1882, but in local contests of the next 
year the pendulum swung back in their direction, hence both 
parties approached the greater contest of 1884 with some degree 
of hope. President Arthur desired to be the Republican Stand- 


Tariff 
of 1883. 


i 4 2 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

ard-bearer in that campaign, and if it had not been for the 
popularity of Blaine, he would probably have been nominated. 

The “Man from Maine” realized that he lacked 
Prfconven- the confidence of the reform element of his party 
of°i884 nteSt an d hesitated to make the race, for he feared that 
he could not be elected if nominated. He was 
determined, however, to defeat Arthur, and, in casting about 
for another candidate, hit upon General Sherman. But “Old 
Tecumseh” had noted the bitter political experiences of his 
friend Grant, and he wrote: “I would account myself a fool, 
a madman, an ass, to embark anew, at sixty-five years of age, 
in a career that may at any moment become tempest-tossed.” 
Ultimately Blaine entered the race, as did also Arthur, George 
F. Edmunds of Vermont, John Sherman of Ohio, and John A. 
Logan of Illinois. 

The convention that assembled at Chicago (June 3) con¬ 
tained a number of delegates who were to be notable figures 
in the future. William McKinley and Marcus A. Hanna sat 
with the delegation from Ohio, Benjamin Harrison 
Logan. and with that from Indiana, Henry Cabot Lodge with 

that from Massachusetts, and Theodore Roosevelt 
with that from New York. Andrew D. White, George Wil¬ 
liam Curtis, Roosevelt, Lodge, and others strenuously endeav¬ 
ored to defeat Blaine, but failed. The “Man from Maine’s” 
followers neglected no device that might stampede the conven¬ 
tion to him, and, among other things, passed a helmet and 
plume about the hall. On the first ballot he led the field with 
334 X A votes, with Arthur trailing next with 278; on each suc¬ 
ceeding ballot Blaine’s strength increased, and on the fourth 
he received 541 votes and the nomination. The convention 
then nominated Logan of Illinois for the vice-presidency. 

Between Blaine and the reformers there was a bitter feud. 
Of them he had written: “They are noisy, but not numerous; 
Pharisaical, but not practical; ambitious, but not wise; pre¬ 
tentious, but not powerful.” The reformers had an even worse 
opinion of Blaine, for they believed that he had prostituted 
official position for pecuniary gain. Conferences of reformers 


AN INTERLUDE 


i43 


held some months before had issued warnings aimed at his 
aspirations, and his nomination produced a schism in the party. 

Some of the reform element, including White, Lodge, 
Mugwumps. an d Roosevelt, ultimately gave him grudging sup¬ 
port, but many others, among them Henry Ward 
Beecher, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, George William Cur¬ 
tis, and Carl Schurz, refused to do so. Several prominent Re¬ 
publican newspapers, including the New York Evening Post and 
Times , the Boston Herald and Advertiser , and the Springfield 
Republican , took a like stand. A conference of reformers held 
in New York City (June 16) declared that Blaine and Logan 
represented “ political methods and principles to which we are 
unalterably opposed. . . . We look with solicitude to the 
coming nominations by the Democratic party; they have the 
proper men; we hope they will put them before the people/* 
Thus originated the political group known as the “Mugwumps/* 
a name coined a few years before by the Indianapolis Sentinel 
but now applied by the New York Sun. 

Hendricks, Thurman, Bayard, Randall, Tilden, and others 
were suggested for the Democratic nomination, but the man 
whom the Mugwumps expected to be named was Grover Cleve- 
Cleveland l an d of New York, and they were not disappointed, 
and When the Democratic convention met in Chicago 

Hendricks. (j u iy g) ? Cleveland received a majority on the first 
ballot and on the second the necessary two-thirds and the 
nomination. For his associate on the ticket the convention 
named Hendricks of Indiana, Tilden’s running mate in 1876. 

Cleveland was a newcomer in the national lists. He had 
never even seen the city of Washington, and did not see it 
until he went thither to be inaugurated President of the United 
States. He was the son of a Presbyterian clergy- 
Career andS man an< ^ was born *837 at Caldwell, New Jersey, 
but when he was four years old the family moved 
to Fayetteville, New York. In his teens he “clerked” for a 
time in a general store; later he taught in an institution for the 
blind. When still in his teens he set out for the West, but 
settled instead at Buffalo, worked in a law office, and was ad- 


144 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


mitted to the bar. In 1863 he was assistant district attorney 
for the county, and from 1870 to 1873 he served as sheriff. In 
1881 a combination of Democrats and Independents elected 
him mayor of Buffalo. By making efficiency rather than 
politics the key-note of his administration he won such favora¬ 
ble notice that in 1882 he was nominated by the Democrats 
for governor of New York, and, partly owing to factional strife 
among the Republicans, he was elected by the unprecedented 
plurality of over 190,000. As governor he displayed the same 
hard-headed honesty and independence he had shown as mayor, 
and incurred the bitter hostility of Tammany Hall. He was 
not brilliant; he was a persistent plodder. His education had 
been limited; his outlook at this time was somewhat narrow. 
In his speeches and writings he was inclined to use ponderous, 
polysyllabic words—to make “the little fishes talk like whales.” 
Brusque of manner and blunt of speech, primitive in his tastes, 
few Presidents have been more courageous or more stubborn, 
but with the latter quality went an energy and power which 
more tactful politicians were forced to recognize. 

In the campaign much oratory was spilled on the subjects 
A Mud- tar ^ anc * the “solid South,” but there was 

Slinging no overshadowing issue, and the contest soon de- 

C a rn q 

generated into one of personalities. Right-thinking 
people were nauseated by the tactics of both sides, and one 
editor fitly characterized the campaign as “worthy the stair¬ 
ways of a tenement-house.” 

Both parties realized the importance of the great State of 
New York and concentrated their efforts in that pivotal com¬ 
monwealth. Blaine’s managers realized that he would suffer 
An in this State from the antagonism of the Mug- 

Alliterative wumps and the hatred of Conkling, who was feed- 

ergyman. ing fa( . hfe ancient grudge. But the Plumed Knight 
was popular with the Irish, for his mother was of that race, 
his sister was the superior of a Catholic convent, and he had 
championed the cause of Ireland; it was hoped, therefore, that 
he would gain enough Irish votes to more than make up for 
Republican defections. On the other hand, Cleveland, as gov- 


AN INTERLUDE 


i45 


ernor, had offended the Catholics, the labor vote, and Tam¬ 
many Hall. However, the loyalty of Tammany was won 
through the personal intercession of Hendricks, while the Irish 
Catholics were alienated from Blaine by the rash words of one 
of his own supporters. On the 29th of October Blaine received 
in the Fifth Avenue Hotel in New York City a large delegation 
of Protestant clergymen. Their spokesman, Doctor Samuel 
D. Burchard, in the course of his address, characterized the 
Democracy as “the party of Rum, Romanism, and Rebellion.” 
Blaine failed to notice, or at least to rebuke, the alliterative 
allusion, and the same evening he was dined by many of the 
richest men of New York, including Jay Gould and other un¬ 
popular magnates. The Democratic managers saw their op¬ 
portunity, and gave wide publicity to Blaine’s “Millionaire 
Dinner” and to Burchard’s unfortunate utterance, and, it was 
believed, managed to turn enough votes to decide the result. 

Outside of New York, Cleveland carried three Northern 
States—Indiana, Connecticut, and New Jersey—and the “solid 
South,” with a total of 183 electoral votes, while Blaine carried 
. the rest of the Northern States, with a total of 182 

Democratic electoral votes. The result hinged upon New York, 
and the contest in that State was so close that for 
days the outcome was uncertain. Meanwhile there was ex¬ 
citement throughout the country and many rumors and threats. 
At last the official count showed that Cleveland had carried 
the State by the narrow margin of 1,149 votes. 

For the first time since 1856 the Democrats had won the 
presidency. like Webster and Clay, the Plumed Knight was 
never to be President. Magnetic and popular though he was, 
the prize he coveted lay beyond his reach. 


CHAPTER X 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


For almost a decade after the Civil War a state of lawless¬ 
ness reigned in the Schuylkill and Shamokin mining districts 
of Pennsylvania. The disorders were the work of a mysterious 
secret order called the “ Molly Maguires,” whose 
members levied blackmail, mobbed and murdered 
mine bosses and “scabs,” and in places were even 
in collusion with the police and county officials. They were 
so numerous and well organized that for years they were able 
to defy the law almost with impunity, but their secrets were 
finally ferreted out. Many of the Mollies were hanged, many 
others received long terms in prison, and the gang was broken 


The 

“Molly 

Maguires. 


up. 

Far more wide-spread but of much shorter duration was the 
famous railroad strike of 1877. In July, 1877, the Baltimore 
& Ohio Railroad lowered the wages of its employees for the 
Railroad fourth time in seven years, and thus precipitated 
Strike of the greatest strike the country had yet known. 

The strike began at Martinsburg, West Virginia 
(July 16, 1877), and spread rapidly to other States and other 
lines. Transportation and industry were speedily paralyzed. 
Bloody clashes between the strikers and the police and militia 
took place at Baltimore, Pittsburgh, and other towns; at Pitts¬ 
burgh the mob completely controlled the city, pillaged property 
at will, and destroyed 100 locomotives and 2,006 cars. In 
many instances the police and even the militia proved power¬ 
less to preserve the peace; in a dozen States a situation devel¬ 
oped resembling civil war; to many frightened people it seemed 
as if the very bases of the Republic were suddenly crumbling; 
excited journalists compared conditions with those in France 
under the Red Commune. In some places determined citizens 

146 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


i47 


formed committees of safety and organized special forces to 
save the country from anarchy, while the governors of several 
States called on the President for federal troops, and in most 
instances he complied. Owing to the hard times, many rail¬ 
roads were in the hands of federal receivers, and in several 
cases federal judges enjoined the strikers from interfering with 
the operation of such roads. In Missouri and Indiana the 
Democratic governors, for political reasons, refused to call on 
the President for troops, but troops were sent to those States 
on the demand of United States marshals. Though con¬ 
temptuous of local and State forces, the strikers were overawed 
by the display of national power, and within two weeks the 
strike was at an end. 

Labor troubles such as these were symptomatic of a great 
transformation in the life of the people of the United States. 
Americans had long been almost wholly an agricultural people, 
The with an abundance of fertile, unoccupied land to 

Changing serve as a solvent for economic discontent. But in 

recent decades the nation had made great strides 
toward a new order of things. As the land filled with inhabi¬ 
tants, as new industries sprang up, the nation drifted away 
from the simplicity of an agricultural age, and its problems 
grew more and more complex. Day by day the struggle for 
existence became more and more like the bitter, grinding 
struggle that prevailed among the congested populations of 
Europe. Food, clothing, and shelter were increasingly difficult 
to obtain, and men found themselves more and more dependent 
on others for the mere opportunity to earn a living. 

A century before there had begun, first in England, a new 
economic movement which in its influence on the lives and 
thoughts of mankind was to prove immeasurably more impor¬ 
tant than any political revolution in history. Hith- 
Revolution. erto manufacturing had been done almost wholly 
by hand, laboriously and slowly, but by inventing 
labor-saving machinery, such as the spinning-jenny, the power- 
loom, and the steam-engine, man began to free himself from 
the limitations of his own puny strength and to harness the 


i 4 8 the united states in our own times 

powers of nature to work for him. The transformation appeared 
first in textile industries, but gradually machinery came to be 
used more and more in other manufacturing; inventions mul¬ 
tiplied until they became the greatest wonder of the world; 
electricity, as well as steam, was set to work; and a day came 
when man did little save direct the gigantic powers that his 
genius had enslaved. 

One result of this Industrial Revolution*—even the name of 
which, strangely enough, is not to be found in some of our 
school histories—is that the quantity of goods that man can 
create and enjoy has been vastly increased. A few 
Results of men with a cotton-gin can clean as much cotton 
lu5on eV ° as cou ld a thousand using the old hand methods; 

a few hundred men and women with power-looms 
can weave more cotton cloth than the whole of the old cotton¬ 
weaving world put together; one modern printing-press can 
print more columns of reading matter in a few hours than all 
the American hand-presses in 1775 could print in a week. In 
fact, in many industries man’s efficiency has been multiplied 
a hundred fold, a thousand fold, even ten thousand fold. Fur¬ 
thermore, the introduction and development of steam and elec¬ 
tric transportation methods has enabled him to reach out to 
the ends of the earth for raw materials and to send the finished 
products where he will. The standard of living has been raised 
far higher among civilized peoples; even day-laborers now en¬ 
joy comforts and luxuries undreamed of by the wealthy before 
the great transformation. 

In certain other respects the results have not been so roseate. 
A comparatively few people have managed to reap an undue 
share of the rich harvest. The standard of living has been 
Doubtful raised for most classes, but the uplift has not been 
and^Evil equal along the whole line, as Henry George pointed 
out in his widely read Progress and Poverty, pub¬ 
lished in 1879. Furthermore, the new order brought with it 
profound changes in the organization of industry and of society 

*This account of the Industrial Revolution is adapted from the 
author’s America in Ferment , pp. 157-162. 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


149 


in general. Great factories and factory cities, trusts and com¬ 
bines, child labor, and various other doubtful or evil features 
of contemporary life are all results of the great revolution. 

In past ages industries were managed on comparatively 
simple lines. Under the old guild system, for example, John 
Treat, apprentice to Abner Dikeham, the weaver of woollens, 
worked in his employer’s little shop alongside Dike- 
ham himself, three or four other apprentices, and 
perhaps as many grown-up journeymen. His per¬ 
sonal relations with Dikeman were close; they not 
only worked together in the same shop but they 
lived together in the same house; and if old Dike- 
ham happened to have a pretty daughter Faith who suited 
John’s fancy, the apprentice might dare to hope that he could 
win her. At all events, he became a journeyman when he 
grew up, could work for wages for whom he pleased, and if he 
proved to be a man of business ability, might become a master 
weaver himself, with his own shop, apprentices, journeymen, 
and pretty daughter. The guild system, to be sure, had 
broken down in many trades long before the Industrial Revolu¬ 
tion began, but in most industries, however organized, the rela¬ 
tions between employee and employer were still likely to be 
fairly close, and the passage from one class to the other was 
still comparatively easy. 

The Industrial Revolution changed all that. Manufacturing 
came to be done in great factories, and the cost of machinery, 
tools, and buildings mounted so high that the transition from 
worker to employer became much more difficult. 
fromWorker In the old days the cost of looms and other equip- 
DiffiaJt° yer ment f° r woollen weaving did not exceed the amount 
of a few months or years of a journeyman’s wages; 
to-day the cost of such plants exceeds the combined wages of 
many men for whole lifetimes, and what is true of the woollen 
industry is true of many others. John Treat, the American de¬ 
scendant of mediaeval John and Faith, if he begins as a laborer 
in a factory, has to reconcile himself to the probability that he 
will always remain a laborer. “Born an employee, die an 


Close 

Relations of 

Employer 

and 

Employee 
under Guild 
System. 


i5o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


employee ” has become the general rule in a great number of 
industries, and the rule is all the more maddening because it is 
out of harmony with our ideal of freedom for the individual— 
an ideal that was being realized in some respects in the very 
period when the Industrial Revolution was developing. Occa¬ 
sionally, to be sure, a workman does make the passage to the 
employer class, but where one succeeds a hundred or a thousand 
fail. Realizing that the chances are so much against them, 
workers have acquired a class consciousness that did not exist 
before, and in many places and many industries have organ¬ 
ized themselves into unions to protect their interests. 

Furthermore, the employer himself has undergone a great 
transformation. Instead of one man owning a mill or factory, 
it came to be common for partnerships to be formed, and the 
The Growth partnership in turn often gave way before another 
of Cor- idea. In the evolution of industrial society there 

porations. developed a system of combination called a cor¬ 
poration, having the activities of individuals and infinitely 
greater power but without an individual’s conscience or respon¬ 
sibility. A day came when corporations expanded or united 
until sometimes one great company would control not merely 
one factory or group of factories but practically a whole indus¬ 
try, with power to fix prices, to ruin competitors, and to dictate 
to the workmen in the industry. Employers even in different 
industries would organize to advance and protect their interests 
and more especially to enable them to resist the demands of 
their workers. 

The gulf between worker and employer thus became com¬ 
plete. In the old days both belonged to the craft guild and 
viewed matters either as workers or former workers, as employ¬ 
ers or prospective employers. To-day each has 
his organization—to fight the other. It is a rar: 
thing for the modern John Treat to labor along¬ 
side his employer, much less to woo and wed his 
daughter. If the employer is a corporation, the 
employer has no daughter. Even if he is an individual, he is 
often a man of vast interests which he commits to the care of 


Gulf 

between 

Employee 

and 

Employer. 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


151 


others, so that John Treat may not in his whole lifetime so 
much as set eyes on him. Under such conditions there can be 
little community of interest or understanding. Instead there 
is often lack of sympathy, and, too often, downright hos¬ 
tility. 

The Industrial Revolution came much later in the United 
States than in England. It is generally considered to have 
begun in 1790 when Samuel Slater brought over from England 
industrial to -^^ oc ^ e Island plans of textile machinery and set 
Revolution up a small factory, but it was not until the period 
of the War of 1812 that manufacturing in the modern 
sense began to be common in the United States. It was later 
stimulated by protective duties, and grew with ever-increasing 
rapidity as the Civil War drew near, jumping from $1,000,000,- 
000 in 1850 to $1,900,000,000 in i860. The Civil War gave 
manufacturing a great impetus, and thereafter the United States 
experienced an industrial development unequalled in history. 

This vast growth was due in part to the expansion of old 
industries, in part to the creation of some that were, entirely 
new. As a type of the former let us take the making of iron 
T , and steel. In colonial times this industry—partly 
Steel because of hostile British legislation—had attained 

Industry. on jy sm all dimensions. Even in 1791, when Alex¬ 
ander Hamilton made his famous report on American manu¬ 
factures, the annual production amounted to only a few millions. 
There were furnaces for smelting ore in almost every State, 
but they were small, the industry was decentralized, and the 
making of nails was still “an occasional family manufacture.” 

In 1810 the total value of the product was only $14,400,000, 
but the War of 1812, by cutting off imports from abroad, gave 
the industry a considerable impetus. It still remained, however, 
The a widely scattered industry, for, owing to the abun- 

Charcoal dance of wood, American furnaces generally con¬ 
tinued to use charcoal long after their British com¬ 
petitors had come almost entirely to coal. Charcoal-made 
iron, to be sure, was unsurpassed in quality, but the use of char¬ 
coal as a fuel tended to dispersion; wherever iron ore was dis- 


152 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

covered there small furnaces, using charcoal made from the 
adjoining forest, were likely to spring up. 

In time anthracite coal came to be largely used in smelting 
the ore, and about 1849 a ton of anthracite iron rather than a 
ton of charcoal iron became the standard in market quota- 
The tions. With the growing importance of the new 

Anthracite fuel the tendency was for the main production of 
iron to centre in the anthracite region, that is, on 
the highlands between the Delaware, Schuylkill, and Susque¬ 
hanna Rivers. Many of the charcoal furnaces continued, how¬ 
ever, to operate prosperously, for charcoal iron was—and still 
is—best for certain purposes, while the chief fabricators of iron 
were still the blacksmiths, “whose resounding shops stood at 
the crossroads in almost every township in the United States,” 
and, owing to high costs of transportation, local furnaces could 
often profitably supply the smiths of their locality. As late as 
1883 there were still two dozen forges of the old primitive 
Catalan type in western North Carolina, and another dozen 
across the border in Tennessee. The bar iron produced at 
these forges served as a legal tender in some places, and the 
producers brought it to the little country stores and exchanged 
it for coffee, sugar, and calico. 

The reign of anthracite iron proved short; it was dethroned 
in turn by bituminous iron, that is, iron made with coke. This 
method had long been in use in England, and it was successfully 
employed in a few places in the United States in 
Period^ the late ^o’s, but the anthracite region possessed 
certain transportation advantages and anthracite 
long remained low in price; it was not until railroads had revolu¬ 
tionized transportation and anthracite had risen that coke- 
made iron eclipsed its old rival, the date when the new aspirant 
triumphed being 1875. From 1880 onward coke-made iron had 
a twenty-fold increase in less than as many years. Again the 
centre of iron production shifted, crawling over the mountains 
into the drainage basin of the upper Ohio, and Connellsville 
coke and Pittsburgh became famous in the world of iron and 
steel. 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


153 


Shortly after the crowning of coke iron there came a great 
change in the source of ore supply. Hitherto the main de¬ 
pendence had been comparatively low-grade local ores, from 
The New Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York, but vast 
Mines about deposits of much richer ore existed about Lake 
Superior. Superior, and these became increasingly important. 

The Lake Superior ore was brought by cheap water 
transportation to the lower lakes, and thence transshipped to 
Pittsburgh and other centres, the total price of transportation 
per ton being lower than that at which the poorer ores could 
be delivered. A day came when much of the ore moving down 
the Lakes was met at the water’s edge by coal coming up from 
the mines, and vast smelters arose at Lake ports that became 
world-famous. 

By 1880 the American iron industry had attained large 
dimensions, but Great Britain was making almost 8,000,000 
tons to our 4,000,000. In the coming years, however, America 
was to outstrip her old rival. The age of steel— 
ofSteeL thanks to Bessemer and many other inventors— 
was already supplanting that of iron; and the 
American iron and steel industry of the ’8o’s, vast and wonder¬ 
ful though it seemed, was but a pigmy compared with the giant 
of to-day. 

Meanwhile in the world of industry the individual propri¬ 
etor was giving place to partnerships, and these in turn to cor¬ 
porations. In some industries restless and ambitious men could 
not rest content with a share but were seeking to 
grasp control of the whole. In iron and steel, 
production was becoming more concentrated geo¬ 
graphically: fewer plants than in the days of George 
Washington, but vastly greater production; some 
great companies, but no one great company, virtually controlling 
the whole industry. That development did not come in iron 
and steel until after the dawn of the twentieth century. 

It came considerably earlier in the petroleum industry, a new 
business that scarcely antedates the Civil War. 

In the Old World petroleum was known even to the ancients, 


Concentra¬ 
tion both 
Geographi¬ 
cally and 
into Great 
Companies. 


but it was that the possibilities of the product were 

first developed to ^knportant extent. The Indians and the 

Use o{ earty French explorers and missionaries in north- 

Petroieum as western New York sometimes found the oil rising in 
a Medicine. . - , . . •, 

springs of water, and one missionary describes a 
“fountain of bitumen” which he saw rising from Lake Ontario 
in 1627. As early as 1791 some enterprising spirit began to col¬ 
lect petroleum from the springs along Oil Creek in Pennsylvania, 
and to sell this “Seneca Oil” as a wonderful natural remedy for 
rheumatism and other ills, though seemingly without much 
success. In the next few decades oil was found in many places, 
particularly in digging wells to obtain brine for salt, but though 
several attempts were made to use the oil as an illuminant, the 
crude product created such intolerable smoke and odor that 
the experimenters gave up defeated. At that time tallow 
candles and whale oil formed the main dependence for lighting 
purposes, but the supply of both was limited and prices high, 
and it was inevitable that new experiments should be made. 
Toward the middle of the century a Pittsburgh druggist named 
Samuel Kier began vigorously to promote petroleum as a medi¬ 
cine, but though he raised the sales to as much as three barrels 
a day, the supply of “Kier’s Oil” far exceeded the demand, 
and Kier turned his attention to the illuminating possibilities 
of the product. About 1852 he thought of trying 
Ilfuminant. distilling methods that were being used in ob¬ 

taining oils from coal and shale, and he succeeded 
in producing an oil that, though not wholly satisfactory, was 
much better than the crude product. However, improved 
methods were soon evolved, together with better lamps for 
burning it, and a great demand was soon created for this 
“kerosene” as it was presently called, the name being that 
already used for the oil obtained from coal and shales. 

For a time the petroleum was skimmed off springs or taken 
from shallow pits or dug wells, but the supply thus obtained was 
inadequate. Presently a company formed in New Haven 
decided to drill a well, and sent a railway conductor named 
Edwin L. Drake out to Oil Creek to oversee the work. Drake 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


i55 


met with many difficulties, but he was a man of ingenuity, and 
in 1859 he managed to reach a depth of silty-nine feet, when on 
returning to work one morning the workmen found 
Creek Boom. the wel1 almost full of oil. A great boom at 
once developed, with the usual accompaniment of 
wild speculation. In two years the valley of Oil Creek was 
transformed into a wilderness of derricks, rude engine-houses, 
and board shanties; farmers owning land in the valley suddenly 
found themselves immensely rich. 

All the early wells were shallow, and the oil had to be got 
out by pumping, but in 1861 some enterprising spirits drilled 
four or five hundred feet down to what is now known as the 
“third sand.” Then “without warning the drill- 
Wdis 61 i n g tools were hurled high above the derrick, fol¬ 
lowed by a stream of oil gushing out with such 
force that it could not be controlled for several days.” For 
months this well produced several hundred barrels a day; other 
new gushers yielded as much as 4,000 barrels a day, which was 
as much as one of the earlier wells would produce in a year. 
Production soon outstripped demand, and the price dropped as 
low as ten cents a barrel, whereas earlier it had been as high 
as a dollar a gallon. 

The market, however, constantly expanded, and soon the 
industry revived. New discoveries were made in other locali¬ 
ties; new waves of speculation followed, even wilder than the 
first; and the world was filled with the tales of 
Speculation, sudden wealth and the spectacular extravagances of 
an eccentric individual called “Coal Oil Johnny.” 
In the middle ’6o’s fully a thousand companies, with stocks 
nominally aggregating over $600,000,000, were formed, and 
their glowing prospectuses led humorists to satirize them. One 
pamphlet of the day represented itself to be the prospectus of 
“The Munchausen, Philosopher’s Stone, and Gull Creek Grand 
Consolidated Oil Company.” The capital stock of this com¬ 
pany was $4,000,000,000, the working capital $37.50, and divi¬ 
dends were guaranteed semi-daily except Sunday. The com¬ 
pany controlled four tracts of land. On the one after which 


156 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

the concern was named a shaft 16,000,000 feet in depth had 
been sunk, “yielding cooking butter, XXX ale, turtle soup and 
bounty money, besides other things too numerous to mention.” 
The “Ananias and Sapphira Tract” was small, containing only 
65,000,000 acres; the “Moonshine Tract” was heavily wooded; 
the “China and Hades Tract” was known to be “especially 
rich in tea! ” 

Again the bubble burst; again there came a revival. Grad¬ 
ually both producing and refining were placed on a more solid 
basis, though from that day to this, with the discovery of every 
new oil-field, the old story of a lucky strike, a stampede thither, 
sudden wealth to the fortunate ones, wild speculation, and 
finally the inevitable bursting of the bubble was almost 
certain to be repeated. 

Improved distilling methods were evolved, and a better, 
safer kerosene was put upon the market, while 
Products. dozens of by-products were developed, such as 
benzine, naphtha, gasoline, vaseline, paraffin, and 
lubricating oils. And the immensity of the whole business 
surpassed the wildest dreams of its early promoters. 

The later history of the oil business is inextricably inter¬ 
woven with the biography of an individual—John D. Rocke¬ 
feller. This modern Croesus was born at Richford, New York, 
in 1839, but in 1853 the family moved to Cleveland, 
Rockefeller. Ohio. The Rockefellers of that period were poor, 
and in after years, when he was the richest man in 
the world, “John D.” was fond of telling admiring Baptist 
Sunday-school classes how he made his first dollars—and set 
them to work. When still in his teens he became a partner in 
a commission business, but in 1862, with his partner and an 
English mechanic named Samuel Andrews, he engaged in the 
new business of refining oil. The partners prospered, and about 
1867 the new firm of “Rockefeller, Andrews, & Flagler” took 
over a group of refineries in which the various members of the 
new partnership—which included William Rockefeller, brother 
to John—were interested. 

In 1870 the Rockefellers and their associates took an epoch- 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


i57 


making step. They transformed their partnership into a cor¬ 
poration, with a capital of $1,000,000, and took the soon-to-be- 
The famous name of the “Standard Oil Company of 

Standard Oil Ohio.” At that time there were probably 2 co other 

Company. . r jo 

refineries scattered from Ohio to the Atlantic coast, 
with a total daily capacity of perhaps 16,000 barrels, and the 
Standard, with a daily capacity of 600 barrels, was merely one 
of the largest. The new company entered upon an aggressive 
campaign, and won startling successes, largely because of 
legitimate business efficiency, foresight, better refining methods, 
pipe-lines, and utilization of by-products, but partly because 
of ruthless warfare upon its competitors. 

In 1872 the two Rockefellers and eleven others formed what 
was known as the South Improvement Company and managed 
to obtain a secret contract with the oil-carrying roads to trans¬ 
port oil at about half the price paid by other refin- 
Rebates* ers. The signers of this contract on the part of the 
railroads included Jay Gould and William H. Van¬ 
derbilt. The existence of the agreement became generally 
known, and it had to be given up, but the Standard succeeded, 
nevertheless, in obtaining secret rebates, which gave it an 
immense advantage over less fortunate competitors. Further¬ 
more, the Standard managed to gain control of the great pipe¬ 
lines, which were rapidly supplanting other means of trans¬ 
porting oil, and thus put the oil producers practically at their 
mercy. Many independent oil refiners were soon driven to 
the hard alternative of going out of business altogether or of 
selling out at a low price to the Standard Oil Company. The 
business of whole neighborhoods was paralyzed, and many men 
were ruined. Public opinion was aroused, congressional in¬ 
vestigations were made, but the rebates were continued, as the 
railroads were not under any effective public control, and their 
managers and magnates often profited by the arrangement. 
By 1877 the great octopus controlled 95 per cent of all the oil 
refined in the United States, and could raise or lower prices 
at will. 

In 1882 the Standard Oil Company was, for various reasons, 


158 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


transformed into the Standard Oil Trust. The stockholders 
The in the thirty-nine companies composing the new 

Standard organization assigned their stock to the two Rocke- 
Oil Trust. f e u ers and seven other trustees, giving them perma¬ 
nent power of attorney and receiving back “trust certificates,” 
upon which the profits of the combination were divided. 

The “trust” idea soon became highly popular among finan¬ 
ciers in other lines of industry, and the example of 
imitated! the Standard was widely imitated. A number of 
firms or corporations engaged in the same business 
would unite under a trust agreement for the purpose of regulat¬ 
ing the supply and price of the commodity which they pro¬ 
duced; such “trusts,” as they were called, would conduct ruth¬ 
less warfare against competitors, and would seek to obtain a 
monopoly of the industry in which they engaged. Thus were 
created the great business leviathans that bestrode the financial 
world and seemed to threaten even the liberties of the Republic. 
But of this more will be said hereafter. 

These decades also beheld rapid strides in the consolidation 
of railroads. In the early years of railroad construction most 
of the lines were short, and were built with little relation to 
Railroad other lines. A traveller from New York to St. 

Consolida- Louis or Chicago in the Civil War period, or earlier, 

had to make repeated changes from one road to 
another, the terminals of which were often miles apart, had to 
buy a ticket for each road, would likely waste hours waiting for 
trains, and otherwise was subjected to vexations and delays 
little known to-day. The economic disadvantages to the rail¬ 
roads themselves of such a state of affairs were enormous; 
presently far-sighted managers began consolidating the unre¬ 
lated short roads into great trunk lines. Thus in 1868 Cornelius 
Vanderbilt, president of the Hudson River Railroad, united it 
with the New York Central, thereby forming one continuous 
line from New York City to Buffalo. Five years later he 
leased the Lake Shore & Michigan Southern and thereby 
reached Chicago. About the same time the Pennsylvania and 
the Baltimore & Ohio also established through lines to the 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


159 


hensible 

Practices. 


metropolis of the Middle West, and the former also reached 
St. Louis. 

Consolidation enabled the railroads to furnish better service, 
both freight and passenger, at smaller cost, but the process of 
consolidation was frequently preceded or accompanied by the 
Repre financial “wrecking” of roads, the “squeezing out” 

of minority stockholders, stock-watering, and other 
reprehensible practices. Furthermore, though many 
of the roads had received large land or money subsidies, their 
managers usually forgot to be grateful for such favors and dis¬ 
played a grasping determination “to charge all the traffic 
would bear.” High freight and passenger rates, and stories 
of the millions that railway lords were piling up, combined to 
create great hostility among the people; and the men chiefly 
engaged in the management of railroads—Jay Gould, the Van¬ 
derbilts, Thomas A. Scott, John W. Garrett, and others—were 
indiscriminately condemned as a band of financial pirates. 

An element hard hit by this unscrupulous mismanagement 
of the railroads entirely in the interest of a class rapidly grow¬ 
ing rich were the farmers of the West. They formed an or¬ 
ganization that took the name of the “Patrons of 
Movemenf er Husbandry” but that was more popularly known 
as the “Grangers.” This society was founded at 
Washington in 1867, but did not attain much importance until 
the panic of 1873, when it developed with astonishing rapidity 
and soon had a membership of a million and a half, mainly in 
the Middle West and Northwest. Men, women, and children 
came to the lodges, or “granges,” and while the men talked 
politics and farming the children played and the women gos¬ 
siped and prepared a picnic supper. The Grangers had many 
grievances. One of their main objects was to promote direct 
dealing between producer and consumer, thus eliminating the 
middleman, but they also directed their attention to 
Laws Granger securing better and cheaper transportation. Largely 
through their influence several Northwestern States 
enacted the so-called “Granger laws” creating railway com¬ 
missions with extensive supervisory powers, establishing in some 


160 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


cases maximum rates, and forbidding discrimination in rates 
between shippers. 

The railroads denounced these acts as confiscatory and at¬ 
tacked their constitutionality, but the Federal Supreme Court, 
in the “Granger Cases,” held (1877) that States possessed the 
The power to regulate rates, provided the rates were 

“Granger not made so low as to amount to confiscation of 

property. In 1886, however, the same court, in 
the case of the Wabash Railway vs. Illinois, denied to the States 
the power to adopt regulations affecting interstate commerce. 
The influence of the Grangers had already declined, and the 
railroads managed to obtain the repeal of most of the obnoxious 
laws. But the principle that railroads are quasi-public in 
character and subject to regulation had been definitely estab¬ 
lished, and the fact was not forgotten. 

For the time being, however, railroads were left virtually 
uncontrolled. Rebates to favored shippers, differential rates 
between towns, and extortionate rates for passengers or freight 
formed almost the accepted order of things. To 
andPools. prevent ruinous competition between roads, resort 
was had to “pooling” arrangements-whereby rates 
vere kept high and business and profits were divided between 
the contracting roads. 

The prevailing moral tone in both business and politics was 
deplorably low. The giving of free passes to public officers, 
editors, and even to their families and friends formed a 
flagrant abuse; all who could rode “deadhead, and 
Tone in expected to have their hats chalked.” Even judges 
“ and who had to try railroad cases, and members of the 
legislatures who were asked by farmers and ship¬ 
pers to pass restraining acts, rode on free passes. A quid pro 
quo was expected for such favors, and too often was received. 
The transportation companies and allied interests had little 
difficulty in electing their creatures to Congress and to State 
legislatures, and in bribing legislators, administrative officers, 
and even judges on the bench. A detailed history of the sub¬ 
terranean activities of these interests would make a revolting 
ctory little to the credit of the country or to human nature. 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


161 


Early in the century workers began to form organizations, 
but the movement did not become pronounced until the sixth 
and seventh decades. With the rise of the factory system, the 
growth of great business enterprises, and the decline 
jUnions. °f the old personal relations between employees 
and employer, the individual worker, realizing his 
own insignificance and impotence when standing alone, began 
to feel the need of uniting with his fellow workers in defense 
of their common interests. Trades-unions began to spring up 
like mushrooms, the rift between capital and labor opened wider 
and wider, and by the ’8o’s strikes had come to be regarded as 
part of the routine of industrial life. Higher wages and shorter 
hours formed the unceasing cry of the workers, and every 
victory won meant a new demand. Open warfare prevailed; 
there were truces but never real peace. To the employer’s 
“blacklist,” designed to prevent labor agitators from obtain¬ 
ing employment elsewhere, the unions retorted with the “boy¬ 
cott,” designed to keep the products of hostile establishments 
from finding a sale. When unchecked, the unions often proved 
as tyrannical as the employers, for human nature is about the 
same beneath jeans as beneath broadcloth. 

At Philadelphia in 1869 a number of garment-cutters, led by 
Uriah S. Stephens, formed the Noble Order of Knights of Labor. 
This organization soon disbanded, but on its ruins Stephens 
managed to build (1873) a much broader union 
of h Labor ShtS designed to embrace all branches of honorable toil 
instead of merely workers in the same trade. For 
a decade the organization was secret and had an elaborate 
ritual, but the excesses of the “Molly Maguires,” who had 
brought discredit upon all organized labor, resulted in the 
policy of secrecy being abandoned. Starting with only twenty- 
eight members, the union rapidly increased in numbers, partic¬ 
ularly under the leadership of General Master Workman Terence 
V. Powderly; in 1885 and 1886 its membership sprang from 
111,000 to 730,000. At a general assembly held at Reading 
in 1878 the Knights pointed out the alarming development 
in power and aggressiveness of money and corporations, and 
declared that the tendency, unless checked, would “inevitably 


162 the united states in our own times 


American 

Workers 

Fortunate. 


lead to the hopeless degradation of the people.” They pro¬ 
claimed their purpose to be “to make industrial and moral 
worth, not wealth, the true standard of individual and national 
greatness.” They further declared that workers ought to have 
the right to enjoy the wealth they create, and they advocated 
the referendum for making laws, the creation of labor bureaus, 
the passage of laws safeguarding the health and safety of work¬ 
ers, and shorter working hours, that workingmen might have 
leisure for intellectual, moral, and social development. The 
characteristic motto of the Knights was, “An injury to one is 
the concern of all.” 

Although labor in these years was rapidly becoming con¬ 
scious of its grievances and special interests, the condition of 
American workers happily lacked much of being so serious as 
in Europe. The natural resources of America were 
as yet comparatively untouched, and the expendi¬ 
ture of a given amount of labor would in most in¬ 
dustries produce a much greater return than abroad; in conse¬ 
quence the workers received higher wages, both nominally and 
really, than did their brethren in Europe. Furthermore, not¬ 
withstanding an ever-increasing number of immigrants, the 
demand for labor, except in hard times, was always greater 
than the supply, and workers were nearly always sure of em¬ 
ployment at competitive prices. Republicans often attributed 
this state of affairs to the protective tariff, but in large measure 
they were claiming credit due to a bountiful Providence for 
having so richly endowed America with natural resources. 

In some fields of endeavor the lack of labor rendered neces¬ 
sary entirely different aims from those in Europe. Back in 
1791 George Washington had realized the effects upon agricul¬ 
ture of this shortage in workers, and had written to 
Arthur Young, a scientific English farmer of the day: 
“The aim of the farmers in this country (if they 
can be called farmers) is, not to make the most they can from 
the land, which is or has been cheap, but the most of the labour, 
which is dear; the consequence of which has been, much ground 
has been scratched over and none cultivated or improved as it 


The Aim of 

American 

Farmers. 


THE CHANGING ORDER 


163 

ought to have been: whereas a farmer in England, where land 
is dear, and labour cheap, finds it his interest to improve and 
cultivate highly, that he may reap large crops from a small 
quantity of ground.” Extensive rather than intensive cultiva¬ 
tion still continues the general rule in the United States, and it 
must continue so until the land is more thickly settled. The 
consequence is that an acre in France, England, or Holland is 
made to return much more than an acre in America, but one 
farmer in America, using all the latest farm machinery, will 
reap a far greater return from the expenditure of his own toil 
than would one man in the countries mentioned. 

In farming, manufacturing, and almost every line of effort 
shortage of workers has necessitated a resort to 
Machinery, machinery, with the consequent result that inven¬ 
tion has been greatly stimulated, and America has 
led the world in evolving labor-saving devices. 

By the middle of the ’So’s some of the main features of our 
present-day problems were taking form. Great industries were 
developing with incredible swiftness, population was moving into 
urban centres, the simplicity of an agricultural age was passing. 
A gulf had opened between labor and capital, and consolidation 
was becoming the order of the day both in the labor world and 
the industrial world. New maladies called for new remedies, 
but the tendencies of the time were little understood, and, as 
we shall see, there was much dim groping after panaceas. 


CHAPTER XI 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 

On March 4, 1885, a vast crowd assembled before the east 
front of the Capitol to behold the installation of the first Demo¬ 
cratic President since Buchanan. Southerners formed a larger 
part of the throng than long had been customary 
of cievdand. on suc ^ occasions, and conspicuous in the crowd 
were, in the words of Professor Peck, “not a few 
gaunt figures of an old-time quaintness, intense and fanatical 
partisans from remote localities, displaying with a sort of pride 
the long white beards which, years before, they had vowed 
never to shave until a Democratic President should be inau¬ 
gurated.” When the “Man of Destiny” from Buffalo took the 
oath of office from Chief Justice Waite, the assembled clans 
acclaimed him with joyous shouts, exulting in the thought that 
after weary years of waiting they had passed out of the Wilder¬ 
ness into the Promised Land. 

Many Democrats had prophesied that when their party came 
into power and the public books were “opened” great defalca¬ 
tions would be found, but no such discoveries were made. 
Equally mistaken were predictions by pessimistic Republicans 
that hard times or even a restoration of slavery would follow 
the return of the Democracy to office. 

The new President did not hesitate to give the South ade¬ 
quate representation in his cabinet. From the farther South 
he named Senator Augustus H. Garland of Arkansas as attor¬ 
ney-general, and Senator Lucius Q. C. Lamar of 
Cabinet!* Mississippi as secretary of the interior. Garland 
had sat in the Confederate Congress, and Lamar, 
a highly talented scholar, had drafted the ordinance of seces¬ 
sion in his State, but both had accepted the results of the war 

164 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 165 

in good faith. From a border State, namely Delaware, Cleve¬ 
land selected as secretary of state Senator Thomas F. Bayard, 
a capable statesman whose family had taken a prominent part 
in public affairs for five generations. From the other extreme 
sectionally came Secretary of War William C. Endicott of 
Massachusetts, “a very Brahmin of the Brahmins,” being de¬ 
scended from Governor John Endecott of Puritan memory; 
also Postmaster-General William F. Vilas of Wisconsin, who 
had served in the Union army, reaching the rank of colonel. 
Secretary of the Navy William C. Whitney and Secretary of the 
Treasury Daniel Manning were likewise from the North; both 
were New Yorkers, Manning being an Albany banker who had 
been recommended by Tilden, while Whitney was a man of 
wealth who had managed the New York campaign. 

Cleveland’s sudden rise to prominence helped to create an 
almost unprecedented interest in his personal affairs, and this 
interest was heightened by the fact that he was only forty- 
Public seven years old, the youngest man, except Grant, 
interest in who had ever been elected to the presidency, and 
was still a bachelor. For a time the White House 
was presided over by his sister, Miss Rose Cleveland, a woman 
of intellectual attainments who published at this time a volume 
entitled George Eliot's Poetry and Other Studies. Presently the 
rumor spread that the President was about to marry his ward, 
Miss Frances Folsom, daughter of his deceased law partner. 
Miss Folsom was a girl of twenty-one who had only recently 
graduated from college; her youth and beauty combined with 
the august position of her intended husband to raise public 
interest to a high pitch. The wedding ceremony was per¬ 
formed (June 2, 1886) in the Blue Room of the White House, 
being the first time that a President had been wedded in that 
mansion. For weeks the newspapers were filled with descrip¬ 
tions of the event and of the honeymoon. The young mistress 
of the White House proved to be cultured, sensible, domestic 
in her tastes, and the marriage served to throw an element of 
romance about the President. , 

Before attaining the happiness just described President 


166 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Cleveland, like all new incumbents of his office, was called upon 
to satisfy with five loaves and two small fishes the desperate 
hunger of an unprecedented horde of office-seekers. 
Seekers^ 6 " Both before and after election he had repeatedly 
pledged himself to the principles of civil service 
reform. “Merit and competency shall be recognized instead of 
party subserviency,” he had announced in his inaugural address, 
but, in a letter to George William Curtis (December 25, 1884), 
he had also given warning that “offensive partisans and un¬ 
scrupulous manipulators of local party management” had 
“forfeited all just claim to recognition.” 

Democratic politicians, who almost unanimously wished to 
make a “clean sweep” of the hundred and twenty thousand 
offices, smiled knowingly when they read Cleveland’s pro¬ 
nouncements on this subject; they did not conceal 
rSSppolnted. their disgust when they discovered that he took 
his pledges seriously. Even prominent leaders like 
Tilden and Hendricks found him obdurate to their pleas in be¬ 
half of friends. It was reported that some weeks after the 
inauguration the Vice-President, an ardent spoilsman, came 
away from an interview at the White House shaking his head 
sadly and saying: “I hoped that Mr. Cleveland would put the 
Democratic party in power in fact as well as in name, but he 
does not intend to do it.” To a Democratic senator who com¬ 
plained because the President did not “move more expedi¬ 
tiously in advancing the principles of Democracy,” Cleveland 
flashed back: “Ah, I suppose you mean that I should appoint 
two horse-thieves a day instead of one.” Such a Mugwump 
attitude deeply disappointed politicians who had hoped to see 
the President put in practice “the good old Democratic doc¬ 
trines” of Andrew Jackson. Their dissatisfaction is sufficiently 
indicated by a story that a North Carolina senator told of an 
old farmer who left a small estate to his two sons. Settlement 
of the estate was so long delayed by the probate court that in 
disgust the elder son burst out: “Durned if I ain’t almost sorry 
the old man died! ” 

On the other hand, Cleveland made so many removals that 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 


167 


the extreme advocates of civil service reform, men who wished 
“ the millennium right away,” were almost equally disappointed. 
Cleveland Constant party pressure caused the President to 

Somewhat re ^ ax somewhat, and at the end of four years com¬ 

paratively few Republicans remained in office out¬ 
side the classified service. Some of the President’s subordinates 
were especially zealous “in advancing the principles of Democ¬ 
racy” and interpreted the phrase “offensive partisanship” 
very liberally. The first assistant postmaster-general, Adlai 
E. Stevenson, displayed such activity in decapitating post¬ 
masters that “Adlai’s axe” became famous. One of the argu¬ 
ments most used in defending such acts was that practically 
all office-holders were Republicans and that the principle of 
“equalization” must now be put in force. 

The personnel of the Civil Service Commission degenerated, 
and two of the members were little better than political hacks. 
Such a body could accomplish little aggressive work. On the 
other hand, despite frequent lapses in practice, Cleveland con¬ 
tinued to protest his allegiance to the reform principle, took a 
stand against the assessment of office-holders and against their 
activity in politics, and toward the end of his term increased 
the classified service from 15,573 to 27,830 places. 

The fact that some fragments of the Tenure-of-Office Act 
still remained on the statute book afforded the Republican 
majority in the Senate an excuse for harassing the President on 
the .subject of suspensions and removals. Early 
£e n Senate. th in 1886 the Senate, by calling on the attorney-general 
for all papers connected with the suspension of the 
district attorney for Alabama, drew from Cleveland a special 
message in which he complained because after “nearly twenty 
years of almost innocuous desuetude” the remnant of the 
Tenure-of-Office Act was brought out to embarrass the execu¬ 
tive. He argued that he possessed the constitutional powers of 
suspension and removal, and declared that the documents re¬ 
quested were “purely unofficial and private; not infrequently 
confidential, and having reference to the performance of a duty 
exclusively mine.” After protracted political skirmishing the 


168 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Republican senators discovered that they could not gain the 
partisan advantages they had hoped for, so they consented 
to the repeal (March 3, 1887) of the Tenure-of-Office Act; full 
powers in matters of removal were thus restored to the executive. 

Throughout Cleveland’s first presidency the Senate con¬ 
tinued to be Republican and the House Democratic. Partisan 
measures were, therefore, impossible, but a number of important 
laws were passed. 

One such act regulated the presidential succession. Hitherto 
the line of succession had been the President, the Vice-Presi¬ 
dent, and the President pro tempore of the Senate. On Novem- 
Presidential ^ er 2 5 > 1885, before the Senate had elected a Presi- 
Succession dent pro tempore , Vice-President Hendricks died. 

’ ' Had Cleveland died or resigned before the meeting 

of Congress, there would have been no one to take his place. 
To meet such a possible situation in the future, an act was 
passed providing (January 18, 1886) that the line of succession 
should be the Vice-President, the Secretaries of State, Treasury, 
and War, the Attorney-General, the Postmaster-General, the 
Secretary of the Navy, and the Secretary of the Interior. 

Another weakness that had long been recognized was the 
lack of definite rules for determining and counting the electoral 
votes. Beginning with 1800 repeated efforts had vainly been 
made to remove the defect. Even the dangerous 
Ccnm^Act. crisis following the election of 1876 had not brought 
Congress to agree on a remedy., Finally in 1887 an 
act was passed that in the main followed the lines laid down in 
the decisions rendered by the electoral commission. Contests 
regarding the choice of electors were to be left to State authori¬ 
ties, and their decision must be accepted by Congress as final. 
In case of a conflict of tribunals that return was to be counted 
which the two houses, voting separately, concurred in receiving. 
No return was to be rejected except by the vote of both houses. 
In case of a conflict between the two, that return was to be 
counted that was certified by the State executive. Unfortu¬ 
nately even this law left possible loopholes for future disputes, 
though none as yet has arisen. 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 169 

The same Congress that passed the two laws above described 
also attempted an infinitely more difficult task, namely, to re¬ 
move some of the evils that had crept into the transportation 
system of the country. The transportation situa- 
tion at this time was exceedingly chaotic. There 
had just been a period of tremendous railroad ex¬ 
pansion, and in the five years 1879-1884 the total mileage of 
the country had increased almost one-half. In many instances 
the roads had been built in advance of local needs, and time 
was required to provide adequate traffic to make them profit¬ 
able. Furthermore, many of the companies were organized 
on a grossly inflated basis, and capitalization, in bonds and 
stocks, often greatly exceeded the actual money invested. In 
fact, many, if not most, promoters and'builders were far more 
interested in stock manipulations than in legitimate construc¬ 
tion or operation. It was notorious that much of the money 
that was supposed to go into construction and equipment was 
diverted through channels of “high finance” into the pockets 
of “controlling” stockholders. Lack of business, cut-throat 
competition, and reckless or dishonest financiering brought 
many roads to a sorry plight, and in the period 1876-1894 
nearly six hundred roads, having a total mileage of 60,000, 
were sold under foreclosure. But it did not escape the public 
notice that though the roads became bankrupt, their builders, 
by some trick of financial legerdemain, generally became rich. 

Competition for traffic frequently ran to such lengths that 
the rates charged were too low to meet the cost of the service 
rendered. Shippers temporarily profited by such rate wars, 
but in the end such contests usually reacted dis- 
Competition. astrously not only on the roads but also on business 
generally. Keen-sighted men realized that some 
means should be found of making rates low enough to be rea¬ 
sonable to shippers and high enough to be profitable to the 
roads. But hostility to railroads often ran so strong that 
a large section of the public failed to realize that common 
interests required that the roads should be prosperous. 

As a means of preserving themselves from this disastrous 


iyo THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


competition the railroads, as mentioned in the last chapter, 
evolved agreements called “pools,” whereby they agreed to 
charge certain passenger and freight rates and to 
p<x>lr. ay divide traffic or earnings upon fixed percentages. 

Unfortunately the railway managers often failed to 
be content with reasonable returns and combined to exact 
extortionate rates. Shippers, aware of the outrageous finan¬ 
cial manipulations of the roads, asked, with reason, why they 
should be forced to pay dividends on “watered” stock. 

Even worse evils than excessive rates were discriminations 
in rates between different places and different ship- 
tionbSween pers. Discrimination between shippers was the 
Shippers^ worst evil of all. Secret special bargains were made 
with favored shippers, who were charged less than 
the published rates. As we have already seen, these secret 
rates aided the Standard Oil Company and other growing 
monopolies to crush out competition. 

The story of the “Granger laws” and of the practical failure 
of State regulation of railroads has already been told. Many 
reformers realized that the problem demanded federal rather 
than State legislation. As early as 1873 attempts 
Demands for were made to secure the passage of an interstate 
Regulation commerce act, but in vain. Three years later 
Representative Hopkins of Pennsylvania introduced 
a resolution providing for an investigation of railroad abuses, 
but the matter was referred to the committee on commerce, 
some of whose members had no desire to ascertain the facts. 
The investigation was never completed. Even the testimony 
that had been taken disappeared, and there seems reason to 
believe that it was stolen. 

A decade later, after other abortive attempts, the public 
clamor became so insistent that Congress enacted the famous 
Interstate Commerce Law (February 4, 1887). The law pro¬ 
interstate hibited discrimination between persons, higher rates 
Commerce for a short haul than for a long haul over the same 
aw, 1887. jj n e, f or b a( ] e pooling, and required the carriers to 
make public their schedules and to file them with a newly 
created body called the Interstate Commerce Commission. 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 


Partial 
Failure 
of the 


171 

This commission was to consist of five members appointed by 
the President, and to it were given powers to make investiga¬ 
tions, collect statistics, and to prosecute offenders against the 
act. 

President Cleveland appointed able commissioners, headed 
by Judge Thomas M. Cooley, a distinguished Michigan jurist, 
who had gained much helpful experience as a receiver of bank¬ 
rupt railways. The commission labored diligently, 
but unfortunately the powers conferred upon it 
Commission. were not drastic enough. Rebates to favored ship¬ 
pers were continued, pools survived in the shape of 
traffic associations and informal “gentlemen’s agreements,” 
and other old evils persisted or new ones sprang up. Further¬ 
more, many of the commission’s acts were reversed by the 
courts, which interpreted its powers very strictly, thereby aid¬ 
ing railway and corporation managers, who in evading the act 
displayed truly Machiavellian ingenuity. 

Many managers were, in fact, so wanting in honor that they 
would not live up to the terms of the agreements with each 
other, and secret violations of such agreements in order to in¬ 
crease traffic precipitated ruinous rate wars. The only really 
satisfactory method, therefore, of escaping from the evils of com¬ 
petition was consolidation of competing lines, and for this and 
other reasons consolidation proceeded apace. By 1895 half the 
mileage of the country was operated by about forty companies. 

The passage of the Interstate Commerce Act was largely 
due to the impression made on Congress by manifestations of 
public discontent. It was a period of great social and indus- 
Sodal and trial unrest * Socialism and even anarchism had 
industrial gained a foothold in America. Ignorant agitators 
and men of education such as Henry George, whose 
celebrated “single-tax” book, Progress and Poverty, has already 
been referred to, and Edward Bellamy, whose widely read Uto¬ 
pian romance, Looking Backward, appeared in 1888, were pointing 
out inequalities in the existing order and were preaching changes 
that seemed to threaten the very bases of society. Workers 
were more thoroughly organized than ever before, and the 
“walking delegate,” who stirred up discontent and called strikes, 


172 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


had become a prominent, often a sinister, factor in industrial 
life. The Knights of Labor continued to play a prominent 
part in labor affairs, and, as already related, the years 1885-86 
witnessed a tremendous increase in their membership. 

In 1886 the labor world seethed with discontent, and there 
were twice as many strikes as in any previous year. One of the 
most serious of these occurred on the Gould railways of the 
Southwestern Southwest. It was precipitated by the dismissal 
Railroad for cause of a mechanic in the shops of the Texas 
and Pacific Railroad at Fort Worth, Texas. The 
man was a prominent Knight of Labor, and his fellow mechanics 
demanded his reinstatement. When the demand was refused, 
they struck (March 6, 1886), and, owing partly to other griev¬ 
ances, the strike soon spread to the whole Gould system, so 
that about 6,000 miles of road were tied up. Master Workman 
Powderly, head of the Knights, strove to keep the strikers 
within legal bounds and sought to settle the quarrel, but violent 
men held sway in some places, particularly in St. Louis, where 
an ignorant and ruffianly district leader named Martin Irons in¬ 
flamed the mob to desperate deeds. Both in the St. Louis 
neighborhood and elsewhere trains were held up by force, 
railroad and other property was pillaged or destroyed, and a 
number of persons were slain. For seven weeks the strike con¬ 
tinued and then collapsed completely. 

Still more serious was a strike growing out of the demand of 

Demand for ^ a ^ or f° r an eight-hour day. May 1, 1886, was the 

an Eight- date set by the workers for the new system to go 

Hour Day. . , „ _ . . t 

into effect. But most employers refused to accept 
the plan, and strikes resulted in many places. The most seri¬ 
ous of these occurred in Chicago, where 50,000 or 60,000 men 
and women were soon involved. 

At this time there existed in Chicago a small but very active 
and violent group of anarchists, nearly all of whom 
Anarchists 80 were of foreign origin, chiefly German. In the strike 
these agitators saw an opportunity to spread their 
doctrines and to stir up trouble. Their organs, the Alann 
and the Arbeiter-Zeitung, contained highly incendiary articles 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 


173 

counselling violence and praising the “sublime” virtues of 
dynamite bombs. 

On May 3 a collision between the strikers and the police 
took place at the works of the McCormick Reaper Company, 
and several of the strikers were wounded. The next evening 
a great mass meeting assembled near Haymarket 
Riot market Square “to denounce the latest atrocious act of the 
police, the shooting of our fellow workmen yester- 
day.” A. B. Parsons, August Spies, Sam Fielden, and other 
agitators harangued the crowd. While Fielden, who was par¬ 
ticularly violent, was speaking, the captain of a battalion of 
policemen who had just marched up from a near-by station or¬ 
dered the crowd to disperse “in the name of the people of Il¬ 
linois.” Almost immediately a gleaming object hurtled through 
the air and fell among the police, exploding with terrific force and 
killing or mortally wounding eight of the guardians of the law 
and injuring over sixty more. 

This dastardly deed shocked the entire country, and a wide¬ 
spread demand arose that drastic steps should be taken against 
the men guilty of raising the red flag on American soil. Many 
The of the “Reds” were arrested, and their trial proved 

Anarchists to be one of the most famous in our history. Eight 

were convicted of having instigated the attack on 
the police; seven were sentenced to death; and one—Oscar 
Neebe—to imprisonment for fifteen years. One of the con¬ 
demned—Louis Lingg—cheated the gallows by committing 
suicide; four—Parsons, Fischer, Engle, and Spies—were 
hanged; while the sentences of two—Fielden and Schwab— 
were commuted to imprisonment for life. Eight years later a 
radically inclined Illinois governor, John P. Altgeld, pardoned 
the three who remained in prison. 

Industrial arbitration and various other plans for the peace¬ 
ful adjustment of labor disputes were brought for- 
Arb^tratfon. ward, but the action of Congress was confined to 
the passage of an act providing for the settlement 
by arbitration of disputes between railroads and their employ¬ 
ees. Resort to the plan was not made compulsory, however, 


i 7 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

and the practical results proved small. A number of States 
also passed arbitration laws of varying merit. 

The failure of most of the strikes supported by the Knights 
of Labor in this period tended to discredit that order in the 
eyes of workingmen, while the sympathy of the general public 
American was a benated by the scenes of violence and by the 
Federation order’s passing resolutions asking mercy for the 
condemned anarchists. The influence of the Knights 
began to wane, while that of a new organization, the American 
Federation of Labor, increased. This new order was first 
formed in 1881, but did not take the name just given until 1886. 
Unlike the Knights of Labor, it consisted of an alliance of sepa¬ 
rate trades-unions, and, as the autonomous principle was better 
suited to the needs of the labor situation, the Federation throve 
at the expense of its rival and ultimately became the most 
powerful body of its kind in the world. 

A subject concerning which there was much partisan wran¬ 
gling during this administration was that of pensions to veterans 
of the Civil War. A very liberal policy had prevailed in this 
matter, and by 1885 the pensioners numbered 
Question^ 10 " 345,125, annually receiving $65,171,937. Great 
laxity prevailed in the Pension Office, yet many 
claims were rejected by it, and a custom had arisen of disap¬ 
pointed claimants persuading members of Congress to present 
their claims in special pension bills. Many such claims were 
meritorious, but thousands of these private pension bills were 
presented, so that often they received little careful scrutiny 
even in committee; hundreds were sometimes passed in a single 
session of the House or Senate. Under such circumstances, 
“influence” or “pull” frequently proved the determining fac¬ 
tor rather than truth or merit, while throughout the country 
there seemed to exist a sort of public conspiracy to aid even the 
undeserving to get on the pension pay-roll, and it was notorious 
that physicians and other individuals often swore falsely in 
affidavits made in behalf of applicants. In consequence, men 
who had never heard the whistle of a Confederate bullet, men 
who had been dishonorably discharged, even deserters and ma- 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 


i75 


lingerers who had shot off their own fingers or hands in order 
to be discharged from military service, had managed to get 
their names placed on the pension-roll. This unfortunate state 
of affairs was largely due to politicians playing for votes, and 
to the unscrupulous activities of a great body of pension claim 
agents, who preyed both upon the veterans and the public 
treasury. Even the Grand Army of the Republic, a veterans' 
association, the original objects of which were highly praise¬ 
worthy, sometimes exercised an influence that laid it open to 
the charge that it had come to be “an instrument for the pro¬ 
curing of pensions.” 

With his usual hard-headedness, President Cleveland studied 
the pension question and reached the conclusion that a reform 
was needed. He subjected all private pension bills that came 
to him to a careful scrutiny and vetoed 228 such 
Vetoes Many bills out of a total of 1,871. Some of the claims 
Pension Bills th us denied were not only fraudulent in character 
but had a humorous side. One applicant’s dis¬ 
ability was due to the fact that long after the war he had 
broken his leg while gathering dandelions in a ditch. A widow 
of a veteran asked a pension because her husband had been 
accidentally killed by a neighbor who was trying to shoot an 
owl. Another widow’s husband had been captured by the 
Confederates and had fought during the remainder of the war 
in their ranks. “We are dealing with pensions, not with gratui¬ 
ties,” wrote the President in vetoing one such bill, and he in¬ 
sisted again and again that the pension roll ought to be kept a 
roll of honor, not of fraud. 

Pension attorneys and Republicans alert for partisan advan- 
Dependent ta ^ e ra ^ se< ^ a g reat outcry over these pension 
Pension Bill vetoes, which many alleged were due to Cleveland’s 
Vetoed, 1887. sympathies.” The prejudice thus created 

was much increased when the President vetoed (February n, 
1887) a bill to grant twelve dollars a month to veterans of twelve 
months’ service who were dependent for support upon their 
daily toil or upon others. 

Soon after vetoing the dependent pension bill Cleveland 


176 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

made the mistake of authorizing Adjutant-General Drum to 
return to Southern States certain captured Confederate flags 
that were in the possession of the government. 
Order/ 1, Flag The President doubtless intended the step in the 
spirit of Charles Sumner’s bill of years before, to 
the effect that “the names of battles with fellow-citizens shall 
not be continued in the Army Register, or placed on the regi¬ 
mental colors of the United States.” But the “Rebel Flag 
Order” created a great furor throughout the North. Hundreds 
of Grand Army posts denounced the plan; the “Rebel Sympa¬ 
thizer” was deluged with threats of personal violence. It was 
pointed out that since the flags were the property of the nation 
they could not be disposed of without the consent of Congress. 
In the end Cleveland had to take the humiliating step of issuing 
(June 16, 1887) an executive order admitting his lack of power 
and annulling action taken by the adjutant-general. He also 
deemed it expedient to withdraw his acceptance of an invitation 
to attend the annual encampment of the Grand Army of the 
Republic, which was held that year in St. Louis. It is signifi¬ 
cant that eighteen years later a Republican Congress and 
President returned the flags without exciting a ripple of protest. 

In his annual messages of 1885 and 1886 President Cleve¬ 
land urged upon Congress the desirability of reducing what he 
regarded as excessive tariff duties. But the Senate, being Re¬ 
publican, was hostile to such a policy, while even in the House 
enough protectionist Democrats combined with the Repub¬ 
licans to prevent tariff tinkering. 

Not to be turned aside, Cleveland, in December, 1887, 
against the advice of some of his counsellors, departed from all 
precedents and devoted the whole of his annual message to 
Tariff arguing the need of revenue reform. He pointed 

Message out that every year the treasury receipts exceeded 
expenditures by many millions, that the vaults 
were becoming congested with money, that the surplus thus 
created was an incitement to extravagance, that the with¬ 
drawal of so much money from circulation was disturbing to 
business. He asserted that the high duties enabled certain 
interests to exact excessive profits at the expense of consumers, 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 


177 


including both laboring men and farmers. However, he depre¬ 
cated the “bandying” of such epithets as “protection” and 
“free trade”; said that the entire withdrawal of duties should 
not be contemplated; and summed all up in the much-quoted 
phrase: “It is a condition which confronts us—not a theory.” 

Few presidential messages ever created such a sensation. 
Republicans gleefully asserted that Cleveland had made the 
issue for the campaign of 1888, and declared that American 
industries were threatened with destruction by free 
Critidsmu 11 trade. From Paris, where he was sojourning, 
Blaine sent home a scathing criticism of the message, 
and on his return to America contrasted the poverty of the 
British worker with the comparative affluence of the American 
wage-earner, and attributed the difference to the beneficent 
effects of protection. Congressman William McKinley of Ohio 
charged that the assault was “inspired bv our foreign rivals.” 
“Let England take care of herself,” said he, “let France look 
after her interests, let Germany take care of her own people, 
but in God’s name let Americans look after America.” 

The message dismayed many Democrats, but the party 
managed to close its ranks and carry through the House (July 
21, 1888) the so-called Mills bill, which reduced duties about 
7 per cent. Republicans and independents did not 
The Mills f a q to point out that the measure dealt gently with 
certain industries that flourished in Democratic 
States but more rigorously with those in Republican States. 
The bill received scant consideration in the Republican Senate. 
That body reported (October 3, 1888) a tariff measure of its 
own, after which Congress adjourned, leaving the tariff contro¬ 


versy before the voters. 

The Democratic national convention had met in St. Louis 
on the 5th of June. President Cleveland had antagonized 
many of the politicians of his party, but he was renominated 
by acclamation. For his running mate the conven¬ 
tion selected ex-Senator Allen G. Thurman of Ohio, 
a picturesque “Old Roman” whose habit of carry¬ 
ing and flourishing a red bandanna handkerchief received much 
public attention and gave a touch of color to the campaign. 


Cleveland 

and 

Thurman. 


178 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

The platform praised the Democratic record, declared its sym¬ 
pathy with the efforts of Ireland to obtain home rule, but de¬ 
voted most attention to the tariff. By the existing duties, it 
asserted, “the cry of American labor for a better share in the 
rewards of industry is stifled with false pretences, enterprise is 
fettered and bound down to home markets,” while the price of 
nearly everything farmers must buy “is increased by the fa¬ 
voritism of an unequal system of tax legislation.” Much was 
made of the theory that lower duties would cheapen the cost of 
the necessaries of life. 

It had been expected by most Republicans that Blaine would 
again be their nominee, but early in 1888, while still abroad, 
he wrote that he would not be a candidate. Ultimately many 
aspirants sought the honor of leading the Republican 
Aspirant^ 11 party, among them Senator Sherman, Senator Ben¬ 
jamin Harrison and Judge Walter Q. Gresham of 
Indiana, Senator W. B. Allison of Iowa, Senator Chauncey M. 
Depew of New York, and ex-Governor Russell A. Alger of Mich¬ 
igan. Of all the candidates Sherman was decidedly the best 
known, but, though one of the ablest men of his day, he some¬ 
how failed to arouse enthusiasm among the people. Gresham 
had an honorable record as a soldier and had won a large pop¬ 
ular following by his attitude as a judge, having shown in his 
decisions that he realized the evils of monopoly and corruption; 
he was satisfactory to Mugwumps but he was unpopular with 
politicians, and his candidacy was weakened by his inability 
to secure support in his own State, almost all of whose dele¬ 
gates declared for Harrison. 

The platform adopted by the Republican convention, which 
met in Chicago on the 19th of June, imitated the reference of 
their rivals to Irish home rule, charged that the Cleveland admin¬ 
istration and the Democratic majority in the House 
Pi e a^form an of Representatives owed their existence to the un¬ 
lawful suppression of the negro vote in the South, 
and denounced the Democratic attitude on the tariff question 
and other matters. It declared that Republicans stood “un¬ 
compromisingly in favor of the American system of pro- 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 


179 


tection. ... Its abandonment has always been followed 
by disaster to all interests, except the usurer and the sheriff.” 
Another plank ran: “The Republican party is in favor of 
the use of both gold and silver as money, and condemns the 
policy of the Democratic administration in its efforts to 
demonetize silver.” In the light of after events this statement 
possesses a peculiar interest. 

On the first ballot Sherman received 229 votes, Gresham in, 
Depew 99, Alger 84, Harrison 80, with the rest trailing. For 
five more ballots Sherman held the lead, but his strength never 
exceeded 249, and in his Recollections he later attrib- 
Morton! 1 and ute d his defeat to the purchase by friends of Alger 
of Southern delegates pledged to his support. At 
one juncture an appeal that he should consent to be a candidate 
was cabled to Blaine, who was visiting Andrew Carnegie in 
Scotland; but Carnegie flashed back: “Too late, Blaine im¬ 
movable. Take Harrison and Phelps.” The despatch had 
some weight, as did also the course taken by Boss Platt of New 
York, who offered his influence, on conditions, to Gresham and 
probably to others, but finally threw it to Harrison. On the 
seventh ballot Harrison forged into the lead, and on the eighth 
he was nominated. For second place, the convention ignored 
Carnegie and Blaine’s recommendation and nominated Levi P. 
Morton, a New York banker who had been a member of Con¬ 
gress and minister to France. 

The Republican candidate for first place was a grandson of 
the log-cabin and hard-cider President, and a great-grandson 
of Governor Benjamin Harrison, a signer of the Declaration of 
Independence. His followers strove to revive some 
Harrison? °f the enthusiasm of 1840 and held many great 
rallies and torchlight processions, while trembling 
old men of Whig antecedents brought out and wore with great 
pride badges that had been used forty-eight years before when 
the welkin had been made to ring for “Tippecanoe and Tyler 
too! ” The Democrats ridiculed “ Grandfather’s Hat ” and 
declared that it was much too big for “Little Ben,” the descend¬ 
ant who now wished to wear it. In reality, however, Harri- 


180 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


son was no mean candidate, and though he was not tall nor 
specially imposing, owing to the fact that both his neck and his 
legs were almost abnormally short, he possessed a learning and 
intellectual acumen equalled by few. As a lawyer he sur¬ 
passed his opponent, but he was not so forceful a personality. 
He had commanded a regiment in a splendid charge at Resaca 
and had attained the rank of brigadier-general, facts that his 
supporters constantly contrasted with the fact that Cleveland 
had hired a substitute. In 1876 he was the Republican can¬ 
didate for governor of Indiana but was defeated, and he had 
recently completed a term in the United States Senate. Dur¬ 
ing the campaign he made scores of short speeches to delegations 
visiting his home in Indianapolis, and these speeches proved to 
be so apt and pithy that even his friends were agreeably sur¬ 
prised. 

In honorable contrast with the campaign of 1884, personali¬ 
ties played little part in the contest. The main battle raged 
around the tariff question. Societies were formed to defend 
The Tariff protection or to promote tariff reform; thousands 
the Chief of orators discussed the great issue upon the stump; 

voters were deluged with “literature” as never be¬ 
fore. Democratic managers collected all the money they could 
from office-holders; Republican managers held up the spectre 
of free trade and persuaded nervous manufacturers and other 
business men to subscribe as never before. Workingmen were 
warned that they were in imminent peril of being reduced to 
the level of the “pauper labor” of Europe; many of them shiv¬ 
ered at the thought and voted the protectionist ticket. Much 
was made of the assertion that the proposal to lower duties 
was inspired abroad, and it was charged that the British free- 
trade Cobden Club was contributing to .the Democratic cam¬ 
paign fund. 

By a clever coup the Republicans managed to give color 
to such stories. Two months before the election Sir Lionel 
Sackville-West, the British minister at Washington, received a 
letter dated at Pomona, California, and signed “Charles F. 
Murchison.” The writer represented himself to be a natural- 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 1S1 

ized Englishman. He spoke of Cleveland’s Canadian policy 
and free-trade proclivities and of Harrison’s high-tariff and 
The “American” principles, and asked his lordship, “pri- 

“Murchison vately and confidentially,” for an opinion as to which 
man, if elected, would be most friendly to British 
interests. Sackville-West, who was a very dull Briton, re¬ 
sponded in language favorable to the aspirations of Cleveland. 
In reality the letter had been written by a man named Osgoodby, 
and it came at once into the hands of the Republican managers. 
They held it until near the end of October, and then published 
it in the newspapers and in millions of handbills. It filled the 
Democratic managers with dismay. In their panic they im¬ 
plored the President to do something to save the Irish vote. 
Cleveland had a cable sent to the British Foreign Office asking 
for the too trustful minister’s recall; Lord Salisbury demurred, 
whereupon Sir Lionel was handed his passports. But the dam¬ 
age was done; the dish was broken and could not be mended. 

The main contests centred in New York and Indiana. Both 
parties threw into these pivotal States all the money upon 
which they could lay their hands, and neither side was too 
scrupulous as to methods. Harrison carried his 
New York own State by the narrow margin of 2,248 votes. 
s£tes VOtaJ 111 New York Governor David B. Hill, the “Sage 
of Wolfert’s Roost,” an able but exceedingly self¬ 
ish politician, was a candidate for re-election on the Demo¬ 
cratic ticket. Neither Hill nor Tammany Hall liked Cleveland. 
Hill was fond of beginning his speeches with the emphatic asser¬ 
tion, “I am a Democrat,” but his chief concern was that his 
machine should continue to control the State of New York. 
It was charged that some of his followers entered into agree¬ 
ments to cast their votes for Harrison in return for Republican 
votes for Hill. Hill was re-elected by 18,000 votes, while 
Cleveland lost the State by 13,000. Cleveland car- 
EiectST ried the “ solid South ” but only two Northern States, 
Connecticut and New Jersey, with a total of 168 
electoral votes. Harrison carried all the other Northern 
States and received 233 electoral votes. Cleveland’s popular 


182 the united states in our own times 


vote exceeded Harrison’s by 100,000, but Republicans declared 
that in view of the wholesale suppression of the negro vote in 
the South, this meant little. 

A great scandal was caused by the publication of a letter sent 
out by the National Republican Committee to party workers 
in Indiana. The letter bore the name of W. W. Dudley, treas- 
The “Blocks urer committee, and it contained the follow- 

ofFive” ing significant instruction: “Divide the floaters 
into blocks of five and put a trusted man with the 
necessary funds in charge of these five, and make him respon¬ 
sible that none get away, and that all vote our ticket.” 
“Floaters,” of course, were purchasable voters, and Democrats 
charged that the letter furnished evidence of a purpose to bribe 
the Indiana electorate on a large scale. 

The truth is that in this period political morality stood at 
a very low ebb in both parties. Bribery of voters took place 
in nearly every precinct in the country. Even some Republicans 
and some Democrats demanded pay for voting 
their own tickets, and in case their demands were 
ignored would remain away from the polls 01 per¬ 
haps, in revenge, vote for the opposing candidates. As voting 
was done openly, a party worker could place a ballot in a bribed 
man’s hand, march him to the voting place, and watch him 
deposit it; or else some bystander or member of the election 
board could report whether or not the voter had given “value 
received.” Laws against corruption were weak; in some States 
only the receiver of a bribe could be punished. Defective 
or non-existent registration laws opened a wide door to whole¬ 
sale “repeating” and other evils, particularly in cities, where 
many of the voters were strangers to each other. The author 
once knew personally a Civil War veteran who admitted that 
when home on a furlough he voted forty-nine times for Lincoln 
and Johnson—once for each absent member of his company. 
Almost any party worker who grew confidential could tell 
many stories illustrating the corruption that pervaded elections. 
Some of the men who managed the “ dirty work ” regretted that 
such a state of affairs existed, but they considered it a neces- 


Political 

Corruption 

General. 


THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 183 

sary evil because the other party resorted to such practices. 
Most men despaired of being able to improve such conditions 
and agreed with Senator Ingalls of Kansas when he flippantly 
exclaimed: “The purification of politics is an iridescent dream; 
the Decalogue and the Golden Rule have no place in a political 
campaign.” 

Prior to the election of 1888 Massachusetts had adopted 
the secret or “Australian” voting system, and before the next 
presidential election more than thirty other States imitated her 
example. The new system did much to eliminate 
Australian bribery and other election evils, but it proved less 

System successful than reformers had hoped. Ingenious 

and unscrupulous party workers often devised ways 
of finding out whether a “floater” had fulfilled his bargain, 
while unfortunately it is a trait of human nature that a man 
may be dishonorable enough to accept a bribe and “honorable” 
enough to abide by the terms of the corrupt bargain. With the 
secret ballot, more stringent laws against bribery, the adoption 
of registration requirements, and the growth of a healthier 
public sentiment, however, corruption in elections gradually 
became less prevalent in most parts of the nation. 


CHAPTER XII 

THE SECOND HARRISON 


Republicans rejoiced exceedingly over the result of the elec¬ 
tion of 1888 and fondly believed that the most dangerous an¬ 
tagonist who had faced them for many years was disposed of 
forever. On the night before the inauguration a 
Retirement ! 1 crowd of gleeful victors gathered near the White 
House and warbled discordantly a ditty that had 
been exceedingly popular during the campaign: 

‘‘Down in the cornfield hear that mournful sound, 

All the Democrats are weeping—Grover’s in the cold, cold ground.” 

As for Cleveland, he took the result of the contest philosophi¬ 
cally, good-naturedly held an umbrella over the bared head of 
his successful rival as he took the oath of office in a dashing 
rain, and then retired to private life and the practice of law in 
the city of New York. Subsequent events were to show that 
he was not buried so deep politically as his enemies supposed. 

Almost of necessity the new President named Blaine as 
secretary of state, a post the Plumed Knight had held under 
Garfield and one that suited his tastes. Of the other cabinet 
appointees, the best-known was Postmaster-General 
CabinetT John Wanamaker, the celebrated Philadelphia mer¬ 
chant prince. To the recently created Department 
of Agriculture Harrison called ex-Governor Jeremiah M. Rusk of 
Wisconsin, a soldier and farmer; and “Uncle Jerry,” as he was 
familiarly called, proved well fitted for the task of organizing 
the new department. Thomas C. Platt of New York claimed 
that Harrison’s managers at Chicago promised that he should 
be secretary of the treasury, but Harrison had not been a party 
to the bargain and named William Windom of Minnesota, 
formerly a member of Garfield’s cabinet, instead. Platt, how- 

184 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


185 


ever, was given a large share in the disposal of patronage, but 
ultimately drifted into opposition to the President. 

In his inaugural address Plarrison promised that he would 
“fully and without evasion” enforce the civil service law, but 
hastened to add that “honorable party service will certainly 
Harrison and not be esteemed by me a disqualification for public 
Reform FViCe °® ce *” kept his pledge regarding the classified 
list, but outside that list there was a rather clean 
sweep, and the guillotine of First Assistant Postmaster-General 
Clarkson became as famous as “Adlai’s axe.” In a year the 
new “headsman” decapitated 30,000 office-holders. In his 
dealings with favor-seekers Harrison, in self-defense, adopted 
a cold and repellent demeanor. According to Senator Hoar, 
“Blaine would refuse a request in a way that would seem like 
doing a favor. Harrison would grant a request in a way which 
seemed as if he were denying it.” With members of his family 
and a few chosen friends the President was genial and warm¬ 
hearted, but politicians and the general public thought him 
very reserved and dignified, and it was popularly said that 
“ Harrison sweats ice-water.” 

Harrison’s course regarding appointments disappointed some 
civil service reformers, but it should be said to his credit that 
he extended the classified list and strengthened the civil service 
commission by appointing to it men of force and 
zeal. One such appointee was Theodore Roosevelt. 
This young man, then thirty years of age, had served 
two terms in the New York legislature soon after 
graduating from Harvard, had been the Republican 
candidate for mayor of New York City in 1886, had run a 
cattle ranch in Dakota, and had shot grizzlies and other big 
game in the Far West. Roosevelt threw himself into the work 
with characteristic vigor and aggressiveness. In speeches in 
various places he explained to the people the needs of the re¬ 
form, exploded the myths by which politicians had sought 
to discredit the commission, and put the spoilsmen on the de¬ 
fensive. “No longer was there an air of apology; blow was 
given for blow.” In a report concerning the political assess- 


Theodore 
Roosevelt 
Brings New 
Life to the 
Civil Service 
Commission. 


186 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


ment of office-holders he charged that much of the money thus 
obtained was retained by “the jackals who have collected it.” 
When Clarkson published an attack on the commission, Roose¬ 
velt properly characterized it as a “loose diatribe equally com¬ 
pounded of rambling declamation and misstatement.” Har¬ 
rison thought that Roosevelt wanted to go too fast with the 
reform, but ultimately he dismissed Clarkson and broke with 
other spoilsmen. 

During the first two years of Harrison’s administration the 
Republicans controlled both houses of Congress and were able 
to put through party measures. Their majority in the House, 
however, was small, and the minority frequently 
and the Reed sought to block proceedings by determined filibus- 
Ruie?” tering; * never before had there been so boisterous a 
session. The Speaker at this time was Thomas B. 
Reed of Maine, a big man physically and mentally, gifted with 
keen wit and the ability to utter striking and incisive phrases, 
one who was not afraid to take the bull by the horns. Reed 
repressed the Democratic efforts at obstruction so ruthlessly 
that he was nicknamed “Czar” Reed and for a time was the 
most talked of man in the country. The stringent rules adopted 
by the House were called the “Reed Rules.” It is beyond 
question that Reed often used his power in a partisan manner, 
but it was an anomaly that a minority should be able to block 
business indefinitely, and even the Democrats recognized this 
fact when they came into power. Thenceforth in the House 
it was possible for a majority to expedite business, but in the 
Senate, owing to the absence of closure of debate, it remained 
possible down to our war with Germany for a few recalcitrants 
to hold up a measure indefinitely. 

The great fight of the session came over a determined effort 
on the part of the Republicans to pass legislation to protect 
Southern negroes in their right to vote. The Demo- 
Bin.” F ° rCe crats raised the spectre of black rule, and a move¬ 
ment was even begun in the South to boycott North¬ 
ern products if the “Force Bill,” as it was called, became a law. 
After bitter and protracted debates the bill passed the House, 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


187 


but in the Senate it was defeated by a coalition of Democrats 
and Silver Republicans (January, 1891). 

Among the measures passed by this Congress were an act 
for the admission of Idaho and Wyoming—the Dakotas, Wash¬ 
ington, and Montana had been admitted near the close of the 
New States P revious session—an anti-lottery law, aimed at the 
notorious Louisiana Lottery Company, an “original 
package” law, which regulated interstate shipment of liquors, 
a law forfeiting land grants made to railways that had failed 
to fulfil the terms of their contracts, and a dependent pension 
act, under the operation of which the annual expense of pensions 
leaped in four years from $89,000,000 to $157,000,000. This 
Congress also passed a silver act, an anti-trust act, and a tariff 
act, and these measures require more detailed considera¬ 
tion. 

During Cleveland’s administration the silver-coinage question 
had attracted increasing attention. Silver dollars were re¬ 
garded as a cumbrous nuisance in the East, and flowed back 
to the treasury in such streams that the vaults 
Question 6 ** were choked with white metal coined under the 
Bland-Allison Act of 1878. In 1886 provision was 
made for the issue of silver certificates in denominations of one, 
two, and five dollars, but throughout Cleveland’s term at¬ 
tempts to increase silver coinage failed, and by 1887 the relative 
value of silver and gold had declined to 22.10 to 1. Meanwhile 
the prices of corn, wheat, cotton, and other farm products fell 
to low levels, and many people attributed the decline to an 
insufficient supply of money. Such persons pointed out that 
the world’s output of gold was decreasing, that the circulation 
of national-bank notes was contracting, that meanwhile the 
volume of business done was rapidly increasing. Silver-miners, 
debtors, the generally discontented, and many others, led by 
such men as Representative Bland of Missouri and Senator 
Stewart of Nevada, were insistently urging free coinage, and 
toward the end of 1889 the demand for a greater use of the white 
metal had become acute. 

As we have seen, the Republican platform in 1888 contained 


188 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


a declaration favorable to silver and a denunciation of Demo¬ 
crats for their alleged effort to demonetize that metal. Unlike 
Cleveland, Harrison found it expedient to display 
Silver herman a friendly attitude toward silver, and Windom, his 
ActofiSgo secretary of the treasury, in December, 1889, pre¬ 
sented to Congress a report favoring an increase in 
the use of silver. After a protracted struggle Congress in 1890 
repealed the Bland-Allison Act and enacted in its stead that the 
secretary of the treasury should every month purchase four and 
a half million ounces of silver bullion and issue in payment 
therefor, at the old ratio of 16 to 1, legal tender notes redeema¬ 
ble on demand in “gold or silver coin at his discretion.” The 
act satisfied neither the partisans of free silver nor those who 
favored the single gold standard, but was a compromise result¬ 
ing from the anxiety of Republican leaders to prevent a split 
in their party. Senator Sherman had a good deal to do with 
the details of the act, and it received his name, but he did not 
really believe in it and supported it merely to prevent worse 
from befalling. Some friends of silver accepted the bill on the 
half-a-loaf theory, but the radicals denounced it unsparingly. 
Bland characterized the measure as a “masterpiece of duplicity 
and double-dealing.” Agitation for free coinage continued. 
Meanwhile the value of silver declined; by 1893 the market 
ratio between silver and gold bullion had fallen to 26.49 to 
The famous Sherman Anti-Trust Act (July 2, 1890) resulted 
from the tendency to concentration of industry described in a 
previous chapter. Besides the Standard Oil Company, com- 
The Savings binations had been formed in the cordage, meat, 
bination cottonseed, sugar, whiskey, and other industries. 

Centralization of business management, avoidance 
of duplication in many things, large-scale production, utiliza¬ 
tion of waste products, and other advantages often enabled the 
great organizations to effect many economies, but the trusts 
displayed little tendency to permit the public to share in the 
benefits resulting from increased efficiency; instead they were 
more likely, having stamped out competition, to raise the price 
of articles they controlled. Some prominent men insisted that 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


189 


Speaker 
Reed on 
Trusts. 


trusts were only a temporary phenomenon, that presently they 
would fall of their own weight, that they were only dangerous 
to their own stockholders. Even so keen a man as Speaker 
Reed insisted that, aside from articles controlled 
by patents, there were no monopolies and never 
could be; “there is no power on earth that can 
raise the price of any necessity of life above a just price and 
keep it there.” But thousands of business men who had felt 
the heavy hand of monopoly, and millions of consumers who 
were paying monopoly prices, did not accept this optimistic 
view. A congressional investigation (1888-89) had brought to 
light some startling facts regarding the operations of the Stand¬ 
ard Oil Trust, the meat trust, and the sugar trust, and in his 
first annual message President Plarrison asked for legislation on 
the subject. 

The measure finally adopted was passed by a non-partisan 
vote, though some sleek senators of both parties affected to 
doubt its constitutionality. Its most important clause pro- 
TheSherman v ^ e( ^ that “every contract, combination in form 
Anti-Trust of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of 
Act, 1890. trac j e or commerce among the several States, or 
with foreign nations, is hereby declared to be illegal.” Few 
sentences have ever been so variously interpreted or have caused 
so much controversy. The penalties for violation of the act 
were fine or imprisonment, or both. 

Some persons contended then, and the number thinking thus 
is greater now, that the act did not approach the problem from 
the right view-point. In their opinion the trusts were a natural 
Should the development, a manifestation of a tendency toward 
Trusts be combination and closer social co-operation discerni- 
ro en up. ^ ^ wor ^ overj an d one of the logical outgrowths 
of the Industrial Revolution. To enact legislation to break 
them up would be to try to turn the clock backward; the proper 
remedy was to control them in such a way as to give society in 
general some of the benefits resulting from the savings and 
efficiency of combination. 

The act did not solve the trust problem, nor did it break 


190 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

up the trusts. When called on to interpret it the courts dis¬ 
played, in the opinion of many, greater tenderness for private 
interests than for the public welfare. Of eight 
Evaded 1S cases under the law during Harrison’s administra¬ 
tion the courts decided adversely to the government’s 
contention in seven, and not a single person was actually tried 
on the facts. The trusts “changed their clothes” by substi¬ 
tuting in place of the trust agreement such devices as “com¬ 
munities of interest” and “holding companies” chartered in 
complaisant States like New Jersey. The Standard Oil Trust, 
for example, in 1892 dropped the trust agreement and resorted 
to a “community of interest” between nine controlling stock¬ 
holders, of whom John D. Rockefeller was one; seven years 
later the device of a holding company was adopted. 

The Republicans interpreted the result of the election of 
1888 as a mandate to revise the tariff. When the new Con¬ 
gress met, the committee on ways and means, headed by 
McKinley William McKinley of Ohio, took over a bill that 

Tariff Bill, had been reported to the Senate in the previous 

session and made it the basis of a measure the avowed 
object of which was to perfect the system of protection. For 
many months this McKinley Bill was debated, amended, and 
fought over, and not until October 1,1890, was it finally enacted 
into law. 

Some articles that did not come into competition with home 
productions—or very little—were placed on the free list. The 
most important of these was raw sugar, which had been the most 
remunerative item of the old tariff. For the sake 
tSwAct° f Louisiana producers a bounty of two cents a 

pound was promised, while the bill also provided 
that on sugar imported from countries paying a bounty a 
duty of one-tenth of a cent a pound must be paid. On certain 
other articles, such as woollen cloths, dress-goods, carpets, and 
tin-plate, duties so high as to be almost prohibitive were im¬ 
posed. The net result of all these changes was, of course, to re¬ 
duce revenues and solve the problem of the surplus. To con¬ 
ciliate farmers, some of whom were beginning to doubt the 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


191 


blessings of protection, exceedingly high duties were imposed on 
potatoes, barley, wheat, eggs, and other farm products. In 
those days shipping such products as these into the United 
States was like “sending coal to Newcastle,” hence the practical 
benefits which the agricultural population derived from such 
protection were little more than nominal, but the duties helped 
Republican politicians to keep the bucolic population satisfied. 

Some Republicans, among them Secretary Blaine, who had 
never been accused of being a free-trader, thought the bill 
amounted to “protection run mad,” but its framers defended 
Theories ^ on theory that high duties and high prices 
of its are a distinct advantage to a country. Prior to 

the meeting of Congress McKinley had said: “I 
do not prize the word cheap. It is not a word of comfort; 
it is not a -word of cheer; it is not a word of inspiration! It is 
the badge of poverty; it is the signal of distress. . . . Cheap 
merchandise means cheap men and cheap men mean a cheap 
country; and that is not the kind of government our fathers 
followed, and it is not the kind their sons mean to follow.” 

While the bill was still before Congress Blaine wrote to 
Senator Frye (July n, 1890): “There is not a section or line 
in the entire bill that will open the market for another bushel 
of wheat or another barrel of pork. 5 ’ He was anxious 
Reciprocity. to have “reciprocity” features incorporated into 
the measure, for the sake of increasing American 
foreign trade, particularly with South American countries. 
He was shrewd enough to see that, with wise management, a 
vast commerce could be built up with the states to the south 
of us. During his previous incumbency as secretary of state, 
he had tried to arrange for a Pan-American Congress, and in 
October, 1889, such a congress, composed of delegates from 
nineteen nations, at last actually convened at Washington. 
Better trade relations was one of the main topics considered 
by the congress, and Blaine was anxious to take advantage 
of the opportunities thus opened. The high priests of protec¬ 
tion opposed the reciprocity plan, but the feature was finally 
incorporated, though not in the form Blaine desired. Instead 


The Act 
Causes 
Increased 
Prices. 


192 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

of offering, as he proposed, to lower the protective bars to 
countries offering concessions to American goods, the Aldrich 
reciprocity amendment authorized the President to raise still 
higher bars against countries that refused such concessions. 

Blaine expressed a belief that the McKinley type of protec¬ 
tion would “protect the Republican Party into a speedy re¬ 
tirement.” Events justified his prediction. Even before the 
McKinley bill was passed prices rose in anticipation; 
after it became a law they soared far beyond what 
the increase in duties justified, for profiteers seized 
upon the act as an excuse for extortion. Millions 
of people speedily felt the pinch of the increased cost of living, 
while, on the other hand, wages rose little or not at all. Further¬ 
more, the Democrats made much of the lavish expenditures by 
the government, and filled the air with denunciations of “the 
Billion-Dollar Congress.” To such arguments Speaker Reed 
retorted, “Yes, but this is a billion-dollar country.” 

Republican explanations were in vain. In the congressional 
election of 1890, which took place a month after the passage of 
the McKinley Act, the Democrats swept the country. Two 
hundred and thirty-five Democrats and only 88 
Republicans were elected to the House, while in the 
Senate the Republican majority was reduced from 
14 to 6. There had been no such political “tidal wave” since 
1874. Even McKinley himself was beaten, though chiefly be¬ 
cause a Democratic legislature had gerrymandered his district. 

In this election a new party, which ultimately became known 
as the “People’s Party” or “Populists,” played a striking part. 
Its membership was chiefly composed of former Greenbackers 
and Grangers, and of members of a new and widely 
extended organization called the Farmers’ Alliance. 

In some places it received aid from the Knights of 
Labor. It was chiefly active in the West and South; Kansas, 
“the mother of radical movements,” was the cyclone, centre. 
Hard times prevailed in both sections; the prices of cotton, 
corn, wheat, and other agricultural products were low; mort¬ 
gages were more common than bank-accounts. The new party 


Political 

Reaction 

1890. 


The 

Populists. 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


i 93 


demanded the free coinage of silver and supported other radi¬ 
cal proposals. It denounced both the old parties as corrupt 
political oligarchies whose leaders were owned by the rich. 
Democrats and Republicans affected to laugh at its activities, 
but it elected two senators and nine representatives, and by 
its subsequent aggressiveness gave sleepless nights to leaders 
of both the old parties. 

With the Democrats in control of the House of Representa¬ 
tives, very little except routine legislation was enacted by the 
new Fifty-Second Congress. Much of the time was wasted in 
partisan wrangling for political advantage in the coming presi¬ 
dential campaign. 

When Blaine became secretary of state, the United States 
was in the midst of a controversy concerning our rights in the 
Samoan Islands. The earliest navigators in the South Seas 
had found these tropical islands and their pictur- 
Questkm° an es 9 ue people irresistibly attractive, and at the time 
of which we speak the celebrated romanticist Robert 
Louis Stevenson was spending the last years of his life there. 
The German Empire was entering upon that grandiose policy 
of world domination that was to prove so disastrous to herself 
and to humanity, and her leaders, having entered late into the 
struggle for colonies, coveted for commercial and strategic 
reasons this rich but still independent archipelago. But Great 
Britain and the United States also had interests in Samoa, 
and back in 1878 we had concluded an agreement whereby we 
obtained the fine harbor of Pago-Pago for a coaling station. 
With rival chieftains contending for supremacy, and with Ger¬ 
many intriguing for possession, the situation in Samoa was 
fraught with explosive possibilities. 

In April, 1886, the arrogant German consul, Herr Stiibel, 
raised the German flag over Apia, the capital, and proclaimed 
that thenceforth only Germany should rule in that 
Pretensions, portion of the islands. The American consul, 
Greenebaum, retorted by proclaiming a protector¬ 
ate over the whole archipelago. Both Germany and the United 
States disavowed the acts of their consuls, and a conference of 


i 9 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

the three powers was held (1887) in Washington over Samoan 
affairs. The conference agreed that the native government 
was incompetent but disagreed as to what form of government 
should be substituted. The status quo was temporarily main¬ 
tained, but German intrigues for possession continued. 

In 1888, taking as a pretext a drunken brawl between some 
German sailors and a few Samoans, the Germans landed marines 
in Apia, deposed and deported King Malietoa, who was friendly 
German In *° Americans and the British, and set up a 
tervention creature of their own named Tamasese. The Amer¬ 
ican consul, Harold M. Sewall of Maine, vigorously 
protested against this high-handed course and received typically 
German answers. Many Samoans refused to recognize the 
authority of the German puppet, and, taking to the bush, con¬ 
ducted a guerilla warfare against the Teutons, receiving more 
or less aid and comfort from the American and British residents. 
Opportunely there arrived in Samoan waters the American gun¬ 
boat Adams, under Commander Richard Leary, whose Irish 
name, as Stevenson remarks in his account of these stirring 
times, was diagnostic. Leary set himself energetically to thwart¬ 
ing the German plans, and once ran his ship directly between 
the German corvette Adler and a Samoan position at Apia that 
the Germans were about to bombard. Somewhat later, when 
the Adams had gone to Hawaii with despatches, German marines, 
attempted to surprise a force of Samoans but fell (December 
18, 1888) into an ambush and were driven back to the beach 
after losing fifty men. Furious over this defeat, the Germans 
began bombarding indiscriminately, endangering American 
property and killing Samoan women and children. Their 
armed boats also seized an American flag in the harbor of Apia; 
the hated bunting was trampled on and torn to shreds. The 
American vice-consul sent word of these happenings home, and 
added: “Admiral with squadron necessary immediately.” 

The American people did not want Samoa, but news of these 
insults aroused their wrath. The Cleveland government hurried 
war-ships to the island, and early in March, 1889, the Trenton, 
Vandalia, and Nip sic, under Admiral Kimberly, lay at anchor 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


i 95 


in the harbor of Apia, confronting an equal number of German 
ships, the Adler, Eber, and Olga, while Great Britain was rep¬ 
resented by the cruiser Calliope. A conflict seemed 
of U Wa? likely, and four days after Harrison’s inauguration 
a rumor was circulated in Germany that the 
Nipsic had fired on the Olga; a little later a cablegram from 
Kiel, transmitting a report that was supposed to have come 
by way of Australia, repeated the rumor and added that the 
American vessel had been sunk by a German torpedo. American 
anger flamed high; the fighting spirit was aroused; our govern¬ 
ment even made tentative preparations for war. But pres¬ 
ently the truth regarding events in Samoa arrived, and it was 
found that there had only been a terrific battle of the elements. 
A tropical hurricane had swept over the archipelago, and of 
all the war-ships at Apia only the Calliope escaped. 

The disaster helped to slacken the warlike tension, and 
Chancellor Bismarck proposed that a conference should be 
held to settle the Samoan question. When the conference 
Berlin met * n Berlin (April 29, 1889), Bismarck sought to 

Conference, secure recognition of Germany’s political predomi¬ 
nance in Samoa and adopted his usual arrogant, 
domineering tone toward the American representatives. The 
Americans cabled home that the Chancellor was very irritable, 
but Blaine, in no wise daunted, flashed back: “The extent of 
the Chancellor’s irritability is not the measure of American 
right.” The British representatives united with the Americans 
in opposing the German pretensions, and ultimately Germany 
receded from her advanced position and agreed to the restora¬ 
tion of King Malietoa and to the establishment of a protectorate 
in which all three powers should participate. Ten 
years later Great Britain withdrew entirely from 
Samoan affairs, the United States received Tutuila, 
with its valuable harbor of Pago-Pago, and a few smaller islands, 
while Germany was allowed the rest. 

At home the Samoan quarrel served to direct public atten¬ 
tion to the urgent need of a greater navy; some new vessels 
had been added under the Cleveland administration, and now 


Islands 

Divided. 


196 the united states in our own times 

under Harrison many ships, including several battleships, were 
authorized. Abroad our bold stand against German aggres- 
Results of siveness attracted wide-spread and favorable com- 
the Samoan ment, particularly in England and France. For 
the first time the United States departed from its 
traditional international policy and insisted on participating 
in affairs outside America. For the first time the Republic of 
the West collided with the ambitions of the grasping, ruthless 
House of Hohenzollern. There were to be other clashes, nota¬ 
bly in Manila harbor in 1898, and regarding Venezuela in 1902, 
and finally an armed conflict. 

Early in 1891 a revolt broke out in Chile against the authority 
of President Balmaceda, who was accused of attempting to set 
up a dictatorship. The United States refused to accord bellig¬ 
erent rights to the Congressionalists, as the rebels 
Difficulty^ were called, and this party attributed the refusal to 
the influence of the American minister, Patrick 
Egan, whom they accused of undue friendship for Balmaceda. 
In May a Congressionalist merchant vessel called the Itata was 
seized at San Diego, California, for attempting to carry muni¬ 
tions of war to the rebels contrary to our neutrality laws. The 
crew overpowered the United States officials and sailed south¬ 
ward, escaping the cruiser Charleston , which was sent in pursuit. 
The fugitive vessel reached Iquique safely but was finally sur¬ 
rendered on demand to a United States squadron under Rear- 
Admiral McCann. The hard feeling created among the Con¬ 
gressionalists by this episode was increased when their forces 
triumphed and some of the Balmacedists were accorded a safe 
refuge in the American legation at Santiago. While feeling was 
still bitter a party of sailors on shore leave from the American 
cruiser Baltimore were set upon in the streets of Valparaiso by 
a mob of Chileans aided by policemen, and two were killed and 
nearly a score more were wounded. The United States at once 
demanded an explanation, but the new government procrasti¬ 
nated. In his annual message of December, 1891, President 
Harrison discussed the matter, whereupon Senor Matta, Chilean 
minister of foreign affairs, cabled to Chilean representatives 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


197 


throughout the world declaring that the statements on which 
the President’s discussion were based were “erroneous or delib¬ 
erately incorrect” and “that there is no exactness or sincerity 
in what is said in Washington.” The Chilean explanation, 
which reached Washington soon after, proved unsatisfactory. 
The United States made preparations for war and presented 
(January 21, 1892) an ultimatum demanding of Chile that the 
Matta despatch should be withdrawn and an apology offered 
for it, that the refugees in the legation at Valparaiso should be 
given safe-conduct out of the country, and that an indemnity 
should be paid to the injured sailors of the Baltimore or their 
heirs. Chile found it expedient to comply. 

In March, 1891, a number of Italians accused of having 
assassinated the chief of police of New Orleans were lynched 
by a mob, which broke into the city prison to accomplish that 
purpose. Italy at once demanded that the mob 
withTSfy. should be punished and that an indemnity should 
be paid. Secretary Blaine stated in reply that he re¬ 
gretted the affair, but he pointed out that under our federal sys¬ 
tem criminal proceedings against the mob lay within the sphere 
of the local Louisiana authorities, that the national government 
had no power in the matter. He urged upon Governor Nicholls, 
however, that the mob should be brought to justice, but this 
was a difficult thing to do, for the public believed that the dead 
Italians were members of a secret blackmailing organization 
known as the Mafia, and the lynching was generally approved. 
After further diplomatic exchanges Italy withdrew her minister, 
Baron Fava, from Washington, and the United States recalled 
Minister Porter from Rome. The judicial proceedings against 
the mob came to nothing, but Congress, not as a matter of right 
but as an expression of the regret felt by the United States, 
voted $25,000 to the families of the murdered Italians, while 
President Harrison in a message referred to the matter in tact¬ 
ful words that soothed Italian pride. In April, 1892, Minister 
Porter and Baron Fava returned to their respective posts and 
normal diplomatic relations were resumed. 

The episode is chiefly important because it revealed a defect 


198 the united states in our own times 

in our governmental system that has more than once involved 
us in difficulties with foreign states and might some day cause 
us to be involved in war. It is clear that the federal 
Defect ger ° US government, which has charge of diplomatic rela¬ 
tions, ought also to possess the power to safeguard 
foreigners sojourning in the United States and to punish per¬ 
sons injuring them. We shall see later how the same lack of 
authority complicated relations with Japan under Presidents 
Roosevelt and Wilson. 

The Harrison administration inherited from its predecessor 
a troublesome dispute with Great Britain over fur-seals. These 
interesting animals, the pelts of which are extremely valuable, 
The Fur were t ^ ien » an d are i n habit in the spring 

Seal and summer of landing on the Pribyloff Islands 

Question. near ^e cen t r e of Bering Sea in order to rear their 

young. Leaving their “pups” upon the beach, the grown-up 
seals swim far out to sea in search of food; and later in the year 
young and old alike take to the water and rove hundreds of 
miles southward far out of sight of land. In 1870 the United 
States Government gave, for a consideration, a concession to 
the Alaskan Commercial Company to kill every year on the 
Pribyloffs a certain number of “bachelor seals,” as the males 
are called. Attracted by the great value of the fur, other seal¬ 
ers, especially Americans, Canadians, and Russians, pursued 
the animals in the open sea, killing males and females indis¬ 
criminately, causing many of the helpless “pups” on shore to 
die of starvation, and even threatening the total extinction of 
the species. These hunters contended that they had a per¬ 
fect right to carry on such operations in the open sea outside 
the three-mile limit to which international law says a nation’s 
sovereignty extends. 

In 1881, however, the United States set up the claim that 
the whole of Bering Sea belonged to the United States and that 
it, therefore, had the right to regulate or prohibit sealing therein. 
Five years later three vessels of British register engaged in 
sealing operations in the forbidden waters were seized and 
condemned. Further seizures were made in 1887, and a federal 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


199 


district court in the condemnation proceedings held that the 
rights transferred by Russia in 1867 included control of Bering 
Sea as a mare clausum , or closed sea. 

Vigorous protests were made against such seizures, and in 
1887-88 Secretary Manning conducted negotiations with Great 
Britain, Russia, Japan, and other nations in the hope of reach- 
The “Closed an international agreement whereby the fur 
Sea” Con- seals would be protected against extermination. 

The negotiations failed because of the objections of 
Canada. In March, 1889, Congress officially sanctioned the 
doctrine of mare clausum , and during the following season eight 
more vessels were seized. Great Britain vigorously protested, 
and a long argument ensued between Secretary Blaine and Lord 
Salisbury, the British Premier and Foreign Minister. Blaine 
not only advanced the doctrine of a closed sea and argued that 
the seals should be saved from destruction, but he even con¬ 
tended that the United States had a property right in the seals, 
wherever they might go, just as if they were domestic animals. 
Salisbury denied the force of such arguments, and insisted that 
there must be no more seizures. At one time the controversy 
reached the danger-point, for Canadians felt bitter about the 
confiscated vessels, while there were Americans who enjoyed 
the hazardous game of “twisting the lion’s tail.” 

Finally the two nations, with their usual good sense, agreed 
(February 29, 1892) to submit the dispute to arbitration. The 
tribunal met in Paris in the following year. The United States 
was represented by eminent counsel, but interna- 
Arbftrated. tional law was against them. The arbitrators re¬ 
jected the doctrine of mare clausum , accepted the 
British contention that the seals were ferce naturae and not, as 
the Americans contended, practically domestic animals, and 
awarded damages to owners whose vessels had been seized 
outside the three-mile limit. The tribunal also recommended 
a set of regulations for the future protection of the fur-seals, 
and this desirable object was ultimately accomplished by inter¬ 
national agreement. 

The only other important diplomatic complication of Harri- 


200 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


son’s administration resulted from a revolution in Hawaii. 
These beautiful islands, the gems of the central Pacific, were 
The first visited more than a century before by the cele- 

Hawaiian brated navigator Captain Cook, and the native 
inhabitants displayed such little sense of apprecia¬ 
tion for his efforts that they killed and ate their discoverer. 
But many missionaries and other white settlers, largely Ameri¬ 
cans, had since settled in Hawaii and had wrought a great 
transformation. A prosperous sugar-planting industry had 
been built up, and the islands were much visited by travellers, 
both because of their natural charm and because they formed 
a half-way house on the way to the Orient. The native Kanakas 
had dropped their cannibal practices and had adopted many 
civilized institutions, including a liberal constitution. 

In 1891 King Kalakaua, a royal wastrel, died and was suc¬ 
ceeded by his sister, Queen Liliuokalani, a woman of education 
and charm but a stickler for the divine right of rulers. In 
January, 1893, exasperated by the restraints inl¬ 
and 0 U ° n posed upon her by the old constitution, she tried to 
Intervention set ^ as ^ e anc * substitute another, more favorable 
to royal prerogatives. This attempted coup d'etat 
precipitated a revolution, which resulted in the deposition of the 
Queen and the substitution of a provisional government, headed 
by Sanford B. Dole, who was judge of the supreme court. Dole 
was of American descent, and many of the other revolutionists 
were of foreign antecedents, though natives also participated. 
No blood was shed, but there was much excitement in Hono¬ 
lulu, and the provisional government asked the American min¬ 
ister, John L. Stevens, for help in maintaining order. At that 
time there was no cable to the islands, so Stevens, without 
waiting for instructions from Washington, landed marines from 
the cruiser Boston , formally recognized the new republic, raised 
the American flag over the government building, and proclaimed 
Hawaii under the protection of the United States. For half a 
century there had been more or less desire in the United States 
to annex the islands; Stevens himself was eager for such a 
consummation; and he was probably aware that his superiors 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


201 


at Washington had similar views. “The Hawaiian pear is 
now fully ripe,” he wrote to his government, “and this is the 
golden hour for the United States to pluck it.” 

A Hawaiian commission hastened to Washington to ask for 
annexation. They found both President Harrison and John 
W. Foster, who had succeeded Blaine as secretary of state, in a 
receptive mood. The protectorate proclaimed by 
Treaty atl ° n Stevens was disavowed, but a treaty of annexation 
Negotiated was speedily negotiated and signed (February 15, 
Ratified. 1 893). Those who favored the treaty urged the 
great commercial and strategic value of the islands, 
and pointed to the danger that they might be seized by some 
other power. Opponents of annexation declared that the 
American minister had taken too active a part in the over¬ 
throw of the Queen, and asserted that the provisional govern¬ 
ment represented the foreign rather than the native population. 
Many senators felt that the acquisition of territory outside 
America was too momentous a step to be taken hastily, and for 
this and other reasons action on the treaty was delayed until 
after the Harrison administration came to an end. 

The circumstances which had brought about that adminis¬ 
tration’s defeat remain to be told. As President, Harrison 
displayed integrity and ability, but he never succeeded in be¬ 
coming the real master of his party. He antag- 
Unpopular. onized some of the great Republican chieftains, 
notably Quay of Pennsylvania and Platt of New 
York, while he failed to arouse much enthusiasm among the 
rank and file. Ex-President Hayes humorously records in his 
diary that one observer explained Harrison’s lack of popularity 
on the ground that “he is a deacon in the Presbyterian Church. 
They are never liked by the people. They are stiff, cold, dis¬ 
tant. They are the elect of God—by faith, not works, to be 
saved.” 

Enemies of the President persistently besought Blaine once 
more to enter the presidential lists. But political usage estopped 
a member of the cabinet from seeking a nomination against his 
chief, and Blaine long rejected all overtures. The two men, 


202 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


however, had never been really cordial; political differences had 
multiplied; a feud had developed between their wives; while 
Blaine had become a brooding invalid. Only three 
Reigns. days before the meeting of the national convention 
he yielded to the pleadings of his wife and others, 
and in a curt note, containing no explanations, resigned from 
the cabinet (June 4, 1892). 

It was too late. The Harrison delegates, a large proportion 
of whom were federal office-holders, controlled the organiza¬ 
tion of the convention and renominated Harrison on the first 
ballot, giving him 535 votes, 82 more than a majority. 
anTSd Blaine and William McKinley each received 182 
votes. For second place on the ticket the con¬ 
vention nominated Whitelaw Reid, editor of the New York 
Tribune. Sick and disillusioned, the Plumed Knight retired 
to his home in Maine, where he died early in the following 
year. 

When Grover Cleveland retired from office in 1889, he stepped 
into a lucrative law practice in New York City, but he made 
it his custom to spend a generous portion of his time at “ Grey 
Gables,” on the Massachusetts coast, where he 
Stand on S entertained his friends and indulged his fondness 
Questions f° r fishing. His enemies hoped that his political 
career was ended, nor did he seemingly make much 
effort to disappoint them. He continued, however, to take an 
interest in public questions, and when his opinion on such 
matters was sought, he was accustomed to give plain, straight¬ 
forward answers. His party was becoming more and more 
divided upon the currency question, but, instead of temporizing 
and trying to win favor with both factions, Cleveland (Feb¬ 
ruary 10, 1891) boldly voiced his uncompromising hostility to 
“ the dangerous and reckless experiment of free, unlimited, and 
independent silver coinage.” Instead of ending his political 
prospects, as many observers predicted, this statement ulti¬ 
mately helped him, while the fact that he was the main ex¬ 
ponent of tariff reform created a wide-spread demand for his 
renomination. 

The opposition to Cleveland rallied around David B. Hill, 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


203 


who was now a United States senator. In February, 1892, 

long before the usual time, Hill made use of his control of the 

Cleveland Democratic machine in New York to hold a packed 

* nd or “snap” convention, which named delegates fa- 

Steveason. . . . . _ ° 

vorable to him. But this sharp practice by one 

whose alleged treachery in 1888 had not been forgotten proved 
a boomerang. Friends of Cleveland held an “anti-snap” con¬ 
vention and sent a contesting delegation. Elsewhere the Cleve¬ 
land tide set in so strongly that when the national convention 
assembled in Chicago (June 21) he was renominated on the first 
ballot. As a concession to the free-silver and spoils elements, 
Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, the former “headsman,” was 
named for the vice-presidency. 

The platform denounced the McKinley Act as “the culmi¬ 
nating atrocity of class legislation,” and declared that since the 
act went into effect there had been ten reductions of wages to 
one increase. The “constitutional power to impose 
Tariff C stand. an d collect tariff duties except for the purposes of 
revenue only” was boldly denied. In his letter of 
acceptance, however, Cleveland did not take so radical a stand, 
but state-d that no exterminating war would be waged against 
any American interest and that the Democracy merely con¬ 
templated “a fair and careful distribution of necessary tariff 
burdens rather than the precipitation of free trade.” 

A formal organization of the People’s Party, or Populists, 
had been effected in 1891, and on the 2d of July a national con¬ 
vention assembled at Omaha. General James B. Weaver, a 
former Greenback chieftain, was nominated for 
President, and James G. Field of Virginia was named 
Rdd Verand f° r Vice-President. The platform denounced both 
the old parties as the tools of capitalists, and de¬ 
clared “ they propose to drown the outcries of a plundered people 
with the uproar of a sham battle over the tariff.” The general 
state of the country was portrayed in the following pessimistic 
passage: 


Populists 

Nominate 


We meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral 
and material ruin. Corruption dominates the ballot-box, the legis¬ 
lature, the Congress, and touches even the ermine of the bench. 


204 THE united states in our own times 

The people are demoralized; most of the States have been compelled 
to isolate the voters at the polling-places to prevent universal in¬ 
timidation or bribery. The newspapers are largely subsidized or 
muzzled; public opinion silenced; business prostrated; our homes 
covered with mortgages; labor impoverished; and the land con¬ 
centrating in the hands of the capitalists. The urban workmen are 
denied the right of organization for self-protection; imported 
pauperized labor beats down their wages; a hireling standing army, 
unrecognized by our laws, is established to shoot them down, and 
they are rapidly degenerating into European conditions. The 
fruits of the toil of millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal 
fortunes for a few, unprecedented in the history of mankind; and 
the possessors of these, in turn, despise the republic and endanger 
liberty. From the same prolific womb of governmental injustice 
we breed the two great classes of tramps and millionaires. 

Among the remedies proposed were the free and unlimited 
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to i, direct election of senators, 
the initiative and referendum, shorter hours for labor, the 
establishment of postal savings-banks, a graduated 
Remedies. income tax, and the governmental ownership and 
operation of railroads, telegraphs, and telephones. 
Such proposals excited much ridicule in conservative circles, 
but as the historian reads this Populistic platform he is forced 
to reflect upon how much it reflected actual conditions and fore¬ 
shadowed the future. 

When Cleveland retired from office four years before, exul¬ 
tant Republicans had gleefully sung: 

“Grover! Grover! 

All is over!” 

Now confident Democrats were constantly chanting: 

“ Grover! Grover! 

Four more years of Grover. 

In he comes, 

Out they go, 

Then we’ll be in clover! ” 

The course of events helped to make good this hopeful pre¬ 
diction. There was much economic discontent, and Demo¬ 
crats pointed out that, despite roseate protectionist promises, 
many protected industries were cutting the wages of employees. 


THE SECOND HARRISON 


205 


In June such a reduction made by the Carnegie Steel Company 

The Course P rovoked a strike at Homestead, Pennsylvania; in 
of Events bloody clashes between the strikers and Pinkerton 
Democrats, detectives hired by the company nearly a score of 
persons were killed and many more were wounded. 
This and other events reacted against the party in power. 

Most veteran political observers predicted that the election 
would be close; it proved to be unexpectedly decisive. Cleve¬ 
land carried the Solid South and New York, Indiana, Cali¬ 
fornia, Connecticut, Illinois, New Jersey, West 
Re-elected. Virginia, and Wisconsin, and received 5 electoral 
votes from Michigan and 1 each from North 
Dakota and Ohio, his total electoral vote being 277. Harrison 
received only 145 electoral votes, Weaver 22. The divided vote 
in Michigan was due to the fact that a Democratic legislature 
had temporarily established the old method of choosing electors 
by congressional districts. In five States—Colorado, Idaho, Kan¬ 
sas, North Dakota, and Wyoming—the Democrats had nomi¬ 
nated no electors, but voted for the Populist candidates, their 
idea being that if the electoral result should be close and these 
States should be carried by the Populists, the election might be 
thrown into the House of Representatives, which was controlled 
by the Democrats. Weaver, in fact, won three of these States— 
Kansas, Colorado, and Idaho. He also carried Nevada and 
received one electoral vote in Oregon and North Dakota; in 
these three States there had been partial fusion with the Demo¬ 
crats. Of the popular vote Cleveland received 5,556,543, 
Harrison 5,175,582, Weaver 1,040,886. For the first time 
since 1859 the Democrats would control the presidency and both 
houses of Congress. 

The Democrats rejoiced exceedingly over the result, but if 
they could have foreseen what the future had in store they 
would not have felt so much elated over their triumph. 


CHAPTER XIII 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 

For some years vast preparations had been making for 
holding in Chicago an exposition in honor of the quadricen- 
tenary of the discovery of America by Columbus. The enter¬ 
prise was pushed with customary Western energy 
Exposition, and with a taste that surprised the skeptical East. 

Almost every nation in the world was represented, 
and about $35,000,000 was expended in gathering the exhibits 
and transforming a tangled stretch of swamp and sandy plain 
along Lake Michigan into “a shimmering dream of loveliness 
under the magic touch of landscape gardener and architect and 
artist.” Between May 1, 1893, when the exposition was opened 
by President Cleveland, and the last of October, when it was 
closed, there were 21,477,213 paid admissions. The Duke of 
Veragua, a lineal descendant of the discoverer, attended as 
an official guest; likewise the Spanish Infanta Eulalia. Full- 
sized reproductions of the caravels Santa Maria , Pinta , and 
Nina were brought from the port from which Columbus sailed 
to the lake shore, where there was also exhibited a model of 
a Viking ship. Another exhibit that recalled events of the 
past and paid honor to the immortal dead was a reproduction 
of the convent of La Rabida, so intimately connected with the 
career of Columbus. There were also a monster Ferris Wheel, 
a Babel-like Midway Plaisance, and a multitude of other won¬ 
ders. But the real importance of the celebration lay in the 
fact that the exposition broadened the outlook of millions of 
Americans whose lives had been narrow and colorless, and 
opened their eyes to the power of beauty in art and nature. 

American pride in the marvellous achievements of four cen¬ 
turies was marred by hard times, and, even as multitudes were 

206 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


207 


journeying to and from the magic “White City” beside Lake 
Michigan, the financial affairs of the nation were falling into a 
confusion that brought ruin and misery to millions. 

A drop of $50,000,000 in customs duties under the McKin¬ 
ley Act and the expenditures authorized by the “Billion Dollar 
Congress” had transformed a troublesome surplus into a much 
more trying deficit. The financial stringency proved 
Situation all the more embarrassing because of a peculiar situa- 
GddReserve. tion relatin g to the currency. At the end of Har¬ 
rison’s presidency there were outstanding $346,000,- 
000 of greenbacks, and, in addition, since the passage of the 
Sherman Silver Purchase Act of 1890, there had been annually 
added $54,000,000 of “coin certificates.” The greenbacks were, 
of course, redeemable in' gold. The Sherman Silver Purchase 
Act had provided that the secretary of the treasury should re¬ 
deem the “coin certificates” “in gold or silver coin at his dis¬ 
cretion, it being the established policy of the United States to 
maintain the two metals on a parity with each other upon the 
present legal ratio or such other ratio as may be provided by 
law.” Under both Harrison and Cleveland the secretaries of 
the treasury chose to redeem the certificates in gold—a policy 
that was bitterly criticised by the friends of silver. Usage had 
established a rule that the treasury must keep on hand a gold 
reserve of not less than $100,000,000. During 1891 and 1892 
there was an insistent demand for gold to be sent abroad to 
meet unfavorable trade balances and also to supply certain 
European nations that were eager to obtain gold, and there was 
a net loss of over $90,000,000, much of which was drawn from 
the treasury. A circumstance that made the situation all the 
more serious was that the coin certificates, even when redeemed, 
must be reissued again and again, and thus they formed a sort 
of “endless chain” for the depletion of the gold reserve. Even 
before Harrison’s retirement the reserve fell so low that the 
Treasury Department was forced to borrow $6,000,000 of gold 
on call, and resort to other temporary expedients in order to 
avoid the necessity of issuing bonds. Preparations for such an 
issue were actually made. 


208 the united states in our own times 

The government’s financial difficulties were partly due to 
unwise legislation, but the country was caught in a business 
depression that was world-wide. Hard times were 
inevitable^ probably inevitable, even had the Republicans re¬ 
mained in power, but the Democratic victory, fore¬ 
shadowing tariff revision and perhaps changes in the monetary 
system, served to deepen the dark cloud of doubt and appre¬ 
hension. 

It is a commonplace of financial history that hard times fol¬ 
low flush times as the trough of the sea follows the crest of the 
wave. In the United States periods of great depression have 
The come about every twenty years. There were such 

Periodicity depressions in 1819, 1837, 1857, 1873, 1893, and 

1913-14, while smaller flurries have usually taken 
place between each pair of these dates. Why this periodicity 
of panics should occur at such regular intervals has never been 
satisfactorily explained, but the fact is undeniable. By some 
it is contended that under our present currency laws panics are 
impossible, but only time will show whether or not their view 
is correct. 

Even before Cleveland’s inauguration securities fluctuated 
violently, bankers grew conservative regarding loans, money 
rates rose, the Philadelphia & Reading Railroad went into 
bankruptcy (February 20, 1893), and a sharp stock 
Symptoms 0 " P an ^ c shook the exchanges. As spring passed and 
and then summer came on conditions gradually grew worse. 
Collapse. The Erie Railroad and a great trust called the Na¬ 
tional Cordage Company followed the Reading into 
bankruptcy, banks began to resort to clearing-house certificates, 
the mints of India were closed (June 26) to the private coinage of 
silver, thereby still further depressing the value of that metal, 
many Western silver mines closed, people began to hoard gold, 
prices of agricultural products, already excessively low, con¬ 
tinued to decline, and a chain of nearly fifty Western banks 
that had been founded by a certain Zimri Dwiggins went down 
in one grand crash. During the year hundreds of banks failed, 
and the total liabilities of mercantile failures amounted to 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


209 


$347,000,000; railway construction almost ceased, and 22,500 
miles passed into the hands of receivers; the production of 
iron, the best barometer of business conditions, fell off almost 
a fourth; debtors found it increasingly difficult to meet their 
obligations; property often had to be sacrificed at low prices; 
and ruin came to many thousands of honest, toiling people. 

All sorts of remedies, sensible and otherwise, were proposed 
to meet the emergency, and an almost universal demand arose 
that the President should call an extra session of Congress. He 

complied and summoned it (June 30) to meet on 
Silver*- 311 the 7th of August. In his opinion one of the main 
Repealed Act causes °f the panic was the Sherman Silver Purchase 

Act, and in a special message he demanded its un¬ 
conditional repeal. The friends of silver fought repeal to the 
bitter end. They declared that what the country needed was 
not less but more money. It was only through the aid of many 
“gold” Republicans and by vigorous use of patronage that 
Cleveland obtained his wish (October 30). In the Senate 26 
Republicans voted for repeal, and only 22 Democrats. A 
chasm was opening in the Democracy that did not close for 
years. 

The situation in which the Democracy found itself proved 

all the more serious because as an executive Cleveland had at 

least one great fault: he lacked tact in dealing with lesser Demo- 

cieveland’s crat ic chieftains. He was patriotic, he was con- 

Defects as scientious, he was courageous, but he did not know 

sl Leader 

how to lead. As ours is a government by parties, 
unity of party action is essential to successful administration, 
but this unity Cleveland was often unable to secure. Having 
once decided that a given course was the right one, he was in¬ 
clined to be intolerant of those who differed with him, for co¬ 
ercion came to him more naturally than conciliation. This 
trait in his character was more pronounced in his second ad¬ 
ministration than his first, and even before the quarrel over 
silver he had alienated many Democratic leaders by his impa¬ 
tience at their advice regarding appointments. However, even 
had his skill as a political leader been far greater than it was, he 


2io THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


would hardly have proved equal to piloting his party past the 
rocks that rose in its course. 

New differences speedily developed over an attempt to revise 
the tariff, the great task to which the party stood pledged. 
Soon after the opening of the regular session William L. Wilson 
of West Virginia, chairman of the Committee on 
Tariff* Bill. Ways and Means, reported (December 19) to the 

House a bill upon which that committee had been 
working since August. The bill did not entirely fulfil the plat¬ 
form pledge of a tariff for revenue only, but it provided in many 
cases for substituting ad valorem for specific duties, reduced the 
almost prohibitory duties of the McKinley Act on such articles 
as silks, cottons, woollens, and glass, and placed lumber, coal, 
iron ore, wool, and other raw materials that form the basis of 
production on the free list. It was estimated that the customs 
receipts would be reduced about $50,000,000 annually, so a 
slight increase was made in the internal-revenue taxes on dis¬ 
tilled spirits, and a tax of 2 per cent was levied on incomes of 
over $4,000. 

The bill failed to command united Democratic support. It 
was again the old story of the London fishmonger who favored 
“free trade in everything but herring.” Seventeen Democrats 
Senate voted against the bill in the House, but it passed 

Amends that body by 204 to 140. In the Senate the Demo¬ 

crats had a majority of only three over the Repub¬ 
licans and Populists combined, and this narrow margin enabled 
Democratic malcontents to work their will with the measure. 
The senators from Louisiana disliked the sugar schedule; the 
senators from Maryland, West Virginia, and Alabama wished 
to retain protection for iron ore and coal; others, like Hill of 
New York, wished to eliminate the income-tax provision. 
Under the leadership of Brice of Ohio and Gorman of Mary¬ 
land—both protectionists—the Democratic insurgents, with 
Republican aid, made over six hundred changes in the measure, 
and so mangled it that it was almost unrecognizable. Coal, 
iron ore, and sugar were taken off the free list; specific duties in 
place of ad valorem were restored on some imports; and the 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


211 


rates on many articles were raised. It was charged that the 
sugar trust secured favorable changes by corrupt means, and 
one senator, Quay of Pennsylvania, openly admitted that he 
had purchased sugar stock for a rise. Cleveland denounced 
the Senate bill as involving “party perfidy and 
Perfidy and party dishonor.” The House at first refused to 
Dishonor.” accept it, but in the end Gorman and his associates 
triumphed (August, 1894). The President let the 
bill become a law without his signature, but he wrote to a rep¬ 
resentative concerning it: “The livery of Democratic tariff 
reform has been stolen and worn in the service of Republican 
protection.” 

The contempt with which the act was regarded by the public 
was presently increased when early in 1895 the Supreme Court, 
by the narrow margin of 5 to 4, held that the income-tax 
feature was unconstitutional. The ground taken 
Adjudged by the majority was that the income tax was a 
“ tu - direct tax, and that it had not been apportioned 
according to population, as the Constitution re¬ 
quired with regard to such taxes. As the court fifteen years 
before had unanimously upheld an income tax levied during 
the Civil War, the new decision aroused much criticism. The 
decision cut off a large source of revenue and greatly added to 
the financial difficulties of the government. 

These difficulties had already caused grave embarrassment. 
The repeal of the Sherman Silver Act had brought little or no 
relief either to the country or the government. Many people 
contended, of course, that its repeal made matters 
issued to worse. By the middle of January, 1894, the gold 

Maintain reserve fell to $70,000,000, a “feeble prop” with 

Reserve. which to support $500,000,000 in paper, most of 
which was in circulation. In desperation Secretary 
of the Treasury Carlisle offered to sell for gold $50,000,000 of 
5 per cent bonds, redeemable in ten years. The proposal 
aroused strenuous opposition from the friends of silver, and the 
Knights of Labor even applied for a judicial order to restrain 
the secretary from making the issue. As the premium de- 


212 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The 

“Endless 

Chain.” 


manded was 17 per cent, bids came in slowly; it was only by 
going to New York and making a personal appeal to bankers 
that Carlisle finally placed the loan. The net proceeds realized 
amounted to $58,661,000, but the treasury “was chasing a 
phantom,” for subscribers to the bonds presented $24,000,000 
in notes and drew from the treasury gold with which to pay 
their subscriptions. There seemed to be no way of stopping 
the operations of the “endless chain,” whose buckets 
were automatically dipping into the treasury. Con¬ 
gress wrangled continually over what should be 
done and could agree on no sensible remedy, while business 
conditions had become so bad that people were constantly 
drawing gold from the treasury and hoarding it. By August 
7 the reserve had fallen to $52,189,000. 

A second issue of $50,000,000 in bonds in November 
again afforded only temporary relief. The “endless chain” 
continued in operation, and in a single month $45,000,000 in 
gold was drawn from the treasury. In a special 
message Cleveland proposed (January 28, 1895) 
that fifty-year gold bonds should be issued in suffi¬ 
cient quantity to provide for the redemption and cancellation 
of all the legal-tender notes, but Congress continued to quarrel 
about the respective merits of gold and silver and did nothing. 

The reserve speedily dropped to $41,000,000, and Cleveland 
found it expedient to call to the White House J. Pierpont 
Morgan, the most astute and influential of New York financiers. 
The Bargain The upshot of this famous conference was that the 
with j. p. banking-houses of Morgan, Belmont, and Roths¬ 
child agreed to sell the government three and a 
half million ounces of gold ($65,118,000), taking in exchange 
thirty-year P er cent bonds at 104^. The lenders also agreed 
to use their influence to protect the treasury against the with¬ 
drawal of gold. Silver men of all parties went wild when they 
heard that Cleveland had made such a bargain with the “Gold 
Bugs of Wall Street.” In the House William Jennings Bryan, 
a fluent and rising young member from Nebraska, declared 
that the President had attempted to inoculate the Democratic 


New 

Difficulties. 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


213 


party “with Republican virus, and blood poisoning has set in.” 
The fact that Morgan and his associates soon sold the bonds 
at a big advance over the price paid, helped to fan the flame of 
criticism. But Cleveland never ceased to believe that he did 
right in the matter, and it is beyond question that his critics 
failed to give due weight to the provision whereby the bond 
syndicate undertook to protect the treasury against the with¬ 
drawal of gold. 

It was not until January, 1896, that the reserve again ran so 
low as to necessitate a new issue of bonds. The amount was 
fixed at $100,000,000, the rate at 4 per cent, and, as a conces- 
Popuiar sion to popular criticism, the loan was thrown open 
Loan of to public subscription. The whole issue was sold 
at prices averaging about 7 per cent higher than 
that paid by Morgan and his associates for the previous loan. 
In some circles this was interpreted as proving Cleveland’s 
mistake in dealing with Morgan. 

Again the “endless chain” was set in motion; the reserve 
once more fell below the hundred-million mark. But the mo¬ 
mentous political campaign of 1896 was being fought, and many 
bankers and other moneyed men feared that a new 
issue of bonds might react in favor of Bryan and 
his free-silver associates. These business men, 
therefore, co-operated to protect the treasury, and 
in a single week more than $25,000,000 in gold was 
paid in for paper legal-tenders. The result of the election as¬ 
sured the maintenance of the gold standard, gold came out of 
its hiding-places, and thereafter an adequate gold reserve was 
easily maintained. 

The financial troubles of the government were only one 
phase of the prevailing hard times. The year 1894 surpassed 
any other in the history of the United States in the number of 
workers out of employment. Many plans were 
proposed to meet the needs of the hour, but the 
most startling was that brought forward by an 
agitator named J. S. Coxey, of Ohio. Coxey announced that 
he would lead an army of the unemployed to the capital to ask 


Business 
Men Unite 
to Protect 
the Reserve, 
1896. 


Coxey’s 

Army. 


214 THE united states in our own times 

Congress to pass a good-roads law and a non-interest-bearing 
bond law, and thereby furnish work for the needy and expand 
the monetary system. The “army,” consisting of about ioo 
men, “escorted by forty-three reporters,” started from Massil¬ 
lon, Ohio, on March 24 and depended for food mainly on contri¬ 
butions along the way. In Europe certain newspapers gravely 
likened the movement of Coxey’s nondescript force to the 
march of the mob from Paris to the palace at Versailles, but 
at home the press treated the whole affair as a huge joke, and 
the public were daily regaled with burlesque descriptions of 
“General” Coxey and his subordinates and of their doings. 
On the last day of April the army, then numbering about 300, 
reached Washington, and on May day they marched to the 
Capitol in the presence of thousands of curious spectators. 
When Coxey and two of his lieutenants walked on the Capitol 
lawn, they were arrested for trespassing on the grass, and for 
this offense and for displaying a banner without a permit they 
were imprisoned for twenty days. By the time they were re¬ 
leased their picturesque followers were scattered to the four 
winds. 

In certain Far Western States other leaders, notably Kelly 
and Frye, imitated Coxey, and led ragged bands of “ Industrials ” 
or “Commonwealers” toward the East. Many of the men who 
participated in these marches had been stranded in the West 
and took advantage of the opportunity to get back home; 
others were mere tramps; some were criminals. These armies 
proved less law-abiding than that under Coxey: in some cases 
they seized railway trains; now and again they engaged in violent 
encounters with the police. But, like Coxey’s force, none of 
these armies ever became large; and they were important only 
as being symptomatic of hard times and the prevailing unrest. 

Eleven days after Coxey’s band reached Washington a strike 
began at the plant of the Pullman Palace Car Com- 
Strike. uUman P an y, near Chicago, as a result of a reduction in 
wages. Many of the strikers belonged to the Ameri¬ 
can Railway Union, an organization with a membership of 
more than 100,000 and headed by Eugene V. Debs, a shrewd 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


215 


and determined yet kindly labor leader who was later several 
times the Socialist candidate for President. Opposed to this 
union stood the Railway Managers’ Association, representing 
more than twoscore railway corporations. The members of 
the railway union refused to handle Pullman cars; the Man¬ 
agers’ Association held that contracts with the Pullman 
Company must be carried out; and thus labor and capital 
stood aligned against each other for one of the most titanic 
struggles the country had seen. The strike quickly spread into 
twenty-seven States and Territories, involving roads all the 
way from Cincinnati to San Francisco, but the main storm 
centre was Chicago. In that city mobs, composed in part of 
strikers, in part of hoodlums and professional criminals, who 
were all the more numerous because of the exposition of the 
previous year, stopped trains and gathered in freight-yards and 
looted and burned hundreds of cars. The police and the other 
local peace officers were utterly unable to control the situation, 
but Governor Altgeld of Illinois sympathized with the strikers 
and delayed calling out the militia. 

The strike might have succeeded had not the strikers made 
the serious mistake of stopping trains carrying the United 
States mail. On the 2d of July Federal Judge Woods, by re¬ 
quest of the United States district attorney, issued 
^junction. a “blanket” injunction forbidding Debs and his 
associates and “all other persons whomsoever” 
from interfering with the transportation of the mail or obstruct¬ 
ing interstate commerce. The mobs jeered at the writ when it 
was read to them, but the President, against the protest of 
Governor Altgeld, backed it up, sending troops under General 
Miles to the scenes of disturbance. Rioting, pillage, and de¬ 
struction continued for some days, but the vigorous use of the 
Debs and troops restored order. On July 10 Debs and three 

Associates associates were arrested on a charge of having been 

Impnsoned. g U q t y Q f conS pj raC y contrary to the terms of the 

Sherman Anti-Trust Act. They were speedily released on 
bail, but were soon arrested again (July 17) charged with con¬ 
tempt of court in having disobeyed Judge Woods’s injunction. 


216 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The strike collapsed. In December Debs was sentenced to six 
months in jail for contempt of court; his associates received 
three months each. 

The part taken by the courts in the whole affair provoked a 
great outcry, even outside labor circles. Injunctions had never 
before been used in this way, and the fact that in the case of 
Debs and his associates the judge was also the 
Agitation accuser, and that the defendants had not the right 
Injunctions by jury, was declared to violate the spirit 

and practice of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence. The 
Supreme Court, however, unanimously upheld the sentences 
and refused a writ of habeas corpus. “ Government by injunc¬ 
tion’’ was frequently resorted to in subsequent strikes, and thus 
a new grievance was added to those of which labor complained. 
It was not until the first administration of Wilson that the in¬ 
junction powers of federal judges in the matter of strikes were 
circumscribed. 

Hard times, labor troubles, the currency controversy, and 
Democratic discontent with Cleveland’s leadership combined 
to produce in the autumn of 1894 a political overturn compara- 
Poiitical with that of four years before. In the Northern 

Reaction States the Democrats carried hardly a dozen con¬ 
gressional districts, and their total membership in 
the House was reduced to 104, as against 248 Republicans. The 
Republicans were jubilant, and boasted that in 1896 they could 
“nominate a rag-baby or a yellow dog and elect it.” 

Before describing the events of that notable election we must 
turn for a few moments to two diplomatic questions. 

For secretary of state Cleveland named Walter Q. Gresham, 
a prominent candidate for the Republican presidential nomina¬ 
tion in 1888 but a recent convert to Democracy. The appoint- 
Secretary men t displeased many Democrats, who thought 

of state that the place should have gone to a man older 

in the faith, while Republicans considered Gresham 
a renegade and regretted that he had been rewarded. Further¬ 
more, though a man of intellectual ability, Judge Gresh¬ 
am had never made any special study of international law, 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


217 


while his personal manners were regarded as too informal by 
punctilious representatives of foreign powers. His attitude on 
certain diplomatic questions inherited from the previous ad¬ 
ministration was colored by dislike for his old rival and personal 
enemy, Benjamin Harrison. 

At a conference between Gresham and Cleveland prior to the 
inauguration Gresham urged a reversal of policy toward the 
Hawaiian Government, and the two reached an agreement on 
Hawaiian t ^ ie matter - The treaty of annexation was speedily 
Policy ed withdrawn (March 9) from the Senate “for the 
purpose of re-examination.” A few days later 
Cleveland sent a special representative, one James H. Blount 
of Georgia, to Hawaii to investigate existing conditions and how 
the revolution had been brought about. His authority was 
made “paramount.” On the day after his arrival in Honolulu 
Blount ordered the American flag to be lowered from the gov¬ 
ernment building and sent the marines on shore back to the 
Boston. Later Blount made an elaborate report (July 17, 1893) 
in which he pictured the revolution as due to a conspiracy 
managed by aliens, chiefly Americans, and countenanced by 
Minister Stevens, whose support had overawed the Queen and 
her supporters. 

Secretary Gresham and President Cleveland decided that a 
wrong had been done and that it must be righted by putting 
Liliuokalani back in power. Albert S. Willis, the new minis- 
Attempt to ter to Hawaii, was directed to secure from the 
Restore_the Queen a promise of amnesty for the revolutionists, 
after which he was to notify the provisional govern¬ 
ment to relinquish its power. But the vindictive Queen de¬ 
clared that she meant to behead the ringleaders and confiscate 
their estates, and some time elapsed before she could be per¬ 
suaded to drop her plans for vengeance. Furthermore, Presi¬ 
dent Dole, having a force of well-drilled troops, politely but 
firmly declined to comply with the Cleveland-Gresham pro¬ 
gramme. 

Meanwhile the administration’s Hawaiian policy had pro¬ 
voked a great popular outcry. Many critics declared that in 


218 the united states in our own times 


The Admin 
istration’s 
Policy 
Unpopular. 


sending Blount to the islands without obtaining the Senate’s 
ratification of his appointment Cleveland had exceeded his 
powers; a few even demanded that the President 
should be impeached. The idea of making war on 
the white revolutionists and overthrowing their re¬ 
public in order to restore a bloodthirsty and—report 
said—immoral Polynesian Queen to her throne failed to arouse 
enthusiasm in the United States. Aware that the executive 
department could go no farther alone, Cleveland submitted 
the Hawaiian problem to Congress. The House condemned 
(February 7, 1894) the course of Minister Stevens, but neither 
that body nor the Senate would authorize the use of force 
against the Dole government, and Cleveland’s policy was 
strongly criticised even by members of his own party. Ulti¬ 
mately the Senate voted (May 31, 1894) unanimously that 
Hawaii should manage its own governmental affairs and that 
the United States should not interfere. This outcome was very 
humiliating both to Cleveland and to Secretary Gresham. 

Annexationist sentiment both in the islands and the United 
States persisted, and when the war with Spain broke out the 
Hawaiian authorities permitted American war-ships to use 
Hawaii Honolulu practically as a naval base. The war 

Annexed made the desirability of the islands more than ever 

manifest, and annexation was accomplished (June 
15 to July 7, 1898) by joint resolution, as in the case of Texas. 
The United States thus obtained far out in the Pacific a pos¬ 
session having considerable natural resources and immense 
strategic and commercial value. Two years later Hawaii was 
formally organized as a Territory (April 30, 1900), and the 
Hawaiians were admitted to citizenship. 

Another diplomatic complication with a much greater power 
threatened for a time to have more serious consequences. For 
Venezuelan more than fifty years Great Britain and Venezuela 
Boundary had differed regarding the boundary between the 
latter and British Guiana. The disputed region 
was long thinly inhabited, some of it, in fact, hardly explored, 
but in course of time gold was discovered there, and thus a 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


219 


different aspect was given to the quarrel. After finding that 
the territory might have great value Great Britain even ex¬ 
tended her claims by thousands of square miles, and many of 
her subjects settled in the disputed tract. More than once 
Venezuela appealed to the United States, as “the oldest of the 
republics of the new continent,” to prevent British aggressions 
on the soil of a sister American state; but our government long 
continued to limit its activities to tenders of our good offices 
and to proposals that the dispute should be arbitrated. Great 
Britain, however, persistently refused arbitration, and in 1887 
the controversy became so acute that diplomatic relations be¬ 
tween the disputants were broken off. 

In his second administration President Cleveland came to 
believe that Great Britain was unduly aggressive toward a 
smaller and weaker power, and was threatening the Monroe 
Doctrine. Political conditions in Great Britain and 
Viewof 1 the international conditions throughout the world doubt- 
Attitude l ess had something to do with forming this opinion. 

Most of the European powers—Great Britain in¬ 
cluded—were engaged in a mad scramble for colonial possessions. 
The British Government was controlled by the Conservatives, 
notoriously more grasping and imperialistic than the Liberals; 
and the premier was Lord Salisbury, a cynical Briton inclined 
to believe that in international affairs might made right. 

President Cleveland referred to the dispute in his annual 
messages of 1893 and 1894. The idea of arbitration was again 
and again suggested to Great Britain, and early in 1895 Congress 
passed a joint resolution to the effect that the quarrel 
Britain ought to be settled in that manner. Lord Salis- 
Arbiuation. hury soon after instructed the British minister in 
Washington to say that his government was willing 
to arbitrate regarding part of the territory but that it “could 
not consent to any departure from the Schomburgk line.” 
This was a line surveyed by the British many years before, and 
it had been characterized by Lord Aberdeen, then foreign min¬ 
ister, “as merely a preliminary measure open to further dis¬ 
cussion.” 


220 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Such an answer severely tried the patience of the American 
Government. In the opinion of the President, Great Britain 
was trying to extend her sovereignty over territory belonging 
to an independent American state, and he held the view that 
this constituted a clear violation of the Monroe Doctrine, which 
declared that the American continents w r ere not to be considered 
subject to future colonization by any European power. 

In July, 1895, Richard Olney, who had become secretary of 
state after the death of Gresham in May, transmitted a long 
despatch asserting the application of the Monroe Doctrine to 


the Venezuelan controversy and once more suggest¬ 
ing arbitration as a solution of the question. The 
United States, he bluntly declared, is “entitled to 



resent and resist any sequestration of Venezuelan soil by Great 
Britain.” Even then Lord Salisbury failed to realize the seri¬ 
ousness of the situation, perhaps because he had often before 
seen American secretaries of state vigorously “twist the lion’s 
tail” yet prove to be amenable in the end. He took his time 


about answering Olney’s note, and finally (Novem- 


Answer^ S her 26) replied cavalierly to the effect that the 


Monroe Doctrine was not a part of international 


law, that Great Britain and Venezuela only were concerned in 
the dispute, that his government was willing to arbitrate con¬ 
cerning part of the territory but must hold fast to the Schom- 
burgk line. 

Believing that only extraordinary methods would bring 
the British Government to reason, President Cleveland made 
a bold decision. He startled both nations by sending (De¬ 


cember 17, 1895) to Congress a special message 
asking that body to authorize the appointment of 
a special commission to determine the true boundary, 


Cleveland’s 

Bold 

Message. 


and saying that it would be the “duty of the United States to 
resist by every means in its power, as a wilful aggression upon 
its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of 
any lands or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over 
any territory which after investigation we have determined of 
right belongs to Venezuela.” He added the following signifi- 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


221 


cant words: “In making these recommendations I am fully 
alive to the responsibility incurred, and keenly realize all the 
consequences that may follow.” The message precipitated a 
panic on the stock exchanges and was severely criticised by 
“occasional dissidents,” but it met with favor among the peo¬ 
ple generally, and Congress speedily empowered the President 
to appoint the commission. The persons named were all men 
of eminence, without any tendency to jingoism, and they pres¬ 
ently set about their work in a tactful manner. 

Meanwhile British public opinion made itself heard in un¬ 
mistakable fashion. It is true that the American army num¬ 
bered only 25,000 men, that we had not a single completed 
Attitude of first-class battleship, that there was hardly a modern 
the^British gun mounted on the Atlantic coast; yet Great 
Britain, partly for selfish, partly for humanitarian 
reasons, had no desire to go to war with us. Furthermore, on 
December 29 Doctor Jameson and his band began their sensa¬ 
tional raid into the Transvaal, and the Kaiser soon transmitted 
his celebrated cablegram to President Kruger. These spec¬ 
tacular events threw the Venezuelan dispute into the back¬ 
ground, and gave the British other topics for talk and reflec¬ 
tion. 

Manifestations in both countries of a desire to settle the 
dispute amicably encouraged the American Government once 
more to suggest the desirability of arbitration. Salisbury, in 
chastened mood, informed Bayard, the American 
Arbitrated!^ minister in London, that he had empowered Sir 
Julian Pauncefote, British Minister at Washington, 
“to discuss the question either with the representative of Vene¬ 
zuela or with the Government of the United States acting as 
the friend of Venezuela.” He thus conceded the whole Ameri¬ 
can contention. A general arbitration treaty was signed at 
Washington in January, 1897, by Pauncefote and Secretary 
Olney, and though the Senate refused to ratify this agreement, 
it subsequently accepted (February 2, 1897) another providing 
for the arbitration of the Venezuelan dispute. The decision 
of the tribunal to which the controversy was referred proved 


2 22 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


(October 3, 1899) to be favorable in the main to Great Britain 
but awarded to Venezuela some territory east of the Schom- 
burgk line. 

The outcome of the whole matter was a notable example of 
the triumph of reason in international affairs and also deserves 
careful study because of its bearing on the Monroe Doctrine. 

According to the London Times , Great Britain ad- 
Significance mitted “ that in respect of South American Republics 
Controversy t ^ ie United States may not only intervene in dis¬ 
putes, but may entirely supersede the original dis¬ 
putant and assume exclusive control of the negotiations.” In 
insisting on the application of the Monroe Doctrine the United 
States had, in effect, proclaimed her hegemony in the New World, 
and Great Britain had conceded it. Grasping European powers, 
including Germany, which had territorial aspirations in Brazil 
and elsewhere, were made to understand that the Monroe 
Doctrine meant, “ You must not seize American soil,” and that 
violation of the doctrine spelled war with the United States. 

Business conditions improved somewhat during 1895, yet 
tens of millions continued to feel the pinch of hard times. In 
cities many men still sought work in vain and were de¬ 
pendent upon charity for the wherewithal to sustain them¬ 
selves and their families. Western farmers and their wives 
and children worked long hours, yet could not sell their wheat 
and corn, their hogs and cattle, for enough to meet expenses 
and pay the interest on the mortgage. In both town and 
country disappointment and misery bred despair, discontent, 
and a demand for a change. 

Most Republicans cast the blame on the Democratic tariff, 
but throughout the country and especially in the West there 
was an increasing number of persons who proclaimed the view 
that the country’s troubles were due to “the crime 
Movement, against silver.” Coin's Financial School , a plausi¬ 
ble propagandist book written by a man named 
Harvey, was sold by hundreds of thousands, and was studied 
as devoutly as if it were a new dispensation from Sinai. The 
demand for the free coinage of the white metal became a craze, 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


223 

an obsession, in the minds of multitudes. In the words of 
William Allen White: 

It was a fanaticism like the Crusades. Indeed, the delusion 
that was working on the people took the form of religious frenzy. 
Sacred hymns were torn from their pious tunes to give place to 
words which deified the cause and made gold—and all its symbols, 
capital, wealth, plutocracy—diabolical. At night from ten thou¬ 
sand little white schoolhouse windows, lights twinkled back vain 
hope to the stars. . . . They sang their barbaric songs in un¬ 
rhythmic jargon, with something of the mad faith that inspired 
martyrs going to the stake. Far into the night the voices rose,— 
women’s and children’s voices, the voices of old men, of youths 
and of maidens, rose on the ebbing prairie breezes, as the crusaders 
of the revolution rode home, praising the people’s will as though 
it were God’s will and cursing wealth for its inequity. 

As the campaign of 1896 drew near it became clear that the 
money question would be one of the main issues. The Pop¬ 
ulists were already enthusiastically committed to free silver, 
Free-Silver an d both the old parties contained a large free- 
Advocatesin silver wing. The Republican party was less in¬ 
fected with free-silver doctrines than the Democracy, 
yet in Congress many Republican senators and representatives 
had joined Democratic and Populist colleagues in supporting 
various schemes for securing free coinage in the United States 
or forcing the world to bimetallism. In the Republican State 
conventions held in 1896 ten openly came out for free silver, 
about half opposed free coinage, some straddled the issue or 
evaded it, and only a few declared uncompromisingly for the 
gold standard. In all parties men felt so strongly upon the 
issue that they were unwilling to keep silent upon it for the 
sake of party solidarity. Even the Prohibitionist national 
convention, held in Pittsburgh near the end of May, split into 
two factions over the silver question, and these factions framed 
two platforms, and nominated two tickets. Their action was 
ominous. 

Among the men put forward for the Republican nomination 
were Levi P. Morton of New York, William B. Allison of Iowa, 
and Matthew S. Quay of Pennsylvania, but the leading candi- 


224 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

dates were Reed of Maine and McKinley of Ohio. Reed had 
many enthusiastic friends, who were attracted by his record as 
speaker and by his forceful personality and great 
Candidacy, intellectual gifts, but he lacked an efficient organ¬ 
ization to promote his candidacy. McKinley was 
peculiarly acceptable to the “old soldiers,” a powerful factor, 
for he had fought in the Civil War and had attained the rank 
of brevet major. He had been a member of the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives almost continuously from 1877 to 1891, and his 
name had become practically synonymous with extremely high 
protection. Defeated for re-election in 1890, as a result of the 
reaction against his tariff bill and of the gerrymandering of his 
district by a Democratic legislature, he had speedily been 
elected governor of Ohio and later was re-elected. In 1888 
and again in 1892 he had been seriously considered 
Candidacy S by many Republicans for the presidential nomina¬ 
tion. He was now an avowed candidate. Cal¬ 
culating and rather cold, yet suave and courteous, he had few 
personal enemies; and fortunately for him the panic of 1893 
had done much to rehabilitate his political reputation, which 
had been temporarily tarnished by popular disapproval of his 
tariff measure. Public opinion had veered regarding the 
tariff, and it was now possible to arouse enthusiasm for “Bill 
McKinley and the McKinley Bill.” 

McKinley was fortunate in having as his manager one of the 
most forceful personalities that had yet come to the front in 
American public life. This was Marcus Alonzo Hanna, a 
Cleveland business man, who had made a fortune 
Hanna. * n coa l an d i ron an d the Lake carrying trade, and 
had entered politics partly because he enjoyed it 
as a game, partly because he owned street railway and other 
franchises and found politics a helpful adjunct in such business. 
Hanna did not seek office for himself; he wanted to be a War¬ 
wick—to make a President. He first took up Sherman and 
strove ardently to secure his nomination in 1888 but failed. 
Later he turned to McKinley. It was largely through his 
efforts that the “High Priest of Protection” became governor. 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


225 


And when McKinley, through indorsing a friend’s paper, be¬ 
came involved in financial difficulties to the extent of more 
than $100,000, Hanna, with a little help from others, rescued 
him from bankruptcy and political oblivion. Hanna knew the 
power of money in influencing elections; he was perhaps in¬ 
clined to underestimate the value of sober appeals to the sense 
and conscience of the people. Personally he was a blunt, 
coarse-fibred man, yet one who possessed many likable traits. 
For McKinley he entertained a sincere admiration and a de¬ 
voted friendship. 

Hanna set about the task of nominating McKinley with vast 
energy and skill. He furnished ample money for the work, 
and spent it lavishly, particularly in the South. The combina- 
Hanna’s tion Hanna’s management with McKinley’s 
Campaign popularity proved irresistible. When the Repub¬ 
lican convention met at St. Louis in June, “the 
Advance Agent of Prosperity” was overwhelmingly nominated 
on the first ballot, receiving 66votes to 84^ for Reed, his 
nearest competitor. Garret A. Hobart, a wealthy New Jersey 
lawyer and business man, was named for the vice-presidency. 

The real struggle in the convention took place over the cur¬ 
rency question. McKinley’s record regarding silver was by 
no means a consistent one, and for this and other reasons he 
and Hanna had paraded the tariff as the important 
issue. But in the convention Senator Teller of 
Colorado and other friends of silver were insistent 
in their demands, while, on the other hand, Eastern 
business men were clamoring that the platform must 
declare for the gold standard. Hanna shrewdly kept his own 
views and those of McKinley secret, yet he cannily managed 
that the platform as reported should declare against “ the free 
coinage of silver, except by international agreement with the 
leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge our¬ 
selves to promote.” 

Senator Teller moved to substitute a plank favoring free 
coinage, and he supported his amendment in a speech in which 
he referred with much feeling to the fact that he had been a 


The Free- 
Silver Issue 
in the 
Republican 
Convention 


226 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Republican since the formation of the party and now he feared 
that he must sever the old ties. The audience listened to his 
plea in sympathetic silence, but his substitute was 
ofFree- aWal voted down by 818 to 105, after which the platform 
Delegates was adopted by 812 to no. Teller then rose and 
dramatically left the hall. He was followed by 
thirty-three other delegates, including two members of the 
House of Representatives and three other senators. 

Other planks of the platform declared for American control 
of Hawaii, for a firm policy with regard to the revolt in Cuba, 
for a stronger navy, and for a restoration of “ the policy of pro¬ 
tection” to home industries. The “calamitous consequences” 
of Democratic rule were pictured with heavy strokes, and the 
Cleveland administration was charged with responsibility for 
“a record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster.” 

The Democratic convention met in Chicago on the 7th of 
July. The silver men immediately took control and elected 
their candidate for temporary chairman. The platform, as 
reported, did not commend the administration of 
Men Control President Cleveland, neither did it expressly at- 
Com^endon tac ^ ^ ^ ut denounced “the issue of interest- 
bearing bonds of the United States in time of peace 
and . . . the trafficking with bond syndicates,” condemned 
“arbitrary interference by federal authorities in local affairs,” 
and characterized “government by injunction” as “a new and 
highly dangerous form of oppression by which federal judges 
become at once legislators, judges, and executioners.” It con¬ 
tained other bids for the support of labor and iterated the doc¬ 
trine of 1892 regarding a tariff for revenue. But by far its most 
important pronouncement was that upon the currency question. 
The demonetizing act of 1873 was appropriately denounced; 
monometallism was declared to be a British policy that had 
“locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the paral¬ 
ysis of hard times”; and an unqualified demand was made for 
“ the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the 
present legal ratio of sixteen to one without waiting for the aid 
or consent of any other nation.” 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


227 


A minority report from the committee on resolutions pro¬ 
posed an amendment commending the Cleveland administra¬ 
tion and another opposing free coinage. A bitter debate fol¬ 
lowed. Senator “Pitchfork” Tillman of South 
Debate 1 Carolina in passionate words assailed Cleveland as 
“a tool of Wall Street.” The main conservative 
argument was made by David B. Hill, who began by saying, 
“I am a Democrat, but I am not a revolutionist.” But the 
one memorable speech, one of the most memorable in American 
history, was that delivered by a young man of thirty-six from 
Nebraska—William Jennings Bryan. 

Bryan was then a comparatively unknown man whose ex¬ 
perience in public position was limited to two terms in the 
federal House of Representatives. He had come to the con- 
William vention at the head of a contesting silver delegation 
Jennings from Nebraska and had been seated. In his col¬ 
lege days and afterward he had cultivated the art 
of oratory, and he had brought to the convention a carefully 
prepared speech, which he had committed to memory. At an 
opportune moment, when the assemblage had been wrought up 
to a pitch of madness by the “ gold ” arguments of Hill and others, 
he stepped upon the platform to plead the cause of silver. 

All who heard him that day are unanimous in agreeing that 
it was a notable performance. His presence was pleasing and 
magnetic; his marvellous mellow voice penetrated easily to 
every corner of the great hall; his first sentences 
Performance, caught the attention of the throng and held that 
attention to the final, overpowering end. It was 
not presumptuous, he asserted, for him to speak, for this was 
not a mere measuring of abilities, not a contest between per¬ 
sons. “The humblest citizen in the land, when clad in the 
armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error. 
I come to speak to you in defence of a cause as holy as the 
cause of liberty—the cause of humanity.” 

He told how the advocates of silver, with a zeal approaching 
that which inspired the crusaders who followed Peter the Her¬ 
mit, had marched on from victory to victory until now they 


228 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The Plain 

People’s 

Cause. 


“were assembled not to discuss, not to debate, but to enter up 
the judgment of the plain people. . . . When you [turning 
to the gold delegates] come before us and tell us 
that we shall disturb your business interests, we re¬ 
ply that you have disturbed our business interests 
by your action. We say to you that you have made too lim¬ 
ited in its application the definition of a business man.” The 
wage-earner, the country lawyer, the crossroads merchant, 
“the miners who go a thousand feet into the earth or climb 
two thousand feet upon the cliffs, and bring forth from their 
hiding-places the precious metals”—all these are “as much 
business men as the few financial magnates who, in a back room, 
corner the money of the world. . . . 

“ It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. 
Our war is not a war of conquest. We are fighting in the de¬ 
fense of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have peti¬ 
tioned, and our petitions have been scorned. We have en¬ 
treated, and our entreaties have been disregarded. We have 
begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We 
beg no longer; we entreat no more. We defy them!” 

With each sentence the vast crowd had grown more and 
more enthusiastic. After each passionate passage 
Trfumph^ 1 t ^ iere came thunderclaps of applause from 20,000 

mimp throats. When the young orator flung out the 

sentence, “‘We defy them!’ the leaderless Democracy of the 
West was leaderless no more. In that very moment, and in 
that burst of wild applause, it was acclaiming its new chief.”* 
He closed by proclaiming: “We care not upon what lines the 
battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good but we can¬ 
not have it until other nations help us, we reply that, instead 
of having a gold standard because England has, we 
Peroration, shall restore bimetallism and then let England have 
bimetallism because the United States have. If 
they dare to come out and in the open defend the gold standard 
as a good thing, we shall fight them to the uttermost. Having 
behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world, 
* Peck, Twenty Years of the Republic , page 500. 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


229 


the laboring interests, and the toilers everywhere, we will an¬ 
swer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: 
‘You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown 
of thorns—you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of 
gold ! 1 ” 

Few speeches have had such important results. The pro¬ 
posed amendments to the platform were voted down over¬ 
whelmingly, and the thoughts of the delegates were turned 
toward the young orator as the proper person to 
Nominated. lead the new crusade. Next day “Silver Dick” 
Bland, the “Father of Free Silver,” and all the 
other candidates were cast aside, and on the fifth ballot William 
Jennings Bryan was nominated for the presidency. 

For the vice-presidency the convention named Arthur Sewall 
of Maine. The selection was a rather remarkable one, for 
Sewall was president of a ship-building firm and of a national 
Sewall for bank, was a protectionist, and lived in a State so 
the Vice- “impregnable in its Republicanism” that the Dem- 
y ‘ ocrats could have little hope of carrying it. How¬ 
ever, Sewall possessed “the saving grace of recent conversion 
to free silver.” 

Among conservative Democrats, most of whom resided in 
the East, the nomination of Bryan was received with dismay. 
“Are you still a Democrat?” a friend inquired of David B. 

Hill upon his return to New York. “Yes, I am a 
Democrat still,” replied the senator—then added 
after a significant pause, “very still” Early in 
September a considerable number of gold Demo¬ 
crats held a convention in Indianapolis, assumed 
the name of “National Democratic Party,” and nominated 
General John M. Palmer of Illinois for the presidency and 
General Simon B. Buckner of Kentucky, one-time commander 
at Fort Donelson, for the vice-presidency. Many other gold 
Democrats openly announced that they would support McKin¬ 
ley, while a yet greater number secretly gave him their ballots. 

On the other hand, the National Silver party declared for 
Bryan and Sewall, and the Populists for Bryan but named 


Gold 

Democrats 
Nominate 
Palmer and 
Buckner. 


230 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

Thomas E. Watson of Georgia for the vice-presidency in place 
of Sewall. 

The Republicans sought to make the tariff the leading issue, 
but the money question soon dwarfed all others. Republican 
orators sang the praises of gold, and dwelt with unction upon 
the contention that they stood for “an honest 
Question dollar.” Democrats retorted that a contracted 
issue eading currency, such as the “Gold Bugs” desired, was as 
dishonest as an inflated currency and also bore most 
heavily upon debtors, who were least able to bear it. One of 
their campaign ditties ran: 

“You may say what you will of the fifty cent dollar, 

But I tell you it beats none at all, all holler.” 


Few campaigns have been so animated. B ryan swept through 
many States, travelling over 18,000 miles and speaking to 
probably 5,000,000 people. McKinley remained at his home 
in Canton and greeted enthusiastic delegations 
Campaign. from all over the Union. His managers, in partic¬ 
ular “Mark” Hanna, hoisted on high the “full 
dinner pail” to catch the labor vote, and, by picturing the 
dangers of free silver and free trade, succeeded in collecting 
from manufacturers and others the largest campaign fund ever 
gathered. Bryan and his lieutenants also raised a considera¬ 
ble fund, and they managed to arouse wild enthusiasm in the 
West. But they were handicapped by the burden of hard 
times under Democratic rule, and a majority of the voters took 
the view that the country would be more prosperous under 
the Republicans. In the election Bryan carried all the States 
south of Mason and Dixon’s Line, except Delaware, Maryland, 
West Virginia, and Kentucky, and many of the Western States, 
with a total of 176 electoral votes; but McKinley 
Eierted. ey won the New England States, the Middle States, 
and all the Middle Western States, with some of 
the Border and Western States, and received 271 electoral 
votes and a popular plurality of more than 600,000. “The Boy 


HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 


231 


Orator of the Platte” had failed to convince the country of the 
virtue of his panacea. 

The election thus closed had been far more than a mere 
struggle over a metallic standard. For the first time on a 
large scale since Andrew Jackson’s day, there had been some¬ 
thing approaching a class alignment. The promi- 
Significance nence given the money question had served to ob- 
Contest scure more serious ills from which the country was 
suffering. By striving to establish a doubtful eco¬ 
nomic principle the free-silver advocates unwittingly postponed 
many much-needed reforms. In the words of Theodore Roose¬ 
velt, in his Autobiography: 


The fear of Mr. Bryan threw almost all the leading men of all 
classes into the arms of whoever opposed him. . . . Good and 
high-minded men of conservative temperament in their panic 
played into the hands of the ultra-reactionaries of business and 
politics. The alliance between the two kinds of privilege, political 
and financial, was closely cemented; and wherever there was any 
attempt to break it up, the cry was at once raised that this merely 
represented another phase of the assault on national honesty and 
individual and mercantile integrity. As so often happens, the ex¬ 
cesses and threats of an unwise and extreme radicalism had resulted 
in immensely strengthening the position of the beneficiaries of 
reaction. 


CHAPTER XIV 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 

Amid more than usual pomp and display William McKinley 
was duly inaugurated on March 4, 1897. For secretary of state 
he named Senator John Sherman of Ohio. Sherman was now 
an old man, whose once keen mind was beginning 
andHanna. to show the ravages of age. It was generally be¬ 
lieved that he was “kicked up stairs” in order to 
make a place in the Senate for “Mark” Hanna, McKinley’s 
efficient political mentor and manager. At all events, Hanna 
was soon appointed by the governor of Ohio to fill the vacancy 
thus created, and the following year, after an exceedingly close 
and bitter fight, he was elected by the legislature. Judged in 
the light of after events, the other important cabinet appoint¬ 
ments were those of General Russell A. Alger of Michigan as 
secretary of war, and of John D. Long of Massachusetts as 
secretary of the navy. Theodore Roosevelt, who for some time 
had been a police commissioner of New York City, became 
assistant secretary of the navy. 

Under the administration just beginning, “business” sat en¬ 
throned in the government. This is not to say that President 
McKinley and his advisers were without other ideals or aspira- 

A “Business tions or that the y had not the interests of their 
Administra- country at heart. But their training and surround- 

tion. . , . . . , , , f 

mgs had been such that to make business prosperous 
seemed to them the prime object of statesmanship; they ex¬ 
pected all other blessings to follow naturally in the wake of 
prosperity. It was the man of affairs, the hard-headed, prac¬ 
tical money-maker, whose counsels were welcomed at the 
White House in these years; the theorist, the idealist, received 
scant consideration. 

the main conflict of the campaign had been over the cur- 

232 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


233 


rency question, but legislation on the subject was long delayed. 

It was not until March 14, 1900, that President McKinley 

signed the measure known as the Gold Standard Act. 

Standard That act made the dollar containing 25.8 grains of 
Act of 1900. . , . _ , o o to 

gold, nme-tenths fine, the standard of value, and 
provided that the secretary of the treasury must maintain all 
forms of money issued or coined at a parity with that standard. 
For that purpose he was authorized to set aside $150,000,000 
in gold coin and bullion as a redemption fund, and if at any 
time this fund should fall below $100,000,000 and he should 
be unable to replenish it in the usual manner he could sell bonds 
and restore the fund to $150,000,000. The act did not affect 
the legal-tender quality of silver dollars, but it provided for the 
retirement of the treasury notes issued under the act of 1890 
as rapidly as the silver bullion on hand should be coined and 
silver certificates issued in amounts equal to the notes so re¬ 
tired. The act in no sense met the views of advocates of silver. 
But business conditions were prosperous; increased production 
of gold, particularly in the Yukon region and South Africa, 
had greatly enlarged the world’s stock of the yellow metal, 
thereby lessening the stringency in the medium of exchange, 
and the Gold Standard Act consequently excited little popular 
protest. 

There was no such delay in regard to the tariff. One of 
McKinley’s first important official acts was to call Congress in 
extra session on March 15. Even before the inauguration it 
The Dingley kad been arranged among Republican members of 
Tariff Act, the House that Thomas B. Reed should be re¬ 
elected Speaker, and Reed had indicated that he 
would appoint Nelson Dingley of Maine and certain others as 
the majority members of the Committee on Ways and Means. 
In advance of their actual appointment Dingley and his asso¬ 
ciates began work on a new tariff bill. As a result of this fore¬ 
handed work the bill was reported to the House and passed by 
that body in less than two weeks after Congress assembled. 
The Senate considered the measure more leisurely and adopted 
several hundred amendments. The bill passed the Senate on 


234 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Reciprocity 
Feature 
Proves a 
Delusion. 


July 7, went to a conference committee, the report of the con¬ 
ference committee was accepted by both houses, and the Dingley 
Act became a law by the President’s signature on July 24. 

The new act was drawn primarily in the interests of pro¬ 
ducers rather than consumers, and in it many of the big con¬ 
tributors to the Republican campaign fund reaped their reward. 

In some respects it resembled the McKinley Act, 
th^Act ° f but the average rate of duties was somewhat lower, 
and, as a deficit not a surplus was now the problem 
of the Treasury, it contained some duties levied solely to pro¬ 
duce a revenue. Defenders of the act made much of its reci¬ 
procity feature. The President was empowered to enter into 
certain limited reciprocity agreements with foreign powers 
and to proclaim them without the action of the Senate. He 
might also negotiate more formal treaties providing 
for a reduction of not more than 20 per cent of the 
Dingley rates or for placing natural articles not 
produced in the United States on the free list. In 
the next two years seven formal reciprocity treaties were 
negotiated, but protectionist sentiment was so strong in the 
Senate that not one was ratified. 

Business conditions had improved even before Cleveland 
retired from office, and prosperity blossomed in wonderful 
luxuriance under McKinley. As the main explanation, pro¬ 
tectionists triumphantly pointed to the Dingley 
Prosperity. Act. For some years arguments favoring free trade 
or a tariff for revenue only fell upon stony ground. 
To a majority of voters it seemed that experience proved that 
Republican spell-binders were right in proclaiming that free 
trade meant “free soup houses,” while protection assured a 
“full dinner pail.” 

For a long period internal economic questions had chiefly 
absorbed American attention. America had led an 
Stage° ader almost hermitlike existence, caring little for events 
beyond her borders. At intervals diplomatic dis¬ 
putes with other powers had flared up for a moment, only to 
die down like a fire that has little on which to feed. But the 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


2 35 


period of isolation was drawing to a close. Events were under 
way that were to force the United States out upon the broader 
stage of world affairs. 

Following the Ten Years’ War in Cuba, a short account of 
which was given in an earlier chapter, many of the insurgents 
had taken refuge in the United States; but they and other 
patriots who remained upon the island never ceased 
Question 811 to P lan a renewal of the struggle for liberty when 
times should be more propitious. Continuance of 
the old selfish Spanish policy of exploitation, and failure to 
carry out reforms promised at the end of the previous revolt 
made the patriots all the more determined that some day 
Cuba must be free. 

In February, 1895, a leader named Jose Marti landed in 
eastern Cuba and began a revolt that soon swept westward 
past the outskirts of Havana and into the province of Pinar 
del Rio. A republic was proclaimed, and Thomas 
RevoFt Uban Estrada Palma, who for years had been a school¬ 
teacher in the State of New York, became provi¬ 
sional President. To suppress the insurrection Spain sent a 
large army to Cuba. Unable to meet these better armed and 
trained soldiers in the open field, the insurrectos , led by such 
partisan chieftains as Maximo Gomez, Antonio Maceo, and 
Calixto Garcia, resorted to guerilla warfare, cutting off a de¬ 
tachment here, capturing a town there, then vanishing into the 
jungle. Under Governor-General Martinez Campos the Span¬ 
iards conducted the war in accordance with civilized usages, 
but these methods failed, Campos was recalled, and in Feb- 
Weyler’s ruary, 1896, he was succeeded by General Valeriano 
Harsh Weyler, whose ferocity and ruthless methods won 

for him the name of “the Butcher.” Weyler car¬ 
ried out a policy of reconcentration , whereby the peasants in 
many districts were forced to assemble in the fortified towns 
in order that they might not give any assistance to the insur- 
rectionists. Lack of food and poor sanitation caused suffering 
and death among these unfortunate reconcentrados , and the 
policy excited the indignation of the world. 


236 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

From the outset the great mass of the people of the United 
States heartily sympathized with the rebels and wished them 
success, but for a long period our government preserved a strict 
The United neutrality. Cubans in the United States and Ameri- 
States can sympathizers frequently managed, nevertheless, 

to evade our neutrality regulations and send arms 
and supplies to the insurgents; while a considerable number of 
adventurous Americans secretly made their way to the island 
and enlisted in the Cuban cause. 

One of these soldiers of fortune was Winchester Dana Osgood, 
another was Frederick Funston. Osgood was the son of an 
American army officer and had won fame as a football player 
at Cornell and Pennsylvania. He became chief of 
FurSon and artillery in General Garcia’s army, and was shot 
through the brain while sighting a cannon in the 
siege of a small town called Guaimaro. He was succeeded by 
Funston, an Ohioan by birth but long a resident of Kansas, 
who had been a student at Kansas University and subsequently 
had travelled in Alaskan wilds for the Department of Agricul¬ 
ture. Funston reached Cuba on the famous filibustering vessel 
Dauntless , commanded by picturesque “Dynamite” O’Brien. 
Unlike Osgood, he survived the Cuban War, performed notable 
exploits in the Philippines, rose to high command in the Ameri¬ 
can army, and left a book describing in vivid language his ad¬ 
ventures in two hemispheres. 

Early in 1896 American sentiment in favor of putting a stop 
to the conflict became so strong that both houses of Congress, 
by large majorities, passed a concurrent resolution favoring 
the recognition of Cuban belligerent rights and 
Attitude!* S offering our good offices to Spain for the recogni¬ 
tion of Cuban independence. But President Cleve¬ 
land held that he was not bound by this resolution and 
refused to act in accordance with it. Secretary Olney did, 
however, offer to mediate between Spain and the insurgents for 
the restoration of peace on the basis of a larger autonomy, but 
Spain turned the tender aside. In his last annual message 
President Cleveland took the view that the time had not come 
to recognize either the belligerency of the insurgents or their 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


237 


independence. But he added that a time might come when 
our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain might be super¬ 
seded by our higher obligations to humanity. 

The Republican platform of 1896 took strong ground with 
regard to the Cuban question, but neither President McKinley 
nor his mentor, Hanna, wanted war. The President managed 
McKinley to secure re l ease of certain American citizens 
Anxious for who were held by the Spaniards for alleged par¬ 
ticipation in the revolt, and he also secured from 
Congress an appropriation to be used in feeding the starving 
reconcentrados. On June 27, 1897, Secretary Sherman trans¬ 
mitted through Hannis Taylor, the American minister at Ma¬ 
drid, a despatch protesting against the policy of General Weyler, 
particularly his reconcentration order. The Spanish Govern¬ 
ment adopted procrastinating tactics, but finally replied (Au¬ 
gust 4) to the effect that the situation in Cuba was not so dark 
as pictured. It sought to justify Weyler’s measures by com¬ 
paring them with those of Hunter and Sheridan in the Shenan¬ 
doah Valley, and complained of the activities of the Cuban 
Junta in New York City and of the assistance rendered the 
rebels by American citizens. 

On September 13, 1897, General Stewart L. Woodford, who 
had succeeded Taylor at Madrid, once more tendered the good 
offices of the United States to end the war, and intimated that 
American patience was approaching an end. A 
few days later the existing Spanish ministry re¬ 
signed, and a new one was formed under Senor 
Sagasta. The brutal Weyler was soon superseded, and a de¬ 
cree was published granting autonomy to Cuba. In his annual 
message (December 6, 1897) President McKinley expressed the 
view that the new policy should be given a fair trial. 

But autonomy pleased neither the rebels nor the Cuban 
loyalists. The latter indulged in riotous outbreaks (January 
The Maine at Havana by way of protest, and were so 

Sent to denunciatory of Americans that Consul-General Fitz- 
hugh Lee, nephew of the famous Confederate leader, 
advised his government that it might become necessary to 
send war-ships to Havana to protect our interests. The second- 


Spain 

Concedes 

Autonomy. 


238 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

class battleship Maine was actually ordered to Havana, while ,) 
to preserve the appearance of amity, it was arranged that the 
Spanish cruiser Vizcaya should visit New York. 

A few days after the Maine dropped anchor in Havana har¬ 
bor the New York Journal , a Hearst paper that had long been 
advocating intervention, published a letter written by Sefior 
Dupuy de Lome, Spanish minister at Washington, 
Letter me S which he characterized President McKinley as 

“weak and a caterer to the rabble ... a cheap 
politician who wishes to leave a door open to himself and to 
stand well with the jingoes of his party.” The letter had been 
obtained surreptitiously, but Senor de Lome admitted its gen¬ 
uineness. His recall was demanded, but the Spanish Govern¬ 
ment accepted his resignation before the demand arrived. 

Excitement over this episode had not yet subsided when the 
world was startled with the news that on the night of February 
15 the Maine had been blown up in Havana harbor, causing 
the death of 260 of her officers and crew. Captain 
Blow-up e Sigsbee of the ill-fated ship cabled home, asking the 
public to suspend judgment until the facts could 
be ascertained, but most Americans jumped to the conclusion 
that the loss was due to treachery. A Spanish court of in¬ 
quiry reported that the explosion was an internal one; an Ameri¬ 
can court held (March 2) that first there had been an external 
explosion which had set off two of the forward magazines. 
When the shattered hulk was raised from the muddy harbor 
bottom, more than a decade later, the American experts again 
held that the American contention was sustained. The real 
facts concerning the affair remain unknown to this day, but 
historians acquit the Spanish Government of complicity. The 
deed may have been the work of hot-headed subordinates. 

Throughout the United States the vengeful cry resounded: 

“ Remember the Maine 1 ” Yet President McKinley 
uit^Sum. st ill held back, partly because he wanted time to 
put the country on a war basis, partly because he 
hoped that delay might bring some peaceful solution. But 
further negotiations proved fruitless, and finally, on March 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


2 39 


29, Minister Woodford presented the following statement: 
“The President instructs me to say that we do not want Cuba. 
He also instructs me to say, with equal clearness, that we do 
wish immediate peace in Cuba. He suggests an armistice, last¬ 
ing until October 1, negotiations in the meantime being had 
looking to peace between Spain and the insurgents, through 
the friendly offices of the President of the United States.” 

Spain made various counter-proposals, but the President 
deemed them insufficient. An attempt on the part of Ger¬ 
many, Austria-Hungary, and France to intervene in Spain’s 

behalf was balked by the friendly attitude of Great 

stateY mted Britain and by McKinley’s own diplomatic deft- 

Determines ness. On April ii the President sent to Congress 
to Free . . - ...... . 

Cuba. a special message favoring forcible intervention to 

put a stop to the conflict. Eight days later, on 
the anniversary of Concord and Lexington, Congress adopted 
by great majorities resolutions declaring “that the people of 
the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and inde¬ 
pendent,” demanding that Spain withdraw from the island, 
and directing and empowering the President to use our forces 
to carry the resolutions into effect. In a “self-denying ordi¬ 
nance” that followed, Congress disclaimed any intention of 
exercising “sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island 
except for the pacification thereof,” and pledged the United 
States, as soon as this object was accomplished, “ to leave the 
government and control of the island to its people.” Rupture 
of diplomatic relations and formal warfare speedily followed. 
In American eyes the conflict thus begun w r as a crusade for 
humanity. 

On March 8 Congress had appropriated $50,000,000 as an 
emergency fund for national defense, and three weeks later had 
added $39,000,000 more for the navy. Much of this money 
was spent abroad for guns and ships before the outbreak of 
hostilities. 

In the War Department Secretary Alger and the bureaucrats 
under him had been slow to awake to the crisis. Our military 
status on April 1, 1898, may be summarized as follows: a reg- 


2 4 o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


ular army of 28,183 officers and men; a larger force of ill-trained 
State militia, who could not be taken into the federal service 
Military without their consent; 53,508 Krag-Jorgensen rifles 
Unprepared- and 14,895 Krag-Jorgensen carbines, both good 
weapons for that day; a large number of anti¬ 
quated 45-calibre Springfields, using black powder, whose 
smoke would betray to the enemy the position of troops using 
these weapons; a scanty supply of smokeless-powder cartridges; 
considerable coast-defense artillery but few field-guns, and all 
of these using black powder; great dearth of clothing, tents, 
and other necessary equipment. Congress authorized the 
President to call for more than 200,000 volunteers, and about 
182,000, many of them militiamen, were actually enlisted. 
Among these volunteers were many former Union and Con¬ 
federate officers, among the latter being Fitzhugh Lee and 
“Fighting Joe” Wheeler, the celebrated cavalry leader. 

According to her army lists, Spain had at this time under 
arms 492,000 men, of whom 10,000 were in Porto Rico, 51,000 
in the Philippines, and 278,000 in Cuba. But many of these 
men were poorly trained and equipped; others had 
Army. Pamsh been forced into the service against their will and 
their hearts were not in the work. Spain had not 
in her whole army a force to match the American regular army, 
which, though small, was composed of well-drilled, straight¬ 
shooting men, commanded by officers most of whom were West- 
Pointers and many of whom had seen service in the great civil 
conflict or in the wild warfare against the Indians of the West. 

Ships rather than armies were to prove the main factor in 
deciding the war. The new American navy, though a pygmy 
beside that of Great Britain, contained some formidable ves¬ 
sels, manned by officers and men filled with the 
traditions of a service that had produced a Paul 
Jones, a Decatur, a Macdonough, a Perry, two 
Porters, and a Farragut. The main fighting strength was con¬ 
centrated in four first-class battleships: the Iowa , of 11,340 
tons, with a primary battery of four 12-inch rifles, and the 
Oregon , Massachusetts , and Indiana , of 10,288 tons, and armed 


The New 
American 
Navy. 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


241 


with four 13-inch rifles. Besides these vessels there were a 
second-class battleship, the Texas , numerous cruisers of various 
classes, gunboats, torpedo-boats, and nearly a score of anti¬ 
quated monitors, most of which last were available only for 
coast defense. 

At the head of the Navy Department stood a capable man, 
John D. Long, and he had an even more capable assistant— 
Theodore Roosevelt. Roosevelt had foreseen that war was 
inevitable and had energetically prepared for it. 
Ready. aVy He had written the best history of the naval war 
of 1812 then extant, and he possessed a keen knowl¬ 
edge of naval requirements. In the words of Admiral Dewey: 
“He was impatient of red tape, and had a singular understand¬ 
ing both of the importance of preparedness for war and of strik¬ 
ing quick blows in rapid succession once war was begun.” 
Knowing that it is “only the hits that count,” he had kept the 
gunners busy at target practice, had managed that Commodore 
George Dewey should be put in command of the Asiatic squad¬ 
ron, and otherwise had prepared the navy for the test of war. 
The whole service was permeated with a keen professional 
spirit, and the department could command the advice of many 
able officers, among them Captain Alfred T. Mahan, the great 
authority on the influence of sea power in history. 

Some European writers assumed that the Spanish fleets 
would sweep the American ships from the seas, but in reality 
the Spanish navy was much the weaker, both in material and 
Weakness of mora ^ e * Spain had only one first-class battleship, 
the Spanish the Pelayo , but she was smaller than the American 
ships of the same class, was thirteen years old, and 
was in a bad state of repair. The main Spanish strength lay 
in a number of armored cruisers, and one of these, the Cris- 
tdbal Colon , would have been a really formidable antagonist 
had she not lacked her heavy guns. Spain also had many 
lighter vessels, notably seven destroyers, a valuable type, of 
which the United States had none. In general, the Spanish 
ships were poorly equipped and poorly manned. Rear-Admiral 
Cervera probably did not exaggerate when, two months before 


242 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

the war began, he wrote to the minister of marine that the 
Spanish navy was only one-third as strong as that of the United 
States and that he thought it improper to cherish “illusions 
which may bring about terrible disappointments.” Most 
Americans supposed that Spanish sea power was much more 
formidable than it really was, and fear of bombardment caused 
uneasiness in Atlantic coast cities. 

The first blow was not long delayed. The American Asiatic 
squadron had been concentrated at Hong Kong in readiness to 
strike at Spanish power in the Philippine Islands. It was com¬ 
posed of the 5,870-ton protected cruiser Olympia , 
Ordered three smaller cruisers, two gunboats, a revenue 
Philippines vessel, a collier, and a supply ship, and was com¬ 
manded by Commodore George Dewey, an officer 
who had fought under Farragut. Forced to leave Hong Kong 
by the British proclamation of neutrality, the fleet rendez¬ 
voused at Mirs Bay, on the coast of China, and there (April 25) 
Dewey received the following cablegram from Washington: 
“War has commenced between the United States and Spain. 
Proceed at once to the Philippine Islands. Commence opera¬ 
tions, particularly against the Spanish fleet. You must cap¬ 
ture vessels or destroy. Use utmost endeavors.” 

The fleet waited until the next day (April 26) for the arrival 
of Williams, the American consul at Manila. Then, in the after¬ 
noon, the ships weighed anchor and steamed across the South 
China Sea on their fateful errand. 

The Spanish fleet at Manila, commanded by Rear-Admiral 
Montojo, was decidedly inferior to Dewey’s force, nor did the 
Spaniards display any skill in making use of their shore de¬ 
fenses. On the last night of April the American 
ManilaBay. ships passed through the broad entrance of Manila 
Bay, exchanging a few harmless shots with the bat¬ 
teries, and in the early morning of May Day came in sight of 
Montojo’s vessels lying off Cavite arsenal. Within a few hours 
the Spanish fleet had been annihilated, while the Americans 
lost not a single ship and had only eight men slightly wounded. 
The victory put Manila completely at Dewey’s mercy, but, as 






































THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


243 


he had no troops with which to garrison the city, he decided 
not to take it until the arrival of troops from the United States. 

Nearer home the American naval forces at the beginning of 
the war were distributed as follows: the North Atlantic Fleet, 
commanded by Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson and com¬ 
posed of the battleships Indiana , Iowa, the armored 
Atlantic 1 * 1 cru i ser New York, some sea-going monitors, and 

Fleet. many other vessels, lay at Key West, or in the 

vicinity, in readiness to blockade Cuba. A Northern 
Patrol Squadron, under Commodore J. A. Howell, was guarding 
the coast from eastern Maine to the Delaware capes. A Flying 
Squadron, under Commodore Winfield S. Schley, 
Squadron! 5 and composed of the battleship Massachusetts, the 
second-class battleship Texas, and the cruisers 
Brooklyn and New Orleans, was at Hampton Roads in readiness 
to go wherever needed. The battleship Oregon, Captain 
Charles E. Clark, was making a 14,000-mile voy- 
Iht Oregon. a g e from the Pacific coast round South America to 
the coast of Florida. Much anxiety existed for her 
safety, but on May 26 she reached Jupiter Inlet on the coast 
of Florida in splendid condition, ready for any duty. 

Immediately after the declaration of war Sampson’s fleet 
proceeded to blockade the Cuban coast from Cardenas to Bahia 
Honda. Sampson wished to attack the defenses of Havana, 
and it is now known that such a bombardment 
£b? n might have succeeded, but the Washington gov¬ 
ernment, fearing further European complications, 
especially with Germany, ordered him to conserve his ships. 
For some days his activities were confined to capturing an oc¬ 
casional prize and to exchanging a few long-distance shots 
with the batteries at Cardenas. Then the important news 
came that the main Spanish fleet, under Rear-Admiral Cervera, 
had sailed from the Cape de Verde Islands, presumably for 
West Indian waters. 

An interesting game of hide-and-seek followed. Thinking 
that Cervera might call for coal at San Juan, Porto Rico, Samp¬ 
son sailed thither, towing the slow monitors, but on his arrival 


244 THE united states in our own times 


Seeking 

Cervera’s 

Fleet. 


Cervera 
Takes 
Refuge in 
the Harbor 
of Santiago. 


off that port (May 12) he did not find the prey he sought; so, 
after subjecting the defenses to a short bombardment, he 
turned back toward Havana. On the previous day 
Cervera’s squadron, which had been much hampered 
by defective machinery, arrived off Martinique, and 
thence proceeded to Cura^oa, where it stopped (May 14) for 
coal. News that the Spaniards were off Martinique reached 
Washington on the night of the 12 th and resulted in Commo¬ 
dore Schley, with the Brooklyn, Texas, and Massachusetts, being 
sent to Charleston and then to Key West. There his squadron 
was strengthened and was sent to Cienfuegos, a port on the 
south coast of Cuba, connected by rail with Havana and 
thought to be the most likely destination of Cervera. In 
reality, however, Cervera took refuge in the bottle¬ 
shaped harbor of Santiago, and days passed before 
the Americans finally succeeded in locating him. 
Here he was safe from immediate danger, for the 
narrow entrance to the harbor was strongly de¬ 
fended by batteries and mines. He was also in telegraphic 
communication with Havana, but there was no communication 
by railway, and neither troops nor supplies could be sent to 
his aid. His fleet now consisted of four armored cruisers—the 
Infanta Maria Teresa, the Cristobal Colon, the Vizcaya, and the 
Almirante Oquendo —and two destroyers—the Furor and Pluton. 
A third destroyer, the Terror, because of disabled boilers, had 
put in at Fort de France and later sailed to San Juan. 

On May 28 Schley’s squadron established a close blockade 
of the harbor. Three days later Sampson arrived and took 
command of the blockading fleet, which now consisted of the 
greater part of the American navy. The shore bat- 
Expbit. S teries were subjected to occasional long-range bom¬ 
bardments, and on the early morning of June 3 
Naval Constructor Richmond Pearson Hobson and seven vol¬ 
unteers attempted to block egress from the harbor by sinking 
an old collier, the Merrimac, across the channel. The vessel 
drifted too far in before sinking, and the attempt to “cork the 
bottle” failed, but the effort was a gallant one, and Flobson and 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


245 


his comrades, all of whom were captured, won enthusiastic ap¬ 
plause from a world-wide audience. 

Our military authorities had not intended to land any con¬ 
siderable force in Cuba until after the tropical summer, with its 
deadly fevers, had passed, but the plight of Cervera’s fleet 
A Land offered a tempting opportunity to strike a decisive 
Force Sent blow. In the middle of June a force of 17,000 men 
to Santiago. sa q e( j on thirty transports from Tampa, 

Florida, bound for Santiago. Much confusion attended the 
embarkation; some of the supplies furnished were bad; the 
clothing of the soldiers was better suited to the snows of Wy¬ 
oming than to the sultry climate of the West Indies; the com¬ 
mander, Major-General William R. Shafter, was so stout and 
so badly afflicted with the gout that he could not mount his 
horse; but, so far as underofficers and men were concerned, no 
better force was ever assembled under the American flag. It 
was composed entirely of regular troops, with the exception of 
the Second Massachusetts Regiment, the Seventy-First New 
York, and eight dismounted companies of the First Volunteer 
Cavalry. 

This last force was composed of Western cowboys, ranch¬ 
men, big-game hunters, and Indians, with a few Eastern foot¬ 
ball players and other adventurous spirits. It was commanded 
by Colonel Leonard Wood, an army surgeon who 
Riders° Ugh had seen active service against the Apaches. Its 
chief creator was its lieutenant-colonel, Theodore 
Roosevelt, who resigned his post in the Navy Department to 
organize it. He was offered the colonelcy, but insisted that the 
first place should be given to his more experienced friend, 
Wood. Altogether the regiment was a picturesque assemblage, 
and Americans watched eagerly to see how “ Roosevelt’s Rough 
Riders”—or “Teddy’s Toughs,” as they were sometimes called 
at first—would behave in battle. 

On June 22, under the guns of the fleet, the army began dis¬ 
embarking at Daiquiri, to the eastward of Santiago, and by 
nightfall, despite inadequate landing facilities, about 6,000 men 
were ashore. Next day General Lawton seized Siboney, eight 


246 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

miles nearer Santiago, and the rest of the army landed there. 
On the 24th an advance detachment, commanded by Briga¬ 
dier-General S. M. B. Young, and including 
the Rough Riders, struck a Spanish force at La 
Guasima and chased it pellmell toward Santiago. The next 
week was devoted to concentrating the army at Sevilla, to bring¬ 
ing up food and munitions, and to getting in touch with a 
ragged army of insurgents under General Garcia. Officers and 
men alike suffered from rain and heat, poor rations, and inade¬ 
quate shelter, while fever began its deadly ravages. During 
much of the time General Shafter was too ill to leave his head¬ 
quarters. Though a really capable officer, his great size and 
other bodily infirmities rendered him unfit to conduct a cam¬ 
paign in such a country. 

At the end of June, despite Shafter’s illness, it was decided 
to make a general attack. Major-General Wheeler’s division 
of dismounted cavalry, which included the Rough Riders, and 
Kent’s division of infantry, were to move toward the Spanish 
defenses on and about the low elevation known as San Juan 
Hill, while 6,000 men, under Major-General H. W. Lawton, 
were to carry the fortifications at El Caney and take position 
on Wheeler’s right. Both forces had a few light field-guns, all 
firing black powder, the smoke of which betrayed their posi¬ 
tion to enemy sharpshooters. 

Lawton attacked on the early morning of July 1, but the 
Spanish troops at El Caney, protected by barbed wire, trenches, 
and block-houses, held out stoutly, and it was late in the after¬ 
noon before their resistance was overcome. Mean- 
E? Caney? while the movement against San Juan had gone 
forward in a haphazard manner. An observation- 
balloon raised above the ford of the San Juan River drew the 
enemy’s fire thither, causing heavy losses to the troops crossing 
the stream; lack of any general authority caused doubt and 
hesitation; and for a time the troops lay inactive under a gall¬ 
ing fire. Finally some fighting subordinates, namely, Brigadier- 
General Hawkins, a gallant white-haired veteran of the Civil 
War, and Colonel Roosevelt, who was now head of his regiment, 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


247 


Wood having been promoted, led spirited charges that swept 
the Spaniards out of their defenses. In this work, and in hold¬ 
ing the positions thus taken, a battery of Gatling 
San J uan g Uns> under Lieutenant John H. Parker, rendered 
effective service. Even after the San Juan positions 
were captured, the Spaniards kept up so hot a fire from works 
nearer Santiago that some officers in the rear wanted to retire; 
but the men and officers at the front protested, and “Fighting 
Joe” Wheeler, though so ill that he could hardly be about, 
refused to order a retreat. The victors dug themselves in on 
the captured heights; but, even as late as July 3, General 
Shafter, depressed by his bodily condition, cabled Washington 
that he could not take Santiago by storm, and that he was 
“ considering withdrawing about five miles and taking up a new 
position.” The American losses in three days had been about 
1,100 men. 

On the very day that Shafter sent his depressing despatch, 
an event occurred that dissipated all thoughts of withdrawal. 
The Spaniards believed that the capture of Santiago was im- 
The Spanish m i nent * obedience to telegraphic orders from 
Fleet General Blanco at Havana, Admiral Cervera, about 

Destroyed. half-past nine o’clock in the morning of July 3, 
steamed out of the harbor with his squadron and attempted 
to escape to the westward. Admiral Sampson, in the cruiser 
New York , was temporarily absent on an errand to eastward, 
but he had long before issued instructions to cover such a con¬ 
tingency, and the other war-ships dashed in pursuit. Within a 
few hours every Spanish vessel was a blackened, sunken wreck 
on the coast of Cuba. The Cristobal Colon was the last afloat, 
but being hotly pressed by the Oregon and Brooklyn , she turned 
toward the shore, surrendered, and sank soon afterward. The 
American loss was only one man killed and one seriously 
wounded. Sampson in the New York did not arrive in time to 
participate in the engagement, and as Schley was the senior 
officer present, a bitter controversy later developed over the 
question of who was in command. In reality, the battle was 
“a captains’ fight.” 


248 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

Though subjected to a bombardment from land and sea, 
Santiago held out until the 14th, when General 
Surrenders. Toral agreed to capitulate. The actual surrender 
took place three days later. The prisoners num¬ 
bered about 10,000. 

By this time the American army was suffering severely from 
the ravages of malaria and yellow fever. As only a few men 
would be needed to hold Santiago, the officers felt 
Robin?° Und that heavy losses could be avoided only by sending 
most of the regiments to a healthier climate. The 
War Department had other plans, but a “round robin” signed 
by many of the officers had the desired effect, and early in 
August most of the army was sent to Montauk Point on Long 
Island. 

Several minor naval operations took place in the West Indies 
in the course of the war, but the only other land operation was 
an invasion of Porto Rico. On July 25 about 3,000 men, under 
Major-General Miles, landed at Guanica on the 
Porto Rico. south coast, and within a few days this force was 
augmented to nearly 17,000. In about two weeks 
the invaders, with a loss of only 3 men killed and 40 wounded, 
overran the southern and western portions of the island. Com¬ 
plete conquest was imminent when news arrived that a protocol 
had been signed suspending hostilities. 

On the other side of the world, Dewey, now a rear-admiral, 
had patiently awaited the arrival of troops from home. Mean¬ 
while important internal developments had taken place in the 
Philippines. 

As in Cuba, many of the native inhabitants had long been 
dissatisfied with Spanish rule, and there had been frequent 
uprisings against it. The last of these had broken out in 1896, 
the causes being partly racial, partly the oppres- 
PhSippine sive civil and economic power wielded by the friars, 
?896-97°. f w h° held vast areas of land. The revolt was or¬ 
ganized by the “Katipunan,” or Patriots’ League, 
and the chief leader was a young Tagalog named Emilio Agui- 
naldo. After much bloodshed, the insurgents were brought to 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


249 


such straits that Aguinaldo and other leaders accepted an agree¬ 
ment called the treaty of Briac-na-bato (December 15, 1897), 
in which the Spanish governor-general, Primo de Rivera, prom¬ 
ised to carry out certain reforms and to pay the leaders $800,- 
000 to lay down their arms and go into exile. The reforms were 
never carried out, and only three-fourths of the money was paid. 

Shortly before Dewey left Hong Kong he was informed by 
the American consul at Singapore that Aguinaldo was at that 
place and was anxious to co-operate in an attack upon the 
Aguinaldo Spaniards. Dewey sent word for him to come on, 
Begins^ a and the Tagalog leader hurried northward, but 

when he reached Hong Kong Dewey was gone. 
However, nineteen days after the destruction of the Spanish 
fleet the American despatch-boat McCulloch brought Aguinaldo 
and thirteen associates to Manila Bay. The Americans lent 
them some moral and material aid, and the Filipinos rose in a 
new revolt that soon extinguished Spanish authority in a large 
part of the Philippines. A rebel force under Aguinaldo even 
laid siege to the city of Manila. 

Meanwhile Dewey had been subjected to an unexpected an¬ 
noyance. Several neutral powers, as is not uncommon in such 
cases, sent war-ships to Manila to protect their citizens and 
commercial interests. For some reason Germany, 
Clashes with whose interests were small, sent five ships, a force 
Admiral more powerful than that commanded by Dewey 

himself. All the other neutral war-ships observed 
the proprieties demanded by the situation, but the German 
ships ignored the rules of blockade and interfered with the 
operations of the insurgents, while some of their officers openly 
proclaimed their sympathy with Spain. Whether the Ger¬ 
mans had any ulterior purposes has never been revealed, but 
their behavior finally became so obnoxious to Dewey that he 
lost patience and sent word to the German commander, Vice- 
Admiral von Diederich, that if he wanted a fight he could “have 
it right now.” This blunt message, joined with the fact that 
Captain Edward Chichester, the commander of the British 
naval force in the harbor, declared in no uncertain terms that 


250 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


he would support the Americans, brought the insolent Teutons 
to terms. Afterward the monitor Monterey , armed with power¬ 
ful 12- and io-inch guns, arrived (August 4), and so strength¬ 
ened Dewey’s force that he had no reason to fear either the 
Germans or any Spanish fleet that might be sent out against 
him. 


In this matter, as in that of the attempted intervention at 
the beginning of the war, the United States had reason to feel 
Great grateful to Great Britain. British friendship in 

Britain this period was largely due to the personal influence 

Fnendly. wielded by John Hay, our ambassador at London, 
who as a young man had been assistant private secretary to 
Abraham Lincoln. Thenceforth Anglo-American relations be¬ 
came increasingly cordial. 

At the end of June a force of 2,500 American troops, under 
Brigadier-General Thomas M. Anderson, reached Cavite, 
Arrival of an h av i n g> * n an op&ra bouffe attack, taken the little 
American island of Guam on the way. Two other contingents, 
under Brigadier-General Francis V. Greene and 
Major-General Wesley E. Merritt, arrived before the end of 
July, making a total of almost 11,000. 

The position of the Spanish forces defending Manila was 
hopeless. Back in June a third Spanish fleet under Admiral 
Camara had set out from Spain for the Philippines by way of 
the Suez Canal, but an announcement that Rear- 
Surrenders. Admiral Watson would lead a squadron to ravage 
the Spanish coast caused great uneasiness at Madrid, 
and after the destruction of Cervera’s fleet Camara was ordered 
home, just as he was about to set out down the Red Sea. 
Deprived of all hope of relief, the Spanish leaders at Manila 
nevertheless refused to capitulate, for they feared court-martial 
and punishment in Spain. Secretly, howe\ger, they arranged 
with the Americans to make only a show of resistance and then 
to surrender. On August 13 the American land and naval 
forces made a joint attack. After a short fight, in which only 
a few men were killed or wounded, a white flag went up, and 
Manila surrendered. 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


251 


The destruction of Spanish sea power at Manila and San¬ 
tiago had put both the Philippines and Cuba at American 
mercy. Spain was almost bankrupt. Castilian honor had 
been satisfied. The Spanish Government bowed to 
* S " S the inevitable, and on July 18 requested the French 
of 1 Hostilities. Government to authorize the French ambassador 
at Washington to arrange for preliminary terms of 
peace. On August 12, the day before the capture of Manila, 
Ambassador Cambon and William R. Day, who had succeeded 
John Sherman as secretary of state, signed a protocol providing 
for a suspension of hostilities, for the relinquishment of all 
Spanish claims to Cuba, for the cession of Porto Rico and one 
of the Ladrone Islands, in the Pacific, to the United States, 
and for the appointment of peace commissioners to meet in 
Paris not later than October 1. In the meantime the Spanish 
forces were to evacuate Cuba and Porto Rico. The question 
of what disposition would be made of the Philippines was left 
an open one to be decided by the peace conference. 

The American delegation at the peace conference was headed 
by 'William R. Day, who resigned the post of secretary of state 
for that purpose, being succeeded by John Hay. The Spanish 
delegation was headed by President of the Senate 
Conference. Don Eugenio Montero Rios. The Spanish rep¬ 
resentatives devoted most of October to a fruitless 
attempt to saddle the big Cuban debt either upon Cuba or the 
United States. They wasted most of November in an equally 
fruitless effort to save the Philippines. American public opin¬ 
ion was divided as to what should be done with the archipelago. 
McKinley himself hesitated, and his letter of instructions 
merely directed our representatives to ask for Luzon. Some 
prominent men wished no more than a coaling station; others, 
including Senator Gray of the commission, favored withdrawing 
from the Philippines altogether. In the end McKinley decided 
to demand the whole archipelago, and the Spanish commis¬ 
sioners, as is usually the case with the defeated party, had to 
give way on this and every other important question. Spain 
had to withdraw from all her possessions in the West Indies, 


252 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

thus surrendering the last of her once imperial domain in the 
New World, and to cede the Philippines and the island of 
Guam. The United States, however, assumed the claims of 
its citizens for damages done in Cuba during the insurrection, 
and in consideration of the cession of the Philippines, agreed to 
pay $20,000,000, and for ten years to admit Spanish ships and 
merchandise into the islands on the same terms as American 
ships and goods. 

The Philippine feature of the treaty provoked strong opposi¬ 
tion in the United States. Opponents of annexation contended 
that owing to their remoteness and the character of their in- 
* »,. habitants the islands could never be admitted to 

Opposition 

to the statehood, and must always remain colonies. Sen¬ 

ator Vest, a prominent Democrat, introduced a 
resolution to the effect “That under the Constitution of the 
United States no power is given to the federal government to 
acquire territory to be held and governed permanently as col¬ 
onies.^ Senator Hoar of Massachusetts, a prominent Re¬ 
publican, declared that to acquire and hold the Philippines 
would be not only a violation of the Constitution and the 
Declaration of Independence, but of the whole spirit of Ameri¬ 
can institutions. Friends of annexation denied the force of 
such contentions, while others pointed out that to refuse to 
ratify the treaty would result in a renewal of the war, and that 
the question of the ultimate disposition of the Philippines could 
be threshed out later. The fate of the treaty was in grave 
doubt when William Jennings Bryan came to the 
Attitude. capital and urged ratification. The question of 
imperialism, he told his followers, would be an issue 
in the next presidential campaign. Ten Democratic senators 
voted for the treaty, and it was ratified (February 6, 1899), 
with but one vote in excess of the required two-thirds. Rati¬ 
fication by the Queen Regent of Spain was delayed six weeks 
longer (March 19, 1899). 

There were Americans dishonorable enough to advocate 
that we should break our solemn pledge and annex Cuba, but 
the great majority insisted that the island should be given its 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


253 


independence. A provisional government was established to 
manage affairs temporarily, and this was headed during most 
American P er ^ 0< ^ American tutelage by Governor 

Rule in Leonard Wood, who displayed great tact and high 
administrative abilities under difficult circumstances. 
Many improvements in law, education, and sanitation were 
introduced, roads were improved, and financial affairs were so 
well handled by General Tasker H. Bliss that a balance of 
$1,792,109.52 was accumulated in the treasury. An important 
achievement under this regime was that of an army surgeon, 
Major Walter Reed, who conducted investigations that resulted 
in the discovery that yellow fever, one of the most deadly of 
tropical diseases, is transmitted by a species of mosquito. To 
control the disease became thereafter a comparatively simple 
matter, and the discovery has already resulted in the saving 
of many thousands of lives, not only in Cuba but also in the 
United States and other countries. 

Late in 1900 a constitutional convention, composed of elected 
delegates, met in Havana and proceeded to frame a constitu¬ 
tion modelled after that of the United States. Under pressure 
from the United States the convention added (June 
Amendment.” I2 > I 9 ° I ) an appendix to the constitution embody¬ 
ing the so-called “Platt Amendment,” which had 
been inserted in the American army appropriation bill of March 
2, 1901. Of the eight points to this amendment the most im¬ 
portant were that Cuba must not contract a public debt of un¬ 
reasonable dimensions, that the United States might intervene 
to protect Cuban liberty or to maintain “a government ade¬ 
quate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, ” 
that the Cuban Government would carry out and, as far as 
necessary, extend plans devised or that later might be agreed 
upon for the sanitation of the cities of the island, and that Cuba 
would sell or lease to the United States lands necessary for 
naval stations at certain points to be agreed upon. It was 
further stipulated that Cuba would embody these provisions 
in a permanent treaty with the United States, and this was 
done, though final ratifications were not exchanged until 1904. 


254 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

The general effect of the Platt Amendment was to make 
Cuba a protectorate of the United States. The United States 
could intervene to protect Cuba’s independence or to restore 
domestic order, and could enforce sanitary regu- 
Protectorate! lations that were highly important to American 
coast cities, which in the past had frequently suf¬ 
fered from diseases carried thither from Cuban ports. Ulti¬ 
mately only one naval base, namely, at Guantanamo on the 
southeast coast, was occupied and developed; but this gave 
the United States a foothold on the island, as well as a strategic 
strong point on the Caribbean Sea, and conveniently near the 
channel between Cuba and Haiti. The United States has never, 
however, exercised its protectorate in a manner contrary to the 
interests of the Cuban people. 

On the last day of 1901 a general election was held in Cuba, 
and resulted in the choice of electors who named (February 24, 

A . 1002) for first President the fine old revolutionist 

Withdrawal, Thomas Estrada Palma. On May 20, 1902, Gen¬ 
eral Wood and the last American troops sailed from 
the island, and the new republic formally entered upon her 
independent existence. Thus closed one of the most admirable 
chapters in human annals. 

The rich island of Porto Rico, the fourth in size of the An¬ 
tilles, was retained by the United States. The population at 
that time consisted of 589,426 whites, mostly of Spanish descent, 
Port Rico 3 ° 4 > 35 2 mes tizos, and 59,390 negroes. Under the 
Foraker Act (April 12, 1900) Congress established a 
civil government in which the people were allowed some par¬ 
ticipation, but the inhabitants were described as “ citizens of 
Porto Rico, and as such entitled to the protection of the United 
States.” The Porto Rican was thus neither a citizen of the 
United States nor an alien. In the words of Professor Ogg, 
“he was left, like Mohammed’s coffin, dangling between earth 
and heaven.” In March, 1917, however, a new act conferred 
full citizenship upon the Porto Ricans, and increased their 
participation in the local government. 

The management of the War Department during the Spanish- 


THE WAR WITH SPAIN 


255 


American conflict aroused such severe criticism that in Sep¬ 
tember, 1898, President McKinley appointed a commission 

Investigation to investi g ate the charges. Among other things, 

of the War the critics alleged that the department had dis- 
Department. . . . , . ... . 

played mcompetence m providmg weapons and mu¬ 
nitions; that chemically treated beef—“embalmed beef,” it was 
popularly called—had been fed to the soldiers, thereby injuring 
their health; and that some of the instruction camps had been 
badly managed, resulting in unnecessary loss of life by disease. 
The commission’s report “whitewashed” the War Department, 
but admitted that Secretary Alger had “failed to grasp the situ¬ 
ation.” The report did not allay the criticism, but McKinley, 
for political reasons, retained Alger in the cabinet. A coolness 
developed between the two men, however, and the President 
ultimately asked for Alger’s resignation. He was succeeded 
(August 1, 1899) by Elihu Root of New York, a keen lawyer 
and able administrator, who carried out a reorganization of the 
department. 

In glaring contrast with the War Department, the Navy 
Department was managed in a manner well-nigh beyond praise, 
and the fighting efficiency of the ships and crews added new 
lustre to American laurels. The soldiers, too, 
though handicapped by politics and mismanage¬ 
ment in the War Department, fought bravely and 
performed every feat required of them. Nor should sight be 
lost of the fact that in its larger strategical aspects the war was 
managed with consummate skill. The Naval War Board, of 
which Captain Mahan was the most eminent member, unerr¬ 
ingly discerned where and when to strike, and decisive results 
were accomplished with a minimum expenditure of blood and 
effort. 

Measured by the amount of blood shed, the war was, in fact, 
America a a P ett y affair. Fewer Americans had been slain in 

World it than had been killed in combats of the great civil 

conflict that had not risen above the dignity of skir¬ 
mishes. Measured by its effects upon the United States and 
the world, it was one of the most important wars in which we 


Admirable 

Strategy. 


256 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

have been engaged. For better or for worse, the United States 
dropped its traditional policy of isolation and stepped out upon 
the broad stage of international affairs. The restless energy 
that had conquered the continent westward to the Pacific had 
now carried the flag beyond the too narrow confines of the 
western hemisphere. Doubtfully, almost unwillingly, the na¬ 
tion fronted its fate, stooped to take up “the White Man’s 
burden,” and undertook to govern strange peoples, “half devil 
and half child,” in lands beyond the seas. 


CHAPTER XV 


IMPERIALISM 


The Philippines, ceded to the United States by Spain, con¬ 
sist of 3,141 islands, seven-eighths of which have an area of 
less than one square mile each, while 9 contain over 10,000 square 
miles each, the largest being Luzon, with 40,969 
Philippines square miles, and the next largest Mindanao, with 
Filipinos 36,292 square miles. The total land area is 115,026 
square miles, and the total native population in 1899 
exceeded 7,000,000. In race they varied from brown Malays 
to black, woolly-headed Negritos, in religion from Christians 
to Mohammedans and pagans, in civilization from college grad¬ 
uates to naked savages whose favorite dainty was dog meat 
and whose chief delight was hunting human heads. For three 
hundred years the islands had been subjected to Spanish rule, 
and most of the Filipinos, who constituted about seven-eighths 
of the whole population, were at least nominally Christians and 
civilized, but slavery, peonage, polygamy, and other barbaric 
practices still flourished in places, especially among the fierce 
Mohammedan Moros. Large numbers of Chinese had settled 
in the islands,, but the total white population, even as late as 
1903, was only 14,271, with 15,419 mestizos, or persons of 
mixed native and Chinese blood. 

The course of events in the Philippines proved much less 
happy than in Cuba. By treaty the United States acquired 
Spain’s title to the archipelago, but we had captured only the 
city of Manila, and, in the words of Admiral Dewey, 
Deddesto “we were far from being in possession of the terri- 

Islands * 6 tory we had bought.” It was only after much hesi¬ 

tation that President McKinley decided not only 
to exact the cession of all the islands but also to hold them, at 
least for a time. A desire to extend American power and com- 

*7 


258 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

merce in the Orient, an unwillingness to lower the American 
flag where it had once been hoisted, and doubts as to the ability 
of the heterogeneous native population to govern themselves 
appear to have been the chief reasons that caused him to reach 
these momentous decisions. 

Before the United States declared its purpose regarding the 
islands, Aguinaldo and his followers hoped and expected to be 
treated on the same basis as the Cuban revolutionists. They 
proceeded, with some slight aid from the Americans, 
Government. to overrun a large part of the archipelago. On 
June 12 Aguinaldo, as dictator, declared the inde¬ 
pendence of the Philippines. Later in the same month he 
proclaimed a revolutionary government, “with a paper organi¬ 
zation of executive, congress, and courts.” Aguinaldo con¬ 
tinued in power as “President,” but the Americans usually re¬ 
ferred to him as “General,” nor did they ever in any formal 
way recognize the Filipino government. 

Even before the capture of Manila the insurgents began to 
doubt American intentions, and there was more or less friction 
between the besieging forces. After the capitulation the Fil- 
insurgents ip* 1103 occupied part of the city, but in the middle 
Ordered out of September General Elwell S. Otis informed 
Aguinaldo that he must withdraw his men or force 
would be used. Aguinaldo complied with this ultimatum, but 
kept it a secret from the rank and file, who “marched out in 
excellent spirits, cheering the American forces.” 

The capital of the insurgent government was established at 
Malolos, twenty miles north of Manila. A congress of some¬ 
what irregular character met there, and a constitution was 
framed and adopted by this body (January 20, 1899). 

The dictator and his close associates were well aware that 
differences of opinion existed in the United States regarding 
the Philippines. More than one American newspaper was hail- 
American in S A g uinaldo as the “savior of his country” and 
Praise of “ the Washington of the Orient ’’; enterprising Ameri¬ 

can editors were soliciting his “views on the issues 
of the day”; and it is alleged that political managers were even 


“ IMPERIALISM ” 259 

hinting that “his influence would be of material value in the 
coming presidential election in the United States.” 

After the withdrawal from Manila the insurgents continued 
to hold positions close to that city. Believing that a conflict 
with the Americans was inevitable, Mabina, a paralytic young 
lawyer who was the ablest of Aguinaldo’s advisers, 
Proclamation, urged that matters should be brought to a crisis at 
^98. 2 once, but he was overruled. Realizing that the 
situation was becoming tense, Admiral Dewey ad¬ 
vised President McKinley to define the intentions of the United 
States in order to put an end to uncertainty, and McKinley 
(December 21, 1898) transmitted a proclamation asserting the 
“supremacy” and “sovereignty” of the United States, and 
stating that its authority would be enforced over the islands 
until legislation “ shall otherwise provide.” The proclamation 
declared that the Americans came “not as invaders or as con¬ 
querors, but as friends,” and that the American mission was 
“one of benevolent assimilation, substituting the mild sway of 
justice and right for arbitrary rule.” But the Filipinos had 
long been accustomed to the flowery rhetoric and hollow prom¬ 
ises of their Spanish masters, and paid little heed to anything 
but the fact that their independence was not conceded. The 
bad effect of the proclamation was heightened by the fact that 
at Manila General Otis published it in expurgated form, omit¬ 
ting some of the objectionable phrases, while General Miller at 
Iloilo issued it (January 6) as originally written. The Fili¬ 
pinos saw in the discrepancy a proof of American duplicity. 

An armed conflict became inevitable. It was precipitated 
on the night of February 4, two days before the Senate ratified 
the treaty, by four Filipino soldiers approaching an American 
outpost near Manila and ignoring a command to 
Begins. VOlt halt. The. sentry fired at them, and a Filipino de¬ 
tachment stationed not far away returned the fire. 
A general battle soon developed, in which the navy played an 
effective part. The Filipinos were soon thrown back, with 
losses estimated by General Otis at 3,000, while those of the 
Americans amounted to only 50 killed and 184 wounded. It is 


26o the united states in our own times 


believed that the incident that precipitated the clash was not 
premeditated by the Filipino leaders, but for some time they 
had been making ready for an attack on the Americans, and 
Aguinaldo had the draft of a declaration of war in readiness. 

The conflict thus begun was a most uneven one. The Fili¬ 
pinos had few cannon and comparatively few rifles; the sup¬ 
ply of ammunition was scanty; and many of the soldiers were 
so inexpert with rifles that they did not even know 
th?War er ° f how to aim them. The Filipinos were, in fact, 
often more effective when armed with spears, bolos, 
and other primitive weapons. Opposed to them stood in the 
beginning about 14,000 Americans; many of these were volun¬ 
teers who lacked thorough training; but regulars and volun¬ 
teers alike were far more than a match, individually or collec¬ 
tively, for “the little brown men” who had thrown down 
the gauge of battle to them. Furthermore, the war-ships were 
able to render much assistance, while an endless supply of men, 
money, and munitions could be sent out from the United 
States. Nevertheless, the Filipinos at first fought pluckily, 
and from one to half a dozen men would often be standing 
ready to snatch up the precious rifle of a killed or wounded man 
and turn it once more against the enemy. The bitter experi¬ 
ence gained in a few battles soon taught them, however, that 
they could not withstand the stalwart, straight-shooting Ameri¬ 
cans in open battle, and many of the later conflicts resembled 
foot-races rather than fights. 

Toward the end of March General MacArthur took the offen¬ 
sive and soon captured Malolos, the insurgent capital. During 
the next few weeks he and General Lawton defeated the in- 
Americans sur g ents in numerous engagements, and took many 
Take the towns. Meanwhile other forces, aided by the navy, 
took Iloilo and Cebu, and extended American au¬ 
thority over the Visayan and Sulu archipelagoes. The rainy 
summer season caused military activities to languish, but in 
the fall Generals Lawton and Wheaton once more took the field 
and defeated the Filipinos in numerous engagements, in one 
of which Lawton was slain (December 19, 1899). 



































IMPERIALISM ” 


261 


Aguinaldo went into hiding in the mountains of Luzon. 
Many of his followers surrendered; others broke up into small 
bands and waged a guerilla warfare that was far more trying 
to the Americans than organized tactics had been. 
Warfare. Fields were laid waste, the rhinderpest swept away 
thousands of the tame carabaos, a sort of buffalo, 
which is the chief beast of burden in the Philippines, and it has 
been estimated that during three years of warfare some hun¬ 
dreds of thousands of Filipinos perished from famine and pes¬ 
tilence. 

In America the course of events in the Philippines caused 
much searching of hearts. There were, to be sure, persons of 
gross mould who swept sentiment aside and frankly favored 
keeping the islands because of the gold they could 
to the be made to pour into our lap. But some men 

Pohcy Pine doubted whether our treatment of the Filipinos 
squared with the precepts of the Declaration of 
Independence. To many it seemed that we had entered the 
war with Spain to free a people, and were ending by enslav¬ 
ing one. Others, though believing it necessary to establish 
American control for the good of the inhabitants, felt, never¬ 
theless, the tragedy of the situation; like Admiral Dewey, they 
were “deeply affected by the necessity of the loss of life and 
the misery which the pacification of the islands imposed.” 

While public opinion still hesitated, a powerful influence was 
cast in favor of retaining the islands by the publication (Feb¬ 
ruary, 1899) of a remarkable poem. “In winged words which 
circled the earth in a day, and by repetition became 
“White* hackneyed in a week,” Rudyard Kipling stripped 
Burden ” th e i m P er i a l vocation of its tinsel and glitter, and 
“revealed it as a necessary but thankless task to 
be performed by the white race under the restraints of con¬ 
science.” He called upon America to 


“Take up the White Man’s burden— 
Send forth the best ye breed— 

Go bind your sons to exile 
To serve your captives’ need; 


262 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


To wait in heavy harness, 

On fluttering folk and wild— 

Your new-caught sullen peoples, 

Half devil and half child. 

Take up the White Man’s burden— 

Ye dare not stoop to less— 

Nor call too loud on Freedom 
To cloak your weariness. 

By all ye will or whisper, 

By all ye leave or do, 

The silent sullen peoples 
Shall weigh your God and you.” 

At the outset, opposition to retaining the Philippines was 
mostly non-partisan in character; anti-imperialist leagues, 
which sprang up in many parts of the country, but particularly 
in New England, drew members from all parties. 
Imperialists. Andrew Carnegie, Senator George F. Hoar, George 
S. Boutwell, ex-President Harrison, Speaker Reed, 
and other prominent Republicans disliked the administration’s 
policy in the Philippines; Reed even resigned from Congress 
because of it. On the other hand, some Democrats and Demo¬ 
cratic newspapers at first favored expansion. Less than a 
week after the ratification of the treaty with Spain, William 
Jennings Bryan, who expected once more to be the Democratic 
presidential candidate in 1900, issued a manifesto opposing 
“imperialism.” The disposition of the Philippines 
Make CratS sp ee< dily became a political question, and the Demo- 
imperialism crats displayed a determination to make it a leading 
Issue. issue in the campaign of 1900. The prosperity of 

the United States was very great, and Republicans 
charged that Democratic leaders, seeing that free silver was 
unpopular, realized that their only hope of winning would be 
to inject a new issue into politics. 

When the Republican convention met at Philadelphia (June 
19, 1900) its leaders were full of confidence. The platform 
pointed to the financial transformation wrought under Repub¬ 
lican rule, and lauded many other achievements. The Philip- 


“IMPERIALISM” 


263 

pines and their people were referred to as “a new and noble 
responsibility.” Having destroyed Spain’s sovereignty in the 
Republican islands > we were bound to “provide for the main- 
Piatform tenance of law and order,” to put down insurrection, 

of 1900. A 7 

and to “confer the blessings of liberty and civiliza¬ 
tion” upon the people. One plank dealt with the trusts. 
These were now multiplying with great rapidity, but this fact 
did not give the Republican leaders much anxiety. Mark 
Lianna, the “political prime minister” of the administration, 
wrote the trust plank, which recognized “the necessity and 
propriety of the honest co-operation of capital to meet new busi¬ 
ness conditions” but condemned “all conspiracies and com¬ 
binations intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, 
to limit production or to control prices.” 

As had long been foreseen, McKinley was unanimously re¬ 
nominated, and the only question that aroused any real curi¬ 
osity was the choice of a vice-presidential nominee. Vice- 
President Hobart had died in office, hence the 
ticket of 1896 was impossible. Among those men¬ 
tioned were Secretary of the Treasury Bliss, Secre¬ 
tary of the Navy Long, Representative Jonathan P. Dolliver 
of Iowa, Timothy L. Woodruff of New York, and Theodore 
Roosevelt. Roosevelt’s foresight and energy in preparing the 
navy for the war, his valor as leader of the picturesque Rough 
Riders, and his well-known reforming zeal had combined to 
make him one of the most popular men in the country. In the 
fall of 1898 he had been elected governor of New York and his 
vigorous course in that office had increased his reputation, but 
he had incurred the opposition of certain great corporations 
and of Senator Thomas C. Platt, the Republican boss of the 
State. Platt decided to bring about Roosevelt’s 
nomination as Vice-President in order to prevent his 
re-election as governor. In this scheme he was 
greatly aided by the enthusiastic desire of a multi¬ 
tude of Republicans, especially in the West, to put 
the Rough Rider on the ticket. Neither McKinley nor Hanna 
wanted him nominated, and Roosevelt himself, desiring to be 


McKinley 

Renomi¬ 

nated. 


Roosevelt 
Nominated 
for the Vice- 
Presidency 
against His 
Wishes. 


264 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Democrats 

Declare 

Imperialism 

the 

“PararrT’Mit 

Issue.” 


governor again, declared that he could not accept a nomination; 
but the strange alliance of Platt and Republican sentiment won 
the day. Roosevelt received every vote in the convention 
except his own, and bowed to the will of his party. As no 
Vice-President since Martin Van Buren had been elected Presi¬ 
dent, it was supposed by Roosevelt’s friends and enemies alike 
that he was “shelved” politically. 

The Democratic convention met in Kansas City on July 4, 
the date being specially chosen to emphasize the reaffirmation 
by the platform of the Declaration of Independence, “ that im¬ 
mortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of 
man.” “ We assert,” the platform continued, “ that 
no nation can long endure half republic and half 
empire, and we warn the American people that im¬ 
perialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably 
to despotism at home.” The Republican Philippine policy had 
been dictated by “greedy commercialism”; the war was one 
of “criminal aggression.” The Filipinos must be given, 
“first, a stable form of government; second, independence; 
and third, protection from outside interference.” “Imperial¬ 
ism” was pronounced “the paramount issue of the campaign,” 
but the gold standard act of 1900 was denounced, and a de¬ 
mand was made for “ the immediate restoration of the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present ratio of 
16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other 
nation.” Many delegates had wished to omit any reference 
to the currency, but the Bryan influence had been too 
strong. The platform also pledged the Democracy to “an 
unceasing warfare . . . against private monopoly in every 
form,” and denounced the Dingley Act as “a trust-breeding 
measure.” 

There had been some talk of Admiral Dewey as the presi¬ 
dential candidate, but Bryan was renominated by 
Stevenson! acclamation. Adlai E. Stevenson, Vice-President 
from 1893 to 1897, was named as his associate 
on the ticket. 

The “Fusion Populists,” the 


Liberty Congress of the 


“ IMPERIALISM ” 


265 

American League of Anti-Imperialists,” and the “Silver Repub¬ 
licans” also indorsed Bryan, but the Populists put 
Parties. forward Charles A. Towne of Minnesota for the 
vice-presidency instead of Stevenson. The “Anti- 
Fusion,” or “ Middle-of-the-Road ” Populists, nominated a 
separate ticket, but they played little part in the campaign. 

Tlie Prohibitionists, the Socialist Labor party, and 
Democrats, tlie Social Democratic party also put tickets in the 
field. That of the Social Democrats was headed 
by Eugene V. Debs, leader of the railroad strikers in 1896. 
A Socialist Labor Party had nominated candidates in 1892 
and 1896, but many of its members now joined the Social 
Democrats; others nominated candidates of their own and 
have had a presidential ticket in every campaign since, but 
have never polled a large vote. 

During the campaign the Democrats tried to persuade the 
people that the Republican policy in the Philippines would 
result in the destruction of liberty at home. Many Repub¬ 
licans were, it is true, dissatisfied with our course 
Campaign. ^ islands; but the suppression of the political 
rights of Southern negroes by Democrats did not 
harmonize well with their enthusiasm for Filipino independence, 
while the nomination of Bryan and the continued demand for 
free silver repelled many voters. On all questions the Repub¬ 
licans refused to accept the defensive, and as regards the 
Philippines they asserted that Democratic agitation of the sub¬ 
ject encouraged the insurgents to persist in their “rebellion,” 
and resulted in the death of many American soldiers. 

As usual, Bryan swept through many States, speaking to 
immense audiences, but he met an equally determined cam- 
“The Full paigner in Roosevelt, who aroused great enthusiasm 
Dinner wherever he went. Senator Hanna managed the 
Republican campaign with skill, and by hoisting on 
high “ the full dinner pail ” as the emblem of Republican pros¬ 
perity, he won many labor votes. 

The result proved even more decisive than that of 1896. 
McKinley carried nearly every Northern and Western State, 


266 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


and also Delaware, Maryland, and West Virginia, with a total 
A of 292 electoral votes to 155 for Bryan; the pop- 

Republican ular vote stood 7,219,525 for McKinley, and 6,358,- 
737 for Bryan. The Populist vote was reduced to 
50,599, being exceeded by that of the Prohibitionists, with 
209,157, and the Social Democrats with 94,864. 

Meanwhile the Filipino insurgents had continued to carry 
on guerilla warfare. To meet these tactics the American com¬ 
manders found it necessary to divide their forces into several 
hundred detachments to hold villages and other 
Warfare posts, and the insurgents found it comparatively 
Philippines eas y to surround and massacre weak detachments, 
though usually only after heavy losses to them¬ 
selves. When hotly pursued, they would frequently hide their 
weapons and, mingling with the population of a village, com¬ 
port themselves as smiling “amigos” or friends. From May 
5, 1900, to June 30, 1901, a period of fourteen months, 1,026 
“ contacts” occurred between the hostile forces, in which over 
700 Americans and about 5,000 insurgents were killed or 
wounded. 

For a time the insurgents were buoyed up by the hope that 
the Democrats would win the presidential election. The rank 
and file were told of the Democratic platform pronouncement 
regarding the Philippines, and insurgent agents in 
Hopes. 601 Canada even wrote home that they had established 
confidential relations with Bryan. No tale of the 
alleged course of events in the United States was too wild to 
be believed. The Republican victory proved a bitter disap¬ 
pointment to the insurgents, and thereafter their cause de¬ 
clined. 

In March, 1901, Brigadier-General Frederick Funston, the 
enterprising Kansan whom we have already met with the Cuban 
Funston insurgents, managed to penetrate, with a few Ameri- 
Captures cans and a party of Macabebe scouts, into the 

Agumaldo. w iid erness 0 f northern Luzon, and, by a clever 
stratagem, captured Aguinaldo and some of his chief officers. 
The insurgent leader was taken to Manila, was well treated, 


IMPERIALISM 


267 


Cruel 

Warfare. 


and soon issued a proclamation to his followers advising them 
to give up the struggle. 

Sporadic resistance continued for many months, however, 
and many cruel deeds were done on both sides. Even before 
Aguinaldo’s surrender, American troops, exasperated by in¬ 
surgent treachery and by the frightful cruelties in¬ 
flicted upon captive comrades, resorted in some 
cases to what was known as the “water cure” and 
other modes of torture, in order to obtain information from pris¬ 
oners. Such methods were happily not general, but their 
occasional use persisted until the end of the insurrection. Fur¬ 
thermore, the Americans, especially in Batangas, imitated Span¬ 
ish “reconcentration” methods, but treated the people in such 
camps humanely. One brigadier-general, popularly known as 
“Hell Roaring Jake Smith,” ordered his men to make the 
island of Samar “a howling wilderness. . . . Kill everything 
over ten.” For issuing this order, and for having been indi¬ 
rectly responsible for the shooting of prisoners without trial, 
he was convicted by a court martial and was placed on the re¬ 
tired list by the President. 

Gradually the insurgents recognized the inevitable and 
bowed to it, but it was not until July 4, 1902, that 
President Roosevelt officially declared the islands 
pacified. Even afterward there were sporadic out¬ 
breaks, especially among the warlike Mohammedan Moros and 
other “non-Christian tribes.” 

On January 20, 1899, President McKinley appointed a com¬ 
mission of five persons, including President Jacob G. Schurman 
of Cornell University, Rear-Admiral Dewey, and Professor 
First Dean C. Worcester, to investigate conditions in 

Philippine^ the Philippines and assist in pacifying the islands.. 

The commission issued a proclamation to the Fili¬ 
pinos and held conferences with insurgent agents, but their 
peace efforts proved only partly successful. In regard to the 
people of the islands they reported that “ lack of education and 
political experience, combined with their racial and linguistic 
diversities, disqualify them, in spite of their mental gifts and 


Peace 

Restored. 


268 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


domestic virtues, to undertake the task of governing the archi¬ 
pelago at the present time.” 

In April, 1900, the President appointed a new commission, 
consisting of Judge William H. Taft, Dean C. Worcester, Luke 
E. Wright, Henry C. Ide, and Professor Eernard Moses, to or- 
Second ganize a civil government for the Philippines. The 
Philippine instructions for the guidance of the commission were 
drawn up by Secretary of War Root, whose depart¬ 
ment supervised Philippine affairs. All the commissioners 
were men of ability and good intentions, and they were able to 
make real progress. They were also all men of large size 
physically, their average weight being 227 pounds. As they 
did much travelling about the islands, their great avoirdupois 
often proved trying during the hot season, but the Filipinos, 
who are a tiny people physically, considered them “an im¬ 
posing spectacle.” 

On July 4,1901, the military regime in the islands was brought 
to an end, and Judge Taft was inaugurated civil governor. 
Two months later three Filipino members were added to the 
commission, and native judges and other public 
Becomes officials were also appointed. As rapidly as mili- 
Governor. tar y conditions would permit, local civil govern¬ 
ments were established, and a great scheme of public 
education was formulated and carried out. Hundreds of 
American young men and women were induced to go to the 
Philippines and teach the Filipino children, while the normal 
An school already existing at Manila was greatly ex- 

Educational panded, and many native teachers were trained 
Crusade. . . 

there. It was an educational crusade the like of 


which the world had never before seen, and, though some of 
the results were disappointing, the effort, as a whole, proved 
a great success. 

Strange as it may seem, the teachers accomplished much 
good by introducing outdoor sports. Hitherto the Filipinos 
had had practically no athletic games, but were fond of cock- 
fighting, while gambling was their “besetting sin.” The effort 
to introduce such games as baseball had some amusing results. 


“IMPERIALISM” 


269 

For example, Moro men quickly grew eager to bat, but insisted 
for a time that the vigorous work of base-running ought to be 
Effect of done their servants! Real enthusiasm for the 
Outdoor new sports soon spread through the islands. The 
resultant physical development of the partici¬ 
pants has been remarkable, cock-fighting is less popular than 
formerly, and a spirit of sportsmanship and fair play, hitherto 
lacking, has sprung into existence. Villages which in 1898 
habitually indulged in head-hunting forays against each other 
now engage in friendly “tugs of war” and games of baseball. 
“It is indeed a startling sight,” says Dean C. Worcester, in 
his book The Philippines , Past and Present, “to see two 
opposing teams of youthful savages in Bukidnon or Bontoc 
‘playing the game,’ with obvious full knowledge of its refine¬ 
ments, while their ordinarily silent and reserved parents ‘root’ 
with unbridled enthusiasm! ” 

Opponents of the retention of the Philippines put forward as 
one of their main arguments the contention that our system of 
government was not suited to the government of distant de¬ 
pendencies inhabited by “inferior peoples.” They 
Constitution asserted that “the Constitution follows the flag” 
FkgT the and ar g ue d that its provisions safeguarding indi¬ 
vidual rights—such as freedom of speech, trial by 
jury, and habeas corpus—would hopelessly hamper colonial ad¬ 
ministrators. But the expansionists declared that the United 
States had always been a colonial power, that it had repeatedly 
acquired new possessions, that it had governed the Indians as 
subject peoples. They denied that the Constitution extends 
of its own force {ex proprio vigore) to new territory, and they 
pointed to a long series of acts of Congress expressly extending 
the Constitution and statutes to recently acquired possessions. 
In support of their view they also quoted the constitutional 
clause which provides that “ Congress shall have power to dis¬ 
pose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting 
the territory or other property belonging to the United States”; 
they contended that this clause was broad enough to meet all 
emergencies. 


270 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The 

“Insular 

Cases.” 


In deciding what are known as the “Insular Cases” the 
Supreme Court, though badly divided in opinion, in effect held 
(May, 1901) that the Constitution does not extend ex proprio 
vigore to new possessions. The federal govern¬ 
ment was, therefore, left unhampered in its work 
of governing the Philippines and Porto Rico. The 
court also held that the United States could impose tariff duties 
on goods coming from the islands. 

One of the main causes of the Filipino revolt against Spanish 
rule was the enormous political and economic power wielded 
bv the friars, who owned much of the best land and controlled 
The Friars th e l QCa l government. The natives hated the friars 
Land so bitterly that they tortured and even murdered 

Question. gQj^g 0 f them, and drove out the rest. After the 

American occupation the religious orders continued to lay claim 
to their lands, but the natives generally refused to pay rent. 
It was decided that the claims should be extinguished by pur¬ 
chase, and Governor Taft visited Rome in person to negotiate 
the sale with the papal authorities. In 1903 the purchase was 
consummated, the price agreed upon being $7,239,000 for 410,- 
000 acres. Religious and agrarian questions continued, how¬ 
ever, to be sources of trouble in the Philippines. 

By act of July 1, 1902, Congress declared the inhabitants of 
the archipelago to be “citizens of the Philippine Islands, and 
as such entitled to the protection of the United States.” It 
extended to them most of the constitutional guar- 
Government antees for the protection of life, liberty, and prop- 
erty, but withheld trial by jury. It also provided 
for the creation of a legislature to be composed of 
the commission and an elective assembly. Certain conditions 
must, however, first be fulfilled; and, as a large part of the pop¬ 
ulation was illiterate, some being, in fact, savages, educational 
and property qualifications were imposed for the suffrage, and 
it was found that only about one-tenth of the adult males could 
qualify. Congress also retained the right to veto all insular 
legislation, and provided that appeals might be taken from the 
Philippine supreme court to the Supreme Court of the United 
States. 


“ IMPERIALISM ” 


271 

The necessary conditions having been complied with, a gen¬ 
eral election was held in the islands on July 30, 1907. The 
Nationalist, or independence, party won the largest number of 
First seats in the assembly. The first session met on 

Legislature the 16 th of the following October. Neither this 

Meets, 1907. , . . 

assembly nor any later one was notable for business 
sense, and all refused to pass bills proposed by the commission 
for stamping out slavery and peonage, the last of which, in par¬ 
ticular, still exists in the islands. 

Some Republicans put forward the theory that when the 
people of the Philippines had been sufficiently educated to gov¬ 
ern themselves they should be given their independence, but no 
definite date was ever fixed by Republicans for the 
Question of relinquishment of American control. The usual 
dence 611 assumption was that a long time would necessarily 
elapse before the thing could safely be done. The 
Democrats, on the other hand, repeatedly declared in favor of 
early independence for the archipelago. Their platform of 1912 
said: “We favor an immediate declaration of the nation’s pur¬ 
pose to recognize the independence of the Philippine Islands as 
soon as a stable government can be established, such inde¬ 
pendence to be guaranteed by us until the neutrality of the 
islands can be secured by treaty with other powers.” 

When the Democratic party came into power, however, it 
proved less radical in deed than in word. In his first annual 
message to Congress (December 2, 1913) President Wilson con- 
President ceded that our duty toward the Philippines is a 

wusonjs “difficult and debatable matter. . . . We must 

hold steadily in view their ultimate independence,, 
and we must move toward the time of that independence as 
steadily as the way can be cleared and the foundations thought¬ 
fully and permanently laid. . . . Step by step we should ex¬ 
tend and perfect the system of self-government in the Islands, 
making test of them and modifying them as experience discloses 
their successes and their failures.” 

For three years the Senate and House were unable to agree 
upon a Philippine policy. Early in 1916 the Senate added to 
a bill already passed by the House an amendment providing 


272 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

that the islands should be given complete independence within 
two, or at the discretion of the President, four years. But 
the House rejected the amendment, and the two 
ProSs? fimte bodies ultimately agreed (August, 1916) upon a 
measure that merely provided that independence 
should be conceded “as soon as stable government can be 
established”—which was much more indefinite. 

President Wilson had already given the Filipinos a majority 
of the Philippine Commission, which formed the upper house of 
the insular legislature, and had otherwise extended the partici¬ 
pation of natives in their government. The new 
Extension act substituted a senate for the commission, and 
Government twenty-four of the twenty-six seats in it were made 
elective. The educational qualification for voting, 
which had been limited to males who spoke, read, and wrote 
English or Spanish, was broadened to include males who spoke 
and wrote a native dialect; the total number of voters was 
thereby increased from about 225,000 to over 800,000. The 
post of governor-general was retained, and to him was given 
an independent veto power and also large powers of appoint¬ 
ment. The governor-general, the justices of the supreme 
court, and certain other officials were to be appointed by the 
President. 

It is greatly to the credit of the United States that the gov¬ 
ernment of the Philippines has mainly been conducted in the 
interest of the native inhabitants, and that ruthless exploita¬ 
tion of the islands by outside capital has been pre- 
Poiicy. Selfish vented. For some years our tariff policy toward 
the Philippines was narrow and grasping, but a 
more generous policy has since been adopted. Most of the 
natives have been convinced that American intentions are 
beneficent, but many are not content to be wards; they prefer 
to be free from all tutelage, and to manage their own affairs. 
It is, however, exceedingly doubtful whether they could main¬ 
tain a stable government. Recent world events, in Mexico and 
elsewhere, have undoubtedly tended to increase the number of 
Americans who believe that a long interval must elapse before 


“ IMPERIALISM ” 


273 


it will be safe to withdraw from the islands and leave the 
inhabitants to their own devices. 

For a time expansionist orators were fond of drawing gor¬ 
geous pictures of the great wealth that possession of the islands 
would bring to the United States. But the dream that bearing 
An “the White Man’s burden” would prove profitable 

Unprofitable has been dissipated. According to official estimates 
made by the War Department, the United States 
during 1898-1902 expended on the islands about $190,000,000, 
including the purchase price. Later expenditures brought this 
sum up to fully $300,000,000, and this estimate does not in¬ 
clude the value of lives lost, pensions, and other indirect ex¬ 
penses. In time the insular government came to be nearly 
self-sustaining, except for the cost of defense, which amounted 
in peace times to from $10,000,000 to $14,000,000 yearly. 
Trade with the islands has increased considerably, but the 
profits thereon have been a bagatelle compared with the great 
sums expended. At present little is said about the economic 
value of the islands to the United States, and the main argu¬ 
ments of those favoring retention centre around the alleged in¬ 
capacity of the natives for self-government. 

At the time the Americans entered the Philippines, European 
powers were engaged in grabbing Chinese territory, marking out 
“spheres of influence” for themselves and extorting conces- 
Attempt to s i° ns for mines, railways, and commercial privileges. 
Partition The United States did not participate in this un¬ 
seemly scramble, but the perilous state of the Celes¬ 
tial Kingdom was undoubtedly a factor in causing President 
McKinley to decide to retain the Philippines, for he believed 
they would serve as a base from which we could exercise an 
important influence on Oriental affairs. 

The United States was anxious to preserve the territorial 
Hay’s “Open iHtegrity of China, and also to safeguard American 
commercial interests in the endangered empire. On 
September 6, 1899, Secretary of State Hay des¬ 
patched notes to Great Britain, Russia, and Germany, asking 
them formally to declare that they would respect existing treaty 


Door’ 

Policy. 


274 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

ports, and would not discriminate against other foreigners— 
in short, that they would not interfere with what came to be 
called the principle of the “open door” in China. Great 
Britain acceded to the request; the other two powers pretended 
to be in accord with the principle, but avoided committing 
themselves formally. Hay adroitly announced, however, that 
he regarded their acceptance as “final and definitive.” Subse¬ 
quently he sent notes to France, Italy, and Japan. 

For about a decade the principle of the “open door” was 
reasonably well observed, but in the presidencies of Taft and 
... . Wilson American influence in Chinese affairs waned, 

American and there were encroachments by Russia and Japan. 
n c ' During the Great War Japan was permitted to gain 
a paramount position in China, but the exact extent of her 
control is not yet fully disclosed. 

Soon after Secretary Hay succeeded in establishing the prin¬ 
ciple of the “open door,” Chinese resentment over the exploita¬ 
tion of their country culminated in what was known as the 
“Boxer” movement. The Boxers—more literally 
Movement, the I Ho Chuan, or “Righteous Harmony Fists” 
—maltreated and murdered native Christians, mis¬ 
sionaries, and other foreigners in many parts of China. Both 
the Empress Dowager and Prince Tuan, commander-in-chief 
of the army, sympathized with the anti-foreign movement, no 
real effort was made to put down the disorders, and the Boxers 
were joined by many of the imperial troops. To safeguard the 
foreign legations at Peking, some of the powers sent reinforce¬ 
ments to the guards stationed in the legations, and early in 
June, 1900, an international force of sailors and marines, includ¬ 
ing some Americans, marched toward the capital, but were 
held back by immense masses of Boxers and troops. On June 
20 the German ambassador, Baron von Ketteler, was murdered 
in the street by a Chinese soldier in uniform. The whole for¬ 
eign colony, including many women and children, would prob¬ 
ably have been murdered had they not taken refuge within the 
compound of the British legation. There for two whole months 
they heroically held at bay an immense mob of Chinese. 


“ IMPERIALISM ” 


275 

While an international relief force was being gathered at 
Tientsin, seemingly authentic news reached the outside world 
that the Boxers had captured the legation and massacred or 
captured all the defenders. But Secretary Hay, by 
to Peking. shrewd management, succeeded in getting a cipher 
despatch from Conger, the American minister, 
through Wu, the Chinese minister at Washington. The des¬ 
patch stated that the legation still held out, but that “ Quick 
relief only can prevent general massacre.” Only about 20,000 
men, including 2,500 Americans under Brigadier-General Adna 
R. Chaffee, were ready, but these marched from Tientsin and 
battled their way desperately to Peking, which they captured 
in time to save the beleaguered little band from annihilation. 

In punitive expeditions against the Boxers some of the allied 
troops, especially the Germans and Russians, behaved with 
great barbarity toward the Chinese population, and were guilty 
of carrying off immense quantities of loot. In 
sending out soldiers Emperor William instructed 
them to give no quarter and to behave like “Huns,” 
so “that no Chinese shall ever again dare even to 
look at a German askance.” The Americans dis¬ 
played greater humanity, though some, including members of 
the legation, were guilty of at least purchasing loot. Many 
of the Boxers were executed, and an indemnity, amounting to 
about $333,000,000, was exacted from the country. In fact, 
had it not been for the restraining influence of the United 
States, China might have been broken up altogether. 
In course of time it was discovered that the share 
to be paid the United States far exceeded the amount 
of damage done, and in Roosevelt’s presidency more 
than half, amounting to about $16,000,000, was re¬ 
mitted, and is being used for the education of Chinese youths 
in America. This honorable action immensely increased Ameri¬ 
can influence in the Celestial Kingdom. 

President McKinley did not live to see the restoration of 
peace in the Philippines. In the September following his second 
inauguration he visited the Pan-American Exposition in the 


Emperor 
William’s 
Instructions 
to German 
Soldiers. 


The United 
States 

Remits Part 
of the 
Indemnity. 


276 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

city of Buffalo, and delivered a notable address in which he 
paid a tribute to Blaine, “ whose mind was ever alert and thought 
McKinley’s ever constan t for a larger commerce and a truer 
Speech at fraternity of the Republics of the New World.” 

He seemed also to forecast a modification of the ex¬ 
treme policy of protection. “We must not,” he declared, “re¬ 
pose in fancied security that we can forever sell everything and 
buy little or nothing. . . . The expansion of our trade and 
commerce is the pressing problem. . . . Reciprocity treaties 
are in harmony with the spirit of the times; measures of re¬ 
taliation are not.” 

The next day (September 6) while holding a public reception 
in the Temple of Music, he was shot and mortally wounded by 
a young Polish anarchist named Leon F. Czolgosz, who was 
The later executed for the deed. For several days 

President^ ^ hopes were held out for the President’s recovery; 

then he grew suddenly worse, and on the early 
morning of September 14 he died. He was buried in a cemetery 
at Canton, his old Ohio home. At the hour that the simple 
ceremonial was “proceeding a great hush came over every city 
and hamlet in the land. The streets were deserted. The ac¬ 
tivities of 70,000,000 of people ceased. Men and women of 
every type and class felt the shadow touch for a moment their 
own lives, and they let their sorrow find supreme expression in 
the solemnity of a reverent silence. It was very human and it 
was very wonderful.” 

History will not assign to the dead man a place among the 
foremost of our statesmen, yet he was a man of abilities, and 
in both his public and private life there was much to commend. 

He was religious, temperate, kindly, gentle. Though 
ChSacter S not endowed with much originality or an intellect 
fiTHistory. of the keenest type, he was shrewd, tactful, and 
knew how to profit by advice. He was not a great 
orator, yet he always managed to secure a hearing. As a poli¬ 
tician he knew how to hold his ear close to the ground. He was 
particularly successful in his dealings with Congress, and this 
was due largely to his having been so long a member of the 


“ IMPERIALISM ” 


277 


House. He was charged with being too complaisant toward 
men of great wealth, and interests representing wealth, but in 
his behalf it should be said that the dangers of plutocracy were 
not so apparent then as later, and it may well be doubted whether 
he understood some of the economic tendencies of his time. It 
was his good fortune to be President in an epoch-making period, 
when the United States definitely forsook its time-honored 
policy of isolation and became a world power, and his place in 
history will, therefore, be larger than that of some abler men. 


CHAPTER XVI 


BIG BUSINESS AND THE PANAMA CANAL 


On the afternoon of September 13 Vice-President Roosevelt 
climbed Mount Tahawus, in the heart of the Adirondacks, and 
in the descent had reached a little lake not far from the summit, 
Roosevelt when he was met by a guide bearing a telegram, to 
Takes the the effect that McKinley was much worse, and that 

it would be well to hurry to Buffalo. In the night 
he made a forty-mile drive over rough mountain roads, and on 
reaching the railway at dawn next morning learned that the 
President was dead. A special train carried him swiftly to 
Buffalo, and there, in a private house and in the presence of 
several members of the cabinet, he took the oath as twenty-fifth 
President of the United States. He at once announced that he 
would continue McKinley’s policies unbroken, and he insisted 
upon each member of the cabinet remaining in office. Senator 
Hanna voluntarily promised his powerful political support, 
but was careful to state that he would not commit himself to 
Roosevelt as a candidate in 1904. As Roosevelt wrote in after 
years, “His ideals were in many ways not my ideals, and there 
were points where both by temperament and by conviction we 
were far apart. Before this time he had always been unfriendly 
to me; and I do not think he ever grew to like me, at any rate 
not until the very end of his life.” 

The new President was not yet forty-three, and was the 

youngest man who had attained that exalted office. Few men, 

however, ever came to the position so well equipped to shoulder 

A its responsibilities. Pie was born in New York 

Remarkable City, and on the paternal side was descended from 
Personality. . .. . ^ . . 

a long line of Knickerbocker ancestors. His mother 
was a Bulloch of Georgia; one of her brothers, as Confederate 
naval agent in England, had arranged for the building of the 
Alabama , and another brother had fired the last shot from that 

278 


“BIG BUSINESS’’ AND THE PANAMA CANAL 279 

famous cruiser when she was sunk by the Kearsarge. As a boy, 
Roosevelt was sickly and delicate; it was only by careful and 
persistent exercise that he managed to grow up a sturdy, robust 
man. A Harvard graduate, a political reformer, a historian 
of distinction, naval administrator, rancher, big-game hunter, 
faunal naturalist, and Rough Rider, his interests were world¬ 
wide; of all the Presidents, he was the most versatile, the near¬ 
est approach to him being Thomas Jefferson. In temperament, 
however, he more nearly resembled Jackson than Jefferson, and 
had all of Old Hickory’s restless energy, combativeness, frank¬ 
ness, ability to lead, and skill in winning popular applause, 
combined with far greater educational advantages, culture, and 
breadth of view. Some critics said that he acted too impul¬ 
sively, but, in reality, he worked and thought more rapidly than 
most men, and rarely, if ever, decided any really important 
question without first having made a careful investigation and 
formed a well-reasoned decision. Not infrequently during his 
presidency opponents pounced upon a supposed mistake only 
to find themselves involved in a maze of circumstances which 
justified his course. His capacity for work was, in fact, truly 
prodigious. His desk was always kept clear of business, so 
that he had time for the long look ahead. In part, this was due 
to his abounding vitality, which enabled him to meet the de¬ 
mands of an office whose duties had become so exacting that 
only a physically strong man was capable of filling it. All in 
all, no cannier or firmer hand ever held the helm of the ship 
of state. 

In his earlier career Roosevelt had actively promoted the 
cause of civil service reform, and he continued to uphold the 
principle as President. In most cases he permitted senators to 
name men for offices of a routine kind, but would 
foi^Sefecting himself select men for the more important posts; 
A^istants ^^er case he insisted that the appointees should 
be capable and honest. Of course, some mistakes 
were made, but Roosevelt had an unusual faculty for selecting 
efficient and devoted public servants, and instilling into them 
an enthusiastic esprit de corps. 


280 the united states in our own times 


There were in the South comparatively few white Repub¬ 
licans, and where honest and capable men of that 
towSd party could not be found the President usually 
Southern appointed Democrats. This policy pleased Southern 
ments nt white men and friends of good government every¬ 
where, but the good feeling caused thereby was dis¬ 
sipated by what most Northerners considered an unimportant 
episode. 

At this time the most prominent American negro was Booker 
T. Washington. Born a slave, Washington had managed to 
work his way through Hampton Institute, and subsequently 
The Booker f° un ded the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. He 
Washington made this a wonderful school, at which thousands 
of colored boys and girls not only acquired book¬ 
learning but practical training that fitted them to earn a liveli¬ 
hood. He constantly preached to his race the much-needed 
doctrines of thrift, sobriety, and labor. It was his view that 
the negro should not be too insistent upon his rights until he 
was fitted to exercise them. Professor Washington was one of 
the most eloquent speakers in the country, and had charmed 
multitudes by his humor, his homely common sense, his appeal 
to universal brotherhood. His books, especially his autobi¬ 
ographical Up from Slavery , were read by millions. His influ¬ 
ence for good was so great that a prominent Southern historian 
had stated that, with the exception of Robert E. Lee, he was 
the greatest man born in the South in a hundred years. Soon 
after Roosevelt became President, Washington came to the 
White House on business, and at the end of the interview ac¬ 
cepted an invitation to dinner. When the news spread through 
the South that the President had entertained a member of the 
“inferior race” at his table there was a great outburst of anger; 
for many Southerners saw in the episode an attempt to prac¬ 
tise “social equality,” and some considered it a deliberate af¬ 
front to their section. 

Democratic politicians made much of the matter, and also 
criticised the President for his policy with regard to negro 
office-holders. There were comparatively few such officials, 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 281 


and most of these were in localities where the negro population 
outnumbered the whites. The most discussed cases were those 
of a negro collector of the port of Charleston, and 
Objections of a ne S ro postmistress at Indianola, Mississippi. 
Office?™ The f° rmer was appointed by Roosevelt; the latter 
holders. had been in office for a decade. Both incumbents 
were efficient public servants; the only objec¬ 
tion was to their color. White residents of Indianola even 
threatened the postmistress with mob violence, and, as the 
local authorities could not guarantee her protection, the Presi¬ 
dent ordered the delivery of the mail at Indianola suspended. 
A fact that added to Northern bewilderment was that the pa¬ 
trons themselves then hired a colored man to carry their mail 
from the nearest office, so that they received it from black 
hands as before. In reply to objections to the appointment of 
negroes to office Roosevelt emphatically declared that he could 
not consent to “close the door of hope—the door of oppor¬ 
tunity ” to any one because of race or color. Like most sudden 
effervescences, Southern wrath soon subsided, and ultimately 
Roosevelt had a host of warm admirers in that section. 

Roosevelt not only sought to appoint capable men to office 
but he insisted on holding incumbents to a high standard of 
honesty and efficiency. Early in his presidency he carried out 
a searching investigation into corrupt conditions 
Corruption.* t ^ ie post-office department, and relentlessly prose¬ 
cuted the offenders. Several of the accused were 
convicted and served terms in prison. Some of the men impli¬ 
cated were influential Republicans, and the secretary of the 
national committee escaped prosecution only because of a 
statute of limitations. The President also broke up a Western 
land ring that was engaged in fraudulently obtaining public 
lands; a United States senator, a representative, and many 
smaller thieves were given penitentiary sentences. Another 
senator was prosecuted and convicted for having illegally used 
his influence with the post-office department to prevent the 
issue of a fraud order against a company of questionable char¬ 
acter. In these, as in numerous other cases, it was made plain 


282 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


that even men of great influence could not violate the law with 
impunity. 

Such prosecutions were viewed with misgivings by some Re¬ 
publican leaders. In later years, in his Autobiography , Roose¬ 
velt wrote that at the time of the post-office investigation, 
„ . “Several Senators came to me—Mr. Garfield was 

Good present on the occasion—and said that they were 

glad I was putting a stop to corruption, but they 
hoped I would avoid a scandal; that if I would make an ex¬ 
ample of some one man and then let the others quietly resign, 
it would avoid a disturbance that might hurt the party. They 
were advising me in good faith, and I was as courteous as pos¬ 
sible in my answer, but explained that I would have to act 
with the utmost rigor against the offenders, no matter what 
the effect on the party, and, moreover, that I did not believe 
it would hurt the party. It did not hurt the party. It helped 
the party. A favorite war-cry in American political life has 
always been, ‘Turn the rascals out/ We made it evident that, 
as far as we were concerned, this war-cry was pointless; for 
we turned our own rascals out.” 

The greatest problem confronting the country when Roose¬ 
velt came to power was that of the trusts. Hard times during 
Cleveland’s second administration had brought about a lull 
in industrial consolidation, but the return of pros- 
Probkm. St perity after McKinley entered office had been fol¬ 
lowed by a new rush toward the formation of mo¬ 
nopolies, or attempted monopolies. Prior to 1897 only sixty- 
three such combinations had been formed; within the next 
three years almost three times that number had been organ¬ 
ized. By 1903 the total capitalization of all the trusts amounted 
to about $7,000,000,000. 

Wherever there was an industry in which it seemed probable 
How Trusts t ^ iat even t ^ ie semblance of a monopoly could be built 
up, some promoter would set about forming an 
organization. This was usually done by inducing 
some of the great companies engaged in the business to agree 
to a consolidation; such companies would put their property 


were 

Formed. 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 283 


Excessive 

Capitaliza¬ 

tion. 


into the common undertaking and would receive stock in the 
trust. Those companies or individuals who refused to enter 
the combination would then be subjected to bitter competition, 
and would generally be crushed out or reduced to accept terms 
dictated by the trusts. 

Exaggerated ideas as to possible profits were spread abroad 
by the promoters, or “Captains of Finance,” as they were 
usually called, and nearly every trust formed was greatly over¬ 
capitalized. Comparatively little attention was 
paid to the actual investment in an industry. 
Good-will, the savings of combination, the profits 
accruing from tariff protection, even those due to the evasion 
of the laws against restraint of trade—these and other equally 
intangible assets were capitalized, along with the actual invest¬ 
ment. And such was the fever for speculation that the gul¬ 
lible public bought these watered securities with the avidity 
of hungry gudgeons. Thus the promoters who floated the 
schemes not only made untold millions, but the people actually 
supplied money for their own undoing. 

The bigness of the sums involved in these vast transactions, 
and the rapidity with which the promoters piled up great for¬ 
tunes, “dazzled men’s minds, so that they became drunk with 
the passion of money-getting, and blind to all other 
Finance! standards and ideals. They thought and spoke in 
millions; and the Napoleons of Wall Street became, 
in a sense, heroes and demigods. Men and women and even 
children all over the country drank in thirstily every scrap of 
news that was printed in the press about these so-called ‘cap¬ 
tains of industry,’ their successful ‘deals,’ the off-hand way in 
which they converted slips of worthless paper into guarantees 
of more than princely wealth, and all the details concerning 
their daily lives, their personal peculiarities, their virtues and 
their vices. To the imagination of millions of Americans, the 
financial centres of the country seemed to be spouting streams 
of gold into which any one might dip at will; and every Wall 
Street gutter figured as a new Pactolus.”* 

* Peck, Twenty Years of the Republic , page 634. 


284 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The greatest trust of all was formed in the steel industry. 
That industry had been striding ahead with incredible rapidity. 
New processes, new methods, efficient business organization 
had worked miracles, not only in cheapening the cost 
industry! of production, but also in multiplying the output. 

For example, by 1901 ore was being unloaded from 
the ore boats at a cost of seven cents per ton, a sum that was 
soon after lowered to two cents; the Carnegie Steel Company 
was carrying ore from Lake Erie to its mills near Pittsburgh at 
the rate of one mill per ton mile; in everything machinery ruled 
supreme, and in the most up-to-date establishments the ore was 
smelted at one’end and the resultant mineral was never allowed 
to cool until it came out a finished steel product at the other 
end. 

Thanks to favorable natural conditions, business ability, the 
protective tariff, and other factors, the iron and steel business 
was generally immensely profitable, yet at times there was 
ruinous competition which diminished or destroyed 
profits and disorganized industry. In 1901 such a 
war impended between the great Carnegie Steel 
Company and its rivals. Through the management of the 
astute J. Pierpont Morgan, of New York, who in those days 
figured as a sort of modern Midas, at whose touch everything 
turned to gold, a combination known as the United States Steel 
Corporation was formed that included the Carnegie Company 
and ten others of the leading steel and iron concerns, controlling 
about two-thirds of the total steel output of the country. 

Each of these eleven concerns was already a combination of 
smaller companies, representing a total of more than two hun¬ 
dred in all. The tangible value of the investment in the plants 
absorbed by the trust was estimated by the bureau 
of corporations at $682,000,000, but their combined 
stock-and-bond capitalization amounted to $911,- 
700,000. It was assumed that the practical elimination of com¬ 
petition would make the steel-and-iron business more than ever 
profitable, and the promoters of the new trust soon issued securi¬ 
ties amounting to the enormous sum of $1,404,000,000. The 


Formation 
of the Steel 
Trust. 


“Watered 

Stock.” 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 285 


common stock was nothing but “water,” that is, it had no real 
present value but merely value in prospect, yet immense blocks 
of it were sold; it soon went beyond 50, and a day was to come 
when it rose above par. 

A great number of Americans viewed the rush to consolida¬ 
tion with grave misgivings. Thousands were ruined by the 
ruthless competition of the trusts; millions felt the pinch of 
The monopoly prices. It had been our proud boast 

Plutocracy ^at “America” was synonymous with “oppor¬ 
tunity,” but the rapid concentration of the resources 
of the country in a few hands seemed likely to deprive future 
generations of the chance of obtaining a fair start in life. It 
was notorious that Machiavellian methods pervaded “Big 
Business” and that the fortunes of some of the great magnates 
had been built up by reprehensible practices. It was even be¬ 
lieved by many that the federal and State governments were 
sometimes dominated by a plutocracy of special privilege. 

The problem was complicated by the fact that many of the 
trusts were more or less intimately connected by cross direc¬ 
torates, interlocking directorates, and control of banks and 
trust companies. A community of interest was 
Interests^ 8 thus created that tended to destroy competition 
throughout its range, and to render the position of 
a trust almost impregnable. Thus John D. Rockefeller, the 
dominant figure in the Standard Oil Trust, was not content to 
deal merely in oil, but obtained control of the great Amal¬ 
gamated Copper Company, and practical control of more than 
half a hundred banks, besides engaging in gas and various other 
industries. Much the same situation obtained regarding J. P. 
Morgan and other trust magnates. In 1904 John Moody, a 
recognized authority on financial matters, wrote of the Rocke¬ 
feller and Morgan interests in his The Truth about the Trusts. 

Around these two groups, or what must ultimately become one 
greater group, all other smaller groups of capitalists congregate. 
They are all allied and intertwined by their various mutual inter¬ 
ests. For instance, the Pennsylvania Railroad interests are on 
the one hand allied with the Vanderbilts, and on the other 


286 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES % 


with the Rockefellers. The Vanderbilts are closely allied with 
the Morgan group, and both the Pennsylvania and Vanderbilt 
The interests have recently become the dominating factors 

Rockefeller in the Reading system, a former Morgan road, and 
and Morgan the most important part of the anthracite coal com- 
Groups. bine w bj c h been dominated by the Morgan people. 
. . . Viewed as a whole, we find the dominating influences in the 
trusts to be made up of an intricate network of large and small 
capitalists, many allied to another by ties of more or less impor¬ 
tance, but all being appendages to or parts of the greater groups 
which are themselves dependent on and allied with the two mam¬ 
moth, or Rockefeller and Morgan, groups. These two mammoth 
groups jointly . . . constitute the heart of the business and com¬ 
mercial life of the nation. 


Men came to call this great financial octopus, 
System.” with its wide-reaching tentacles, “The System,” 
and it was hated and feared by millions. 

The trusts, however, did not lack defenders. Such organiza¬ 
tions were, it was alleged, a natural outgrowth of the Industrial 
Revolution and of modern business conditions. Great emphasis 
was laid upon the increased efficiency of production 
Sf Trusts ° f unc ^ er a trust. A trust had need of only one set of 
Emphasize highly paid executive officers instead of many; it 
Efficiency. could obtain raw materials more cheaply, make 
greater use of by-products, obtain markets with less 
advertising and fewer travelling men, and in a great variety of 
ways could eliminate the many “wastes of competition.” The 
claim was also advanced that, owing to efficiency of production 
under the trust system, the general public would share some of 
the benefits in decreased prices. 

Many enemies of the trusts denied the validity of such argu¬ 
ments; more discriminating critics admitted the force of some 
of them, but doubted whether the good aspects of combination 
outweighed the bad. For example, they pointed 
to the flagrant overcapitalization of most of the 
trusts as sufficient evidence of the fact that captains 
of finance did not form combinations from altruistic 
It was evident, they alleged, that the magnates ex- 


Arguments 
of Enemies 
of the 
Trusts. 


motives. 


pec ted to pay dividends on “watered stock” by exacting great 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 287 


sums from consumers, and had no intention of allowing the gen¬ 
eral public to reap any of the much-vaunted benefits resulting 
from combination. In fact, it frequently happened that soon 
after a product “went into a trust” the price was raised rather 
than lowered. 

Many persons contended «that the trusts were an unnatural 
development resulting from artificial advantages such as the 
protective tariff; in their opinion the trusts ought to be broken 
up by rigorous legislation, and the old era of com- 

Were Trusts 

a Natural petition restored. Others thought the trusts in the 
ment? 0P " main a natura l development, but differed as to how 
they ought to be dealt with. The trust magnates, 
of course, wished to be left unfettered and unchecked. Other 
thinkers contended for government control. The Socialists 
raised the cry that the nation should own the trusts. 

The Sherman Antitrust Law of 1890 was a halting effort at 
repressing the trusts altogether. It had doubtless served to 
render combinations somewhat more moderate in their aggres¬ 
sions, but most of the cases begun under it had had 
AnUtnjst man a disappointing ending, and it seemed hardly more 
than a dead letter. The McKinley administration 
made no effort to enforce the law; McKinley himself 
seems to have felt some uneasiness over the progress 
of consolidation, but his mentor, Hanna, viewed it with com¬ 
placency. Trust magnates contributed heavily to the Repub¬ 
lican campaign fund in 1900, and, in the words of Herbert Croly, 
Hanna’s biographer, “When Mr. McKinley was re-elected, big 
business undoubtedly considered that it had received a license 
to do very much as it pleased.” In fact, the great captains of 
finance were rapidly coming to feel that they formed a priv¬ 
ileged class, above and beyond the reach of restraint from any 
source. 

They were destined to a rude disillusionment. Many Ameri¬ 
cans were coming to believe that big business was rotten at the 
core, and that something must be done in the interest of the 
common man. The laissez-faire policy (let business alone), 
crowned a century before by Adam Smith, was still powerful, 


Law Prac¬ 
tically a 
Dead Letter. 


288 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


but a revolt was brewing against the principle. For many gen¬ 
erations the Anglo-Saxon race had been plodding along the road 
A Battle for to equality, and in theory had reached that 

Equality of goal. But men were beginning to see that political 
Opportunity, e q ua ^ t y a p 0Qr thing unless accompanied by 

something approaching equality of economic opportunity. 
For the new battle men now began to gird themselves. Most 
demanded not equal wealth but a fair start. 

President Roosevelt held the view that the trusts were in a 
measure a natural development that must be controlled in the 
public interest, and he drew a distinction between business done 
r on a large scale, which he considered legitimate, 

Distinction and monopolistic combinations, which he sought to 
Large-Scale destroy. In his first message to Congress (Decem- 
M^nopoly nd ^ )er I 9° I ) discussed railroad and trust questions, 
conceded that industrial concentration could not be 
prevented, and expressed the view that if properly regulated it 
was highly desirable. State control, he asserted, was no longer 
adequate, and federal control must be increased. Therefore, he 
He Favors ur g e d federal control over all combinations engaged 
Federal in interstate trade, the elimination of overcapitali¬ 
zation, railway rebates, and other abuses. Congress 
paid little heed at first to his recommendations. Their recep¬ 
tion in the Senate, some of whose members were rather the paid 
attorneys of powerful financial interests than representatives 
of the States they were supposed to serve, proved particularly 
cold. The President determined to arouse public opinion to 
his support, and in the summer and autumn of 1902, in speeches 
made in New England and the Middle West, he vigorously pro¬ 
pounded his views regarding the trusts. In a speech at Cin¬ 
cinnati (September 20, 1902) he said: 

In dealing with the big corporations which we call Trusts, we 
All Must must resolutely purpose to proceed by evolution and 
Obey the not by revolution. . . . The evils attendant upon 

Law ' overcapitalization alone are in my judgment sufficient 

to warrant a far closer supervision and control than now exists over 
the great corporations. ... We do not wish to destroy corpo- 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 289 


rations; but we do wish to make them subserve the public 
good. All individuals, rich or poor, private or corporate, must 
be held to the law of the land . . . and the Government will hold 
them to a rigid obedience. The biggest corporation, like the 
humblest private citizen, must be held to strict compliance with 
the will of the people as expressed in the fundamental law. The 
rich man who does not see this is indeed short-sighted. When we 
make him obey the law, we insure for him the absolute protection 
of the law. 

There was nothing revolutionary in such utterances, but 
they aroused apprehension and anger in the minds of trust 
magnates. The President had already taken action which 
showed that he did not mean to stop with words. 
Northern In the preceding March he had instructed his at- 
Case? tieS torney-general, Philander C. Knox, to bring suit 
under the Sherman Antitrust Act to dissolve the 
Northern Securities Company, a so-called “holding company,” 
organized in hospitable New Jersey by the Hill and Morgan 
interests for the purpose of “merging” the Great Northern, 
Northern Pacific, and Burlington railways, and eliminating 
competition. This company would have dominated the trans¬ 
portation of the Northwest, and it might have been the begin¬ 
ning of a movement to consolidate all the railways of the coun¬ 
try. The governors of some of the Northwestern States had 
protested, started suits in the local courts, and appealed to 
the President for aid. In the so-called Knight case, decided 
in 1895, the Supreme Court had taken so narrow a view of the 
Sherman Act that most lawyers believed that the federal suit 
against the Northern Securities Company would fail. Attorney- 
General Knox thought otherwise. He had himself been a great 
corporation lawyer, and he knew all the weak joints in the 
trusts’ armor. Under his capable management of the case the 
government won a decision in a federal circuit court (April 9, 
1903), and the decision was sustained by the Federal Supreme 
Court (March 14, 1904). The company was forced to dissolve. 

Meanwhile the East had received an object-lesson in the evils 
of unrestrained monopoly. Most of the anthracite coal mines 
of Pennsylvania were in the hands of a combine that controlled 


2 9 o THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

both the mines and the coal-carrying railroads. The magnates 
were exceedingly grasping in their dealings with both their 
employees and consumers. The employees were not 
Anthracite only poorly paid but were often compelled to buy 
fgo] Stnke * their supplies at the company’s stores, to live in the 
company’s houses, even to employ the company’s 
physicians. In the middle of May, 1902, after vainly asking 
for better terms, the men struck for higher wages, shorter hours, 
recognition of their union, the United Mine Workers of America, 
and abolition of the “pluck-me stores” and other grievances. 
The strikers numbered about 150,000, and under the capable 
leadership of John Mitchell, head of the United Mine Workers, 
they succeeded in practically paralyzing the anthracite indus¬ 
try. Largely through the influence of Mitchell, the strikers in¬ 
dulged in comparatively little violence, and, as they had real 
grievances, they won the sympathy of a large part of the gen¬ 
eral public. 

The strike continued during the summer and early fall, and 
as cold weather came on a wide-spread coal famine developed. 
In the great cities of the East prices soared; often coal could 
not be obtained at any price. All classes suffered, 
Si-Sers!^ but the poor most of all. Even hospitals sometimes 
had to go without fire. The situation created great 
alarm, and a wide-spread demand arose that the strike must 
be settled at any cost. The strikers expressed a willingness to 
arbitrate the differences, but the coal barons arrogantly turned 
a deaf ear to any suggestions that they make concessions, and 
actually withheld some of the coal mined in the hope that the 
suffering for lack of fuel would react against the strikers. 

From all sides appeals were sent to President Roosevelt that 

he should intervene to stop the strike. Though without definite 

constitutional authority, the President considered the situation 

An to be so serious that he summoned representatives 

Unavailing of both parties to the White House and appealed 
Conference. . „ , 

to them to settle their differences for the public 
good. Mitchell and other representatives of the miners had 
already agreed to submit the dispute to a commission which 
the President should name, and they renewed the offer; but 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 291 

the operators displayed a studied insolence of manner, refused 
to talk arbitration or accommodation of any kind, and used 
language that was insulting to the miners and offensive to the 
President. 

The President almost despaired of reaching an agreement. 
He formed a secret plan to appoint an investigating committee 
to look into the rights of the case, and obtained a promise from 
ex-President Cleveland to serve as head of the com- 
Se°cret V piin. mission. He also arranged to send a force of reg¬ 
ulars into the anthracite district and to have their 
commander keep order, “dispossess the operators and run the 
mines as a receiver,” until the commission could report and 
some better plan could be put into effect. 

Fortunately it did not prove necessary to resort to such a 
radical step. Public indignation and an inkling as to what 
might follow if they remained obstinate forced the operators to 
give way, and at a new conference (October 15) 
Settled^ 6 they agreed to accept arbitration. Mining was 
speedily resumed, suffering from lack of coal was 
soon alleviated, and when the arbitration commission appointed 
by the President brought in its award (March 18, 1903), the 
terms were generally favorable to the strikers. 

The strike thus ended is notable from many points of view: 
for its magnitude, the arrogant behavior of the coal barons, 
the extraordinary method taken by the President to force a 
settlement, recognition of the fact that in the mighty 
uSconflkt. battles between labor and capital in the present 
day there is a third party concerned, namely, the 
great general public, whose interests in the last analysis must be 
paramount to those of either or to those of both combined. 

The problem of industrial peace had become of primary 
importance. In the period 1881-1905 there occurred 36,757 
strikes and 1,546 lockouts, involving almost 200,000 establish- 
The Problem ments an d over 9,000,000 employees. The total 
of Industrial direct and indirect losses resulting therefrom can 
only be guessed at, but they probably exceeded the 
direct cost of any war in which the United States had then been 
engaged. Many of the strikes were peaceable in character, yet 


2 9 2 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

hardly a month passed in which, in some part of the country, 
destruction of property, and beating and murder of “ scabs,” 
conflicts between rioters and the police or militia, secret assas¬ 
sinations, dynamiting, bomb-throwing, and other manifesta¬ 
tions of lawlessness and violence did not combine to produce a 
condition which, if reported from a Spanish-American country, 
would be dignified with the name of “revolution.” Thinking 
men were asking whether such a recurring condition of violence, 
with its accompaniments of great economic loss, bloodshed, 
starvation of women and little children, should be allowed to 
continue forever. 

Various solutions had been proposed, and of these arbitra¬ 
tion was the most promising. Many of the States had enacted 
laws providing for conciliation and arbitration, and some good 
results were accomplished under these laws, but in 
Act! ^898 Qan general the results proved disappointing. In 1898 
Congress passed the so-called Erdman Act, but for 
some years it remained practically a dead letter. Ultimately 
resort was had to it, and in the five years preceding 1913 it was 
invoked in forty-eight cases, some of them important. The act 
was amended in 1911, and again in 1913. The last-mentioned 
amendment established a permanent federal board of concilia¬ 
tion and arbitration, but resort to it remained a matter of 
choice. Both capital and labor have generally shown them¬ 
selves hostile to any system of compulsory arbitration, and there 
are so many other difficulties involved that most authorities 
regard arbitration in labor disputes to be a palliative rather 
than a panacea. 

President Roosevelt’s interference in the coal strike intensi¬ 
fied the dislike which some financial magnates were beginning 
to feel toward him. Through newspapers controlled by them, 
v . e and through many other agencies, an effort was 
to Destroy made to discredit him with the people, and to 
Popularity 5 inculcate the view that he was a “dangerous man,” 
that he had a “lawless mind,” that he was “revo¬ 
lutionary,” if not “anarchical.” All their efforts proved vain. 
The President had bitter critics, and not a few enemies, but he 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 293 

captured the confidence of the great mass of the people. No 
other President since Jackson was so generally applauded. His 
vigor, his denunciation of wrong-doing, his fondness for life in 
the open, his frankness, and even some of his faults won him 
multitudes of friends. It was his proud boast that the doors 
of the White House swung as easily to the poor man as to the 
plutocrat. Authors, scholars, artists, journalists, laborers, 
business men, ranchmen, Rough Riders, and even prize-fighters 
were freely admitted to his office, and many were entertained at 
his table. Throughout his presidency his remarkable popularity 
remained the despair of his enemies. 

By 1903 confiding investors in the stocks of some of the 
trusts discovered how poorly performance matched promise, 
and awoke to the painful discovery that some of the demigods 
Trust of finance were no better than vulgar swindlers. 

Formation This disillusionment, combined with the attitude 
adopted by the administration, brought an end to 
the financial frenzy, and stopped the wild rush to consolidation. 
Stock exchanges were bloated with “undigested” and “indiges¬ 
tible” securities. Inflated values dropped like the barometer 
before a cyclone. Some trusts failed altogether. Even the 
preferred stock of United States Steel, which had risen as high 
as 101 fell to 49, and the common stock, which had been 
quoted as high as 55, dropped to 8 ) 4 . The slump in stocks of 
this character proved only temporary, however, and in later 
years some of them rose to much higher levels. 

Almost from the beginning some of the leaders in Congress 
of Roosevelt’s own party were either openly or covertly hostile 
to him, but on important measures he was usually able to ob- 
Roosevelt tain the support of a number of progressively 
Democratic minded Democratic senators and representatives. 
Support. j n hj s Autobiography Roosevelt later paid a high 
tribute to Democrats who, like Senator Clark of Arkansas and 
Senator Cockrell of Missouri, refused to permit loyalty to party 
to interfere with loyalty to the interests of the country. 

In 1902 the President secured the passage of the important 
Reclamation Act, described in a later chapter; and in De- 


294 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Cuban 

Reciprocity. 


cember, 1903, he managed, against the bitter opposition of the 
beet and cane sugar interests and other high protectionists, 
to force through favorable reciprocity concessions 
to Cuba. Both these measures received large 
Democratic support, and the first was fathered by 
a Democrat, namely Francis G. Newlands, a broad-gauge 
representative from Nevada. 

In the direction of trust control the President also secured 
New the creation in 1903 of a Department of Com- 

ofSmera merce and Labor, with a bureau of corporations, 
and Labor. whose business should be to collect information 
concerning combinations engaged in interstate and foreign 
trade. In the same year Congress also passed the Elkins Act 
The Elkins forbidding railroads granting rebates to favored 
Act - shippers, but the measure was less drastic than 

the President desired and the needs of the situation demanded. 

A number of important international questions engaged the 
President’s attention in these years. In this field 
Combination. possessed unsurpassed abilities, and in the per¬ 
son of John Hay he enjoyed the capable assistance 
of one of our greatest secretaries of state. Together the two 
made a combination rarely equalled in our history. 

At this time Venezuela was ruled by a mongrel named Cas¬ 
tro, a Spanish-American dictator of the worst type. Under 
him Venezuela fell behind in her financial obligations to the 
citizens of many nations, and large claims were also 
put forward against her for the alleged seizure or 
destruction of property during civil wars. In 1901 
the governments of Germany, Italy, and Great 
Britain took steps to compel Venezuela to make payment to 
their citizens. The validity of some of the claims and debts 
was doubtful, the right of a nation to exact payment of sums 
owed to its citizens was dubious, and for these and other reasons 
the government of the United States watched the undertaking 
closely. In the initial stages the enterprise resembled the in¬ 
tervention of France, Great Britain, and Spain in Mexico in 
the time of our Civil War. Germany was the moving spirit in 


The 

Venezuelan 

Debt 

Question. 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 295 


the new combination, and in view of her well-known hunger for 
territory, and of the fact that she had recently tried to obtain 
naval bases in Lower California, and off the coast of Venezuela, 
there seemed to be reason to fear that the Kaiser might aspire 
to play in Venezuela some such role as that attempted by 
Napoleon III in Mexico. 

After much diplomatic sparring, Germany, which, in Roose¬ 
velt’s words, was “rather feebly backed by England,” declared 
(December 8, 1901) what was called a “pacific blockade” of 
Germany Venezuelan ports. Secretary Hay repeatedly pro- 
Refuses to tested that such a blockade was a contradiction in 
terms, and that its enforcement against the rights 
of neutral states could not be tolerated. He urged that the 
dispute should be referred to arbitration. Italy and Great 
Britain expressed a willingness to come to an understanding, 
but Germany refused. In December, 1902, Germany and Great 
Britain severed all diplomatic relations with Venezuela, and de¬ 
clared a formal blockade. Venezuelan vessels were captured, 
forts at Puerto Cabello were bombarded, and the seizure of 
Venezuelan territory was imminent. 

Neither Roosevelt nor Hay desired to protect Venezuela 
from the payment of just debts, but both statesmen understood 
German ambitions in South America. Though Germany pro¬ 
fessed that if she seized territory, occupation would 
and*Hay 1 ^e only “temporary,” they knew that such posses- 

Determine sion might easily become permanent, and they de- 
Hal ? 11 a cided that the time had come to uphold the spirit 
of the Monroe Doctrine. Luckily both men under¬ 
stood the arguments that appeal to the Prussian mind; luckily, 
also, the United States had at that time a navy that was more 
than a match for the one that flew the flag of the Hohenzollerns. 
Quietly, and as if merely for “manoeuvres,” the President gath¬ 
ered the American fighting fleet in West Indian waters. The 
commander of this fleet was Admiral George Dewey. “I was 
at Culebra, Puerto Rico, at the time,” wrote Dewey many years 
later, “in command of a fleet consisting of over fifty ships, in¬ 
cluding every battleship and every torpedo-boat that we had. 


296 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

with orders from Washington to hold the fleet in hand and be 
ready to move at a moment’s notice.” 

Roosevelt had ascertained that Great Britain “was merely 
following Germany’s lead in rather half-hearted fashion,” and 
that she would not back Germany in case of a clash with 
the United States. He therefore determined to 
Ultimatum. f° rce the issue with the Kaiser’s government. One 
day he summoned to the White House Herr von 
Holleben, the German ambassador, and informed him that he 
could not acquiesce in the seizure of Venezuelan territory, and 
that the dispute must be arbitrated. The ambassador replied 
that his government would not arbitrate, and reiterated that 
Germany had no intention of taking “permanent” possession 
of any territory. The President responded that Germany’s 
“ temporary” occupations had a way of becoming “permanent,” 
and that he did not intend to have another Kiauchau on the 
approach to the Panama Canal. He also informed Herr von 
Holleben that unless by noon ten days later Germany had 
agreed to arbitrate, he would send Dewey’s fleet to Venezuelan 
waters to see that the German forces did not take possession of 
any territory. The ambassador attempted to argue the ques¬ 
tion, but Roosevelt stated that it was not a matter of argument 
but of information, which it would be well for the ambassador 
to convey to Berlin. 

A week later Von Holleben again had an interview with the 
President on various topics, and rose to go without having said 
anything about the Venezuelan matter. The President in- 
Germany quired whether he had heard from his government 
Accepts regarding arbitration. The reply was that he had 
Arbitration. rece j ve( j n0 worc i “i n that case,” said the Presi¬ 
dent in substance, “it will be useless to wait as long as I in¬ 
tended, and I shall instruct Admiral Dewey to sail a day sooner.” 
Much perturbed, the diplomat expressed deep apprehension, 
and again said that his government would not arbitrate; the 
Kaiser had said he would not arbitrate and, of course, would 
not recede from his stand. However, less than twenty-four 
hours before the ultimatum expired word came from Berlin that 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 297 

Germany would accept arbitration. Thereupon President 
Roosevelt, who had withheld the real facts from the world, 
publicly complimented the Kaiser on his friendship for arbitra¬ 
tion! But, says the biographer of Hay, “the humor of this 
was probably relished more in the White House than in the 
Palace at Berlin.” More than a dozen years elapsed before the 
full story was given to the world. 

The claims of the citizens of ten powers were submitted to 
The the Hague tribunal, and all were scaled down, 

the amount ordered paid to German citizens 
being less than a third of what they had demanded. 

Having failed to impose his will in America by rattling the 
scabbard, the Kaiser resorted to blandishments to win influ¬ 
ence in the United States. He ordered a yacht built in this 
German country, and sent his brother, Prince Henry, to 
Prepanitioii 5 attend the launching—also “ to solidify the German- 
American movement in behalf of the Fatherland.” 
In a great variety of ways—by the gift of a statue of Frederick 
the Great, by organizing German-American societies, by ex¬ 
changing professors, even through pacifist propaganda—an 
effort was made to insert the pan-German poison into American 
veins, for already the great Plot that was to bring disaster to 
mankind, and misery and death to millions, was in preparation. 

The situation of Venezuela as regards debts and damages 
owed to foreigners was a common one among the rebellion- 
ridden Latin-American states, particularly those in tropical 
regions. Furthermore, some of these states, or 
revolutionary parties in those states, were not in¬ 
frequently guilty of grave infractions of international 
law that called for redress. In a message to Con¬ 
gress (December 3, 1901) at the beginning of the 
Venezuelan squabble, President Roosevelt had taken the view 
that the coercion of an American State did not violate the Mon¬ 
roe Doctrine, provided that such action did not “take the form 
of the acquisition of territory by any non-American power.” 

Senor Drago, the Argentine minister of foreign affairs, took 
a different view of the question, and in a note dated December 


The 

Problem of 
Intervention 
in Latin- 
American 
States. 


298 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

29, 1902, restated in modified form the “Calvo Doctrine,” 
named after an Argentine publicist who formulated it. Accord- 
The Calvo i n S to doctrine a government has no right to 
Drago insist, even by diplomatic action, that the pecuniary 
claims of its citizens against another state be paid. 
As regards forcible collection of loans by military means, Drago 
contended that it “implies territorial occupation to make them 
effective, and territorial occupation signifies the suppression or 
subordination of the governments of the countries on which it 
is imposed.” The “ Calvo Doctrine,” or as it came to be usually 
called, the “Drago Doctrine,” was indorsed by most of the 
Latin-American states, and in part was adopted by the Hague 
Conference of 1907. The powers bound themselves not to 
employ force for the recovery of contract debts, but the 
undertaking was not to be binding in case the debtor state 
refused or neglected to reply to an offer of arbitration, or, 
having accepted arbitration, failed to accept the award. 

Complications arising in 1904-05 in connection with Santo 
Domingo led President Roosevelt to evolve a new plan in re¬ 
gard to such questions. Affairs in that “black Republic” were 
in a state of chronic disorder. In the words of 
Domingo. Roosevelt, in his Autobiography: “There was always 
fighting, always plundering; and the successful 
graspers for governmental powers were always pawning ports 
and custom-houses, or trying to put them up as guarantees 
for loans. Of course the foreigners who made loans under such 
conditions demanded exorbitant interest, and if they were 
Europeans expected their governments to stand by them. So 
utter was the disorder that on one occasion when Admiral 
Dewey landed to pay a call of ceremony on the president, he 
and his party were shot at by revolutionists in crossing the 
square, and had to return to the ships, leaving the call 
unpaid.” There was default in the interest due to foreign 
creditors; certain nations—especially France, Belgium, and 
Italy—arranged for concerted action; and the United States 
was notified that the powers interested intended to occupy 
several of the ports in order to collect the customs. President 














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BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 299 


Morales appealed to the United States to save his country 
from the disaster of foreign occupation. 

At this juncture President Roosevelt adopted the view that 
the United States could not undertake to protect delinquent 
American nations from punishment for the non-performance of 
their duties unless she would also undertake to 
Obligation. make them perform their duties. In a message to 
Congress (December 6, 1904) he said: “Chronic 
wrong-doing, or an impotence which results in a general loosen¬ 
ing of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, 
ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and, 
in the Western hemisphere, the adherence of the United States 
to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however 
reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrong-doing or impotence, 
to the exercise of an international police power.” 

In the following February a protocol was arranged with the 
existing Santo Domingan Government, whereby the United 
States undertook to take charge of the custom-houses, collect 
the customs, and turn over 45 per cent to Santo 
Domingo, and put the remainder in a sinking fund 
for the benefit of the creditors. For two years the 
United States Senate refused to ratify the treaty, 
but the President proceeded under a modus vivendi 
to carry the plan into execution. Finally, in February, 1907, 
the Senate consented to ratify a revised treaty, which, however, 
continued the financial arrangement. Since that time it has 
several times been necessary for our sailors and marines to 
fight petty battles to preserve order, but, upon the whole, the 
arrangement has worked well. 

The principle that the United States may exercise “an inter¬ 
national police power,” and act as the agent in the 
collection of debts from irresponsible American 
states, has sometimes been called the Roosevelt cor¬ 
ollary of the Monroe Doctrine. In view of the in¬ 
creasing importance of our relations with Latin 
America, the problem it attempts to solve is likely to attract 
much attention in the future. 


The u. S. 
Assumes the 
Management 
of Santo 
Domingan 
Finances. 


Roosevelt 
Corollary 
to the 
Monroe 
Doctrine. 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


3 00 


Relations 
with Great 
Britain. 


The Dream 
of an 
Isthmian 
Canal. 


During these years, relations with Great Britain became in¬ 
creasingly friendly. A long-outstanding dispute over the 
Alaskan boundary was settled (October 20, 1903), 
and by consenting to abrogate the Clayton-Bulwer 
convention of 1850 Great Britain good-naturedly 
removed a diplomatic obstacle that stood in the way of our 
constructing an isthmian canal. 

For centuries men had dreamed of digging through the narrow 
isthmus that separates the Atlantic from the Pacific, and open¬ 
ing a highway for ships between the two oceans. The discov¬ 
ery of gold in California and the desirability of a 
shorter water route to the new El Dorado first 
caused the people of the United States to consider 
the thought of an isthmian canal seriously. But 
the time was not yet come. A Panama railway was, how¬ 
ever, constructed by American capital for use in carrying pas¬ 
sengers and freight from one ocean to the other. The United 
States also concluded with Great Britain the Clayton-Bulwer 
convention, which contemplated the construction of a canal by 
private capital, and pledged each party never to “obtain or 
maintain for itself any exclusive control over the said ship 
canal.” This convention was later a source of much embar¬ 
rassment to the United States. 

The completion in 1869 of the Suez Canal, and the great suc¬ 
cess of that venture, revived interest in the American project. 
In 1872 an interoceanic canal commission, created by Con- 
De Lesseps 8 ress > began to survey possible routes, and about the 
Seeks New same time Ferdinand de Lesseps, the famous builder 
of the Suez Canal, decided to add to his Old World 
laurels fresh ones won in the New. De Lesseps and his asso¬ 
ciates considered a number of routes, among them that across 
the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, that by way of Lake Nicaragua, 
and that across the Isthmus of Panama. The last was the 
shortest, and it was ultimately chosen. A great company was 
formed in France, a concession already granted by Colombia 
to a Frenchman named Wyse was taken over, and other prepa¬ 
rations were made to transform a dream into a reality. 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 301 


The plan for a canal under French auspices aroused much 
antagonism in the United States, for the interference of Napo¬ 
leon III in Mexico had not been forgotten, and the idea that 
any canal constructed at Panama must be under 
Opposition. our control had taken deep root. But in 1880 De 
Lesseps came to the United States and did much to 
disarm his critics by pointing out that his company was a pri¬ 
vate enterprise, in no sense an affair of the French Government, 
and that by subscribing to a majority of the stock Americans 
could obtain control. He also managed to obtain considerable 
financial support, and even induced a member of Hayes’s cab¬ 
inet, namely Richard W. Thompson, to accept the presidency 
of an American advisory committee, a circumstance which led 
Hayes to ask for Thompson’s resignation. In a message to 
Congress Hayes himself had declared (March 8, 1880): “The 
policy of this country is a canal under American control. The 
United States cannot consent to the surrender of this control 
to any European power, or to any combination of European 
powers.” Such a canal “would be the great ocean thorough¬ 
fare between our Atlantic and our Pacific shores, and virtually 
a part of the coast-line of the United States.” 

Early in 1881 the De Lesseps company began work on the 
great enterprise. De Lesseps estimated the cost at only 
$120,000,000. He even fixed upon 1888 as the year for open- 
Failure of * n S canal, and issued invitations for the cere- 
the French monies! But the natural obstacles at Panama 
Company were f ar greater than at Suez, labor problems were 
more difficult, and, as the deadly character of mosquitoes was 
then unknown, yellow fever and malaria swept away the work¬ 
men by thousands. Furthermore, the company’s financial 
affairs were grossly mismanaged; vast sums were deliberately 
stolen. In 1884 De Lesseps’ estimate had already been ex¬ 
ceeded by $10,000,000, and the real work was hardly begun. 
Five years later the company collapsed. Investigations re¬ 
vealed a vast amount of corruption. Some of the culprits were 
sentenced to prison; the scandal shook France to its founda¬ 
tions, and threatened the life of the republic. Only a fraction 


302 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

of the excavating work had been done, and costly steam-dredges, 
engines, and other machinery lay rusting for years in the muddy 
ooze of tropical swamps. 

Meanwhile many plans had been formed for digging a purely 
American canal. In 1889 Congress granted a charter to the 
Maritime Canal Company, which proposed to use the Nica- 
The raguan route. Some construction work was done 

Nicaragua by this company, but in 1893 its limited funds be¬ 

came exhausted, and work was practically suspended. 
A strong effort was made to induce Congress to subsidize the 
company, but the hostility of the transcontinental railways, 
which dreaded competition by water, and doubts as to the feasi¬ 
bility of the enterprise combined with other causes to prevent 
favorable action. 

In 1898 the spectacular voyage of the Oregon focussed public 
attention upon the need for a canal, and helped to develop an 
insistent demand that the United States should construct and 
control such a waterway. In the way stood the 
Bulwer 1 Clayton-Bulwer treaty. In the early ’8o’s Secre- 
Abrogated. tar y °* State Blaine and his successor, Frelinghuysen, 
had repeatedly tried to secure modifications of the 
treaty, but had found Great Britain obdurate. When John 
Hay became secretary of state he took up the task, and in 1900 
negotiated with Lord Pauncefote, the British ambassador, a 
treaty removing some of the objectionable features of the pact, 
but retaining others. The Senate amended the treaty, and 
Great Britain refused to accept the amendments. Finally, 
soon after Roosevelt became President, Hay and Pauncefote 
reached a new agreement formally abrogating the Clayton- 
Bulwer convention, and this was duly ratified. The new treaty 
made it possible for the United States to construct, fortify, 
and operate a canal. The only important limitation was that 
the canal must be open to the vessels of all nations “on terms 
of entire equality.” 

Before this time the New Panama Canal Company, successor 
to the old De Lesseps Company, had offered to sell its rights 
on the isthmus to the United States for $100,000,000. The 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 303 


sum was excessive, and a canal commission had reported in 
favor of building a canal by the Nicaragua route. But on Janu- 
Nicaragua ar y 4> ^o 2 , the French company reduced its price to 
Route nama $40,000,000, a reasonable amount. The alarmed 
friends of the Nicaragua route managed a few days 
later to carry through the House, almost unanimously, a bill 
providing for a canal by that route. But the Senate, after a 
long fight, adopted an amendment authorizing the President 
to accept the French company’s offer, to acquire control at 
Panama of a strip of land not less than six miles in width from 
sea to sea, and to dig the canal at that place; provided, however, 
that in case he found it impossible to do these things, within 
“a reasonable time and upon reasonable terms,” then he should 
turn to the Nicaragua route. The main influence in bringing 
the Senate to make this decision—an eminently wise one—was 
wielded by Senator Hanna, whose keen business brain dis¬ 
cerned the many advantages of Panama over Nicaragua. In 
a speech championing his view he made use of the argument 
that the Nicaragua region was much subject to seismic disturb¬ 
ances—an argument that was especially effective because re¬ 
cent volcanic eruptions on the island of Martinique, result¬ 
ing in frightful loss of fife, had made a deep impression in 
the United States. The House subsequently accepted the 
Senate’s amendment, and President Roosevelt, who him¬ 
self favored the Panama route, signed the bill (June 28, 
1902). 

An agreement With the French company was reached without 
difficulty, and on January 27, 1903, Secretary Hay and Doctor 
Thomas Herran, Colombian charge at Washington, signed a 
treaty whereby the United States agreed to pay 
Colombia. th Colombia $10,000,000 for her consent to our pur¬ 
chase of the French company’s rights, and for leasing 
in perpetuity a strip six miles wide across the isthmus, and that 
after nine years Colombia was to receive an annual bonus of 
$250,000. The Senate of the United States promptly ratified 
the treaty. 

The government of Colombia at this time was the usual South 


3 o4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Panama 
Plans to 
Revolt. 


American “dictatorship/’ with all that this word implies. 
“President” Maroquin, under whose authority the treaty had 
been negotiated, called a Congress to consider the 
SenaS bian treaty—the first that had met for five years. After 

Treaty l° n g delay the Senate unanimously rejected the 

treaty. It is alleged that before this was done 
efforts were made to compel the French company to pay $10,- 
000,000 for the privilege of selling. There is no doubt that the 
Colombian authorities hoped to force the United States to raise 
the price. Furthermore, some of them wished to wait and con¬ 
fiscate the property of the French company, whose concession, 
they contended, would soon expire. 

The people of the isthmus had looked forward to deriving 
great benefits from the canal, and were deeply disgruntled by 
the rejection of the treaty. The French company also felt 
chagrined, and feared that its rights would be con¬ 
fiscated. Agents of the company and of the people 
planned a revolution in Panama. Such a conspiracy, 
it may be remarked, was not unusual in Colombia, for in fifty- 
three years there had been at least fifty-three revolutions, or 
attempted revolutions, in that distracted country. Maroquin 
himself had in 1900, when he was Vice-President, gained control 
by the simple expedient of seizing and imprisoning his superior, 
and then claiming to be chief executive because of “ the absence 
of the President!” Doctor Manuel Amador Guerrero, one of 
the isthmian leaders, and M. Philippe Bunau-Varilla, chief 
engineer of the company, met in the United States and per¬ 
fected the arrangements for the uprising. Guerrero tried to 
learn from Secretary Hay what course the United States would 
pursue in case of an outbreak on the isthmus, but Hay would 
only say guardedly that the United States would enforce the 
treaty of 1846. By this treaty the United States had bound 
itself to keep peace and order along the right of way of the 
Panama Railroad. Six times the United States had landed 
sailors and marines for that purpose, one of these instances 
being in the first administration of Grover Cleveland. 

President Roosevelt himself was aware of the ferment on the 


1 




“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 305 


isthmus. He was deeply exercised by the failure of Colombia 
to ratify the treaty. In later years he declared: “You could 
no more make an agreement with the Colombian 
Attitude* S rulers than you could nail currant jelly to a wall.” 

But in a letter to the editor of the Review of Reviews 
he wrote (October 10, 1903) that he cast aside the proposition 
“to foment the secession of Panama. Whatever other govern¬ 
ments can do, the United States can not go into the securing, 
by such underhand means, the cession.” He frankly admitted, 
however, that “privately ... I should be delighted if Panama 
were an independent state, or if it made itself so at this mo¬ 
ment.” Feeling thus, he did not, in his own words, “lift my 
finger to incite the revolutionists. ... I simply ceased to 
stamp out the different revolutionary fuses that were already 
burning.” And “I directed the Navy Department to station 
various ships within easy reach of the Isthmus, to be ready to 
act in the event of need arising.” 

The arrival on November 3 of 450 Colombian soldiers at 
Colon on the Atlantic side precipitated the uprising a day sooner 
than the revolutionists had intended. Some of the officers, who 
had hurried across the isthmus to the town of Pan- 
Succeeds? 11 ama > were seized by the revolutionists, and the 
officer left in command of the troops was bribed to 
re-embark his men and depart. About fifty American sailors 
and marines were landed at Colon to maintain order and pro¬ 
tect American lives and property. Colombian authority on 
the isthmus was speedily overthrown without any blood being 
shed, except that a shell fired by a Colombian gunboat in the 
harbor of Panama killed a Chinaman and a dog. The people 
supported the uprising almost unanimously. 

American naval officers in isthmian waters had already re¬ 
ceived orders from Washington to keep the line of transit open, 
and to “prevent the landing of any armed force 
with hostile intent, either Government or insurgent, 
at either Colon, Port'o Bello, or other point.” 
Enforcement of this order practically estopped Colombia from 
attempting to reconquer the revolted province, for an over- 


Naval 

Orders. 


3 o6 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Panama 
Recognized 
and a New 
Treaty 
Negotiated, 


land march through the mountains and tropical jungles was 
impracticable. 

Our government hastened to take advantage of what the 
gods had brought. Three days after the revolt began, Secretary 
Hay cabled the American consul at Panama to recognize the 
de facto government, and a week later President 
Roosevelt formally received M. Bunau-Varilla as 
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary 
of the republic of Panama. A few days later (No¬ 
vember 18) Hay and Bunau-Varilla signed a treaty 
by which Panama promised to cede perpetual control of a 
zone ten miles wide across the isthmus, while the United States 
agreed to pay therefor $10,000,000 down and an annuity of 
$250,000, beginning nine years thereafter. The example of the 
United States in recognizing the independence of Panama was 
quickly followed by most other powers. Colombia vehemently 
protested, but was too weak to venture beyond protests. Her 
rulers had grasped for too much and had lost all. 

The administration’s course in the Panama affair provoked 
much criticism, mainly but not wholly from Democratic sources. 
The United States, the critics declared, had taken advantage 
Criticism of °* a wea ^ er P owe r, and had violated principles of 
the Panama international morality. They alleged that by the 
treaty of 1846 the United States had guaranteed 
the sovereignty of Colombia over the isthmus. They de¬ 
nounced the speedy recognition of Panama as “indecent.” 
Some even openly charged the President with having fomented 
the revolution. On the other hand, the administration’s course 
found warm defenders. The President himself denied having 
fostered the revolt, and justified his recognition of 
Defense. 11 S Panama and the negotiation of the new treaty on 
the ground of Colombia’s grasping conduct, and her 
powerlessness to preserve order. In support of the latter argu¬ 
ment he emphasized the fact that Colombia was then under 
the rule of a dictator, and that the constitution of the country 
was suspended. He further declared that Colombia had no 
right “to bar the transit of the world’s traffic across the 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 307 

Isthmus,” and he contended that “intervention was justified 
by the treaty of 1846, by our national interests, and by the 
interests of civilization at large.” 

Most critics thought that his defense was not conclusive, 
but Colombia had behaved in such a dog-in-the-manger fashion, 
and the prospect of a canal was so fascinating, that Americans 
generally applauded the accomplished fact, and did 

The Treaty . .. . A . . ’ , . , . 

Ratified. not scrutinize too closely the means by which it 

had been brought about. As a canal would greatly 

benefit the South, most Democratic senators voted for the 

treaty, though some criticised the way in which it had been 

obtained. The treaty was, therefore, ratified (February 23, 

1904) by the overwhelming majority of 66 to 14. 

The purchase of the rights of the French company was con¬ 
summated, and the way was thus finally cleared for digging 
the “big ditch.” Many practical problems, however, had to 
be solved before the work could be completed. 
Preparations. Yellow fever and malaria began their old-time 
ravages among the canal workers, but under the 
energetic direction of the chief sanitary officer, Colonel William 
C. Gorgas, who had already performed notable work of the 
same sort in Cuba, a vigorous campaign was waged against filth 
and the deadly mosquitoes, and the Canal Zone was made “as 
safe as a health resort.” Difference of opinion existed as to 
whether it would be better to construct a lock or a sea-level 
canal. In November, 1905, a board of American and European 
engineers, by a vote of 8 to 5, declared in favor of a sea-level 
canal. But it was certain that a canal of that type would in¬ 
volve greater expense and increased engineering difficulties, 
and would require a much longer time. After careful investi¬ 
gation President Roosevelt wisely decided in favor of a lock 
canal, and Congress ratified the decision. 

Congressional insistence upon having the construction work 
managed by a commission delayed the enterprise. Certain sel¬ 
fish interests, including some of the transcontinental railroads, 
covertly tried to discredit the undertaking, while, of course, 
the political opponents of the administration sought with their 


3 o8 the united states in our own times 

probes to find party capital. Late in 1905 a well-known jour¬ 
nalist spent twenty-eight hours and ten minutes on the Isthmus, 
Attempts to anc * su bsequently published an extremely critical 
Discredit the article, entitled “Our Mismanagement at Panama.” 
Enterprise. g ome criticisms had a better basis than those con¬ 
tained in this article, but, upon the whole, the enterprise was 
conducted on a high plane, without corruption or notable waste. 
Even in the least satisfactory period much valuable preliminary 
work was done in sanitation, and the assembling of material 
and men. In February, 1907, President Roosevelt announced 
that he had decided to put the undertaking in charge of army 
engineers. Lieutenant-Colonel George W. Goethals 
Goethals. was appointed chief engineer, with Majors William 
L. Sibert and David Du B. Gaillard as assistants, 
and the President managed matters in such a way as to give 
Goethals ample powers. 

Thenceforward the enterprise moved forward more rapidly. 
Labor problems were solved, the Chagres River was controlled 
by building a great dam, the famous Culebra Cut was exca¬ 
vated, the Gatun locks were built, the dirt was really 
Completed, made “to fly.” On October 10, 1913, not quite a 
decade after the Panama revolt, water was turned 
into the Culeb^ Cut, and soon after small boats were able to 
navigate the whole length of the canal. The first commercial 
use of the waterway was made on May 19, 1914, when three 
barges, loaded with sugar from Hawaii, passed through from 
the Pacific to the Atlantic. The formal opening to traffic oc¬ 
curred on August 15 of that year. For a considerable period 
slides in the Culebra Cut caused much trouble, and on one occa¬ 
sion the canal was closed to traffic for months, but trouble of 
this kind had been anticipated and the difficulty was finally 
solved. The greatest engineering enterprise in all history had 
been completed. Goethals, Gorgas, Sibert, and Gaillard were 
appropriately rewarded by promotions for their splendid 
work, which had really been beyond praise. In 1915 the 
opening of the canal was fitly celebrated at great expositions 
at San Francisco and San Diego. The total cost of the 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 


3°9 

canal, including appropriations for the fiscal year 1915, was 
$361,874,861. 

The opening of the canal to traffic was almost coincident 

with the outbreak of the Great War. That war demoralized 

the commerce and water transportation of the world, and de- 

Future kiyed the realization of some of the benefits expected 

importance from the canal. Still, in the first eleven and a 
of the Canal. ... . . . 

half months of its operation 1,258 vessels passed 
through the waterway, and the tolls collected almost sufficed 
to cover the costs of operation and maintenance. With the 
return of peace it may confidently be predicted that the canal 
will play an increasingly important part in the transportation 
of goods between the eastern and western parts of the United 
States, and that it will do much toward revolutionizing our com¬ 
mercial relations with western South America, Australia, and 
the Orient. 

The revolt of Panama occurred only a few months before the 
opening of the presidential campaign of 1904. President Roose¬ 
velt frankly desired a nomination and election in his own right, 
and by the rank and file of his party his ambition 
Opposition was re g ar( j ec i with enthusiasm, for, unlike Tyler, 

Nomination Fillmore, Johnson, and Arthur, he had succeeded 
both as a statesman and as a politician. By some 
financial interests, and by certain Republican leaders his can¬ 
didacy was looked upon with strong hostility, and through news¬ 
papers and other agencies they sought to convince the public 
that he was “rash,” “impulsive,” “overconfident of his own 
judgment,” and generally “unsafe.” The man selected to 
oppose the President for the nomination was Senator Hanna. 
A political fund was raised and tentative steps were taken 
toward controlling delegates. Hanna himself disclaimed any 
purpose of becoming a candidate, but, on the other hand, he 
held back from indorsing Roosevelt. It is possible that he 
might ultimately have been persuaded to enter the contest, 
but his health was bad, and in February, 1904, he died. 

His death removed the only person who would have had the 
slightest chance of defeating Roosevelt. Already the ground 


3 io THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


swell of disapproval of the plan to thrust aside the popular idol 
was making itself felt in unmistakable fashion, and soon all op- 
Roosevelt position to his nomination utterly collapsed. When 
and the national convention met in Chicago (June 21-23), 

its orators vied with one another m praising the 
President’s personality and achievements, and he was nominated 
by acclamation. For Vice-President the convention named 
Senator Charles W. Fairbanks, a conservative from Indiana. 

Two decisive defeats had tended to discredit the Bryan, or 
free-silver, wing of the Democracy; and when the national 
convention met in St. Louis on July 6, the conservatives, who 
c ^ were dubbed the “safe and saners,” managed to 
Control control it. The leading candidate put forward by 
Convention the conservatives was Judge Alton B. Parker of 
Parker minate -^ ew York, and his candidacy was astutely managed 
by David B. Hill, who here appeared for the last 
time on the national stage. Among the other candidates for 
the nomination were Arthur P. Gorman of Maryland, ex- 
Governor Pattison of Pennsylvania, Senator Francis M. Cock¬ 
rell of Missouri, Richard Olney of Massachusetts, and William 
R. Hearst, formerly of California but then a resident of New 
York. Hearst was the foremost exponent of “yellow journal¬ 
ism,” and his candidacy was promoted by his numerous news¬ 
papers and by leagues formed in his favor. Bryan preferred 
either Pattison or Cockrell, but his wishes were disregarded, 
and Parker was nominated on the first ballot. Ex-Senator 
Henry Gassaway Davis, an octogenarian millionaire of West 
Virginia, was named for the vice-presidency. 

The platform iterated former Democratic pronouncements 
on the tariff, trusts, and imperialism, condemned the Roose¬ 
velt administration as “spasmodic, erratic, sensa¬ 
tional, spectacular, and arbitrary,” and charged it 
with a long series of unlawful and unconstitutional 
acts. As originally drafted, the platform contained 
a declaration to the effect that the great increase 
in the production of gold had removed the currency question 
“from the field of political contention,” but the Bryan element 


Parker’s 

Telegram 

Regarding 

Gold 

Standard. 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 


Parker’s 
Career and 
Principles. 


311 

managed to eliminate this plank, and the platform as adopted 
did not mention the money question. Before the convention 
adjourned, a telegram was received from Parker stating that he 
regarded “the gold standard as firmly and irrevocably estab¬ 
lished,” and adding that if this view was unsatisfactory to a 
majority of the convention, he would decline the nomination. 
The telegram created much consternation and drew a bitter 
speech from Bryan, but after an acrimonious debate the con¬ 
vention replied that the money question had been ignored be¬ 
cause it was not considered an issue in the campaign. 

Judge Parker, who had thus been selected to lead the Demo¬ 
cratic hosts, had seen long years of service on the New York 
bench and was then chief judge of the court of appeals. His 
views on public questions were little known, but 
some of his supporters had urged that this fact 
rendered him more “available,” an argument which 
had drawn from Bryan the retort that “it is the first time in 
recent years at least, that a man has been urged for so high a 
position on the ground that his opinions are unknown.” In 
reality, Parker was decidedly conservative in his opinions, but 
he had not deserted the party in 1896 nor 1900. About all the 
public knew of Davis, the vice-presidential nominee, was that 
he was in his eighty-second year, and was a rich ex-senator. 
Altogether, the ticket justified the statement of a colored Re¬ 
publican orator when he said that the Democrats had “nomi¬ 
nated an enigma from New York, and a reminiscence from West 
Virginia.” 

Both Cleveland and Bryan announced that they would sup¬ 
port the ticket, and, to outward appearances, the schism in 
the party seemed healed. But immediately after the conven- 
Radical tion Bryan h a d sa ^ ^ a ^ Bttle could be hoped from 
Democratic the Democracy so long as it remained “under the 
Discontent. contro i 0 f j-h e Wall-Street element,” and he opined 
that Parker’s nomination “virtually nullifies the anti-trust 
plank.” His support was largely perfunctory and for the sake 
of regularity. Hundreds of thousands of other radical Demo¬ 
crats openly or secretly determined that they would not accept 


2 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


3i 

Parker and the conservative elements that were most con¬ 
spicuous in his support. 

Their defection alone would have been enough to render the 
result certain, but in addition the Democratic managers com¬ 
mitted the monumental blunder of making Roosevelt’s per¬ 
sonality one of the main issues of the campaign. 
Popularity! At that time the President was almost at the zenith 
of his popularity. The great mass of the people 
were convinced of his honesty and nobility of purpose. His 
many-sidedness was such that he appealed to all manner of 
men. His character was held up as a shining example to young 
men, and the “strenuous life,” the title of one of his essays, 
became a sort of fad. The newspapers and magazines were 
filled with pictures showing him in all manner of costumes— 
as Rough Rider and ranchman, “sitting on his porch at Saga¬ 
more Hill, hunting the grizzly in the Far West, or taking a 
fence on a fine mount.” His admirers even enjoyed the car¬ 
toons of their idol, representing him as “Terrible Teddy,” at 
the sight of whose big teeth the trusts and other “malefactors 
of great wealth” went into hysterics. At a celebration “under 
the Oaks at Jackson” of the fiftieth anniversary of the Repub¬ 
lican party, John Hay drew the following portrait of his chief: 

Of gentle birth and breeding, yet a man of the people in the 
best sense; with the training of a scholar and the breezy accessi¬ 
bility of a ranchman; a man of the library and a man of the world; 
an athlete and a thinker; a soldier and a statesman; a reader, a 
writer, and a maker of history; with the sensibility of a poet and 
the steel nerve of a rough rider; one who never did, and never could, 
turn his back on a friend or on an enemy. 

When the mass of Americans were willing to subscribe en¬ 
thusiastically to such an eulogium, it is evident that the Demo- 
Democratic crats cou ^ ma ke no headway by raising their voices 
Attack in behalf of a Constitution endangered by an irre- 

Ineffective. ^ _ 

sponsible dictator. On the contrary, the people 
generally felt well pleased with a President who would go to the 
limits of his authority—or even a little beyond—in their behalf. 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 313 

As for the great financial interests, some of them supported 
Roosevelt from the beginning. Others would have preferred 
to see him beaten, but most of these soon decided that he was 
Attitude of certain of election, and not a few of them ultimately 
Business ” subscribed to the Republican campaign fund in the 
hope that the Republicans would prove grateful. 
These were old “Big Business” tactics. Years before, Henry 
O. Havemeyer, president of the sugar trust, had testified that 
the trusts contributed to both parties, placing their money 
where it would do the most good. 

The original Democratic plan of campaign was that Judge 
Parker should remain, with dignity befitting a judge, at his 
summer home at Esopus on the Hudson. Presently, 
Emerges however, the party managers found that their 
Retirement cause was losing ground, and, as a forlorn hope, 
they sent their candidate out to make some speeches. 
But Judge Parker did not possess the art of winning popular 
applause, nor did he have the knack of sounding clarion 
calls. 

The closing days of the contest saw one sensational incident. 
In speeches at Madison Square Garden and elsewhere Judge 
Parker insinuated that the President had placed George B. 

Cortelyou in charge of the Republican campaign 
Chargeand because Cortelyou, having been secretary of the 
Reply VeltS new Department of Commerce and Labor, pos¬ 
sessed information that would enable him to black¬ 
mail the trusts into making contributions to the Republican 
fund. Three days before the election Roosevelt denounced 
the charge as “unqualifiedly and atrociously false.” He ad¬ 
mitted that some corporations were contributing to the Re¬ 
publican fund, as others were to the Democratic fund, but he 
said that the Republican fund was the smallest for twelve 
years. He also pointed out that the Department of Com¬ 
merce and Labor had been so recently organized that as yet it 
had no corporation secrets, and he stated that he had selected 
Cortelyou to direct the campaign only after other men had re- 


314 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

fused to serve. He closed by saying that, if elected, he would 
be unhampered by any promise or pledge except to “see to it 
that every man has a square deal, no less and no more. ,, 

The election returns showed that Roosevelt’s personality 
and the administration’s record had won an overwhelming 
victory. Judge Parker was the worst-defeated candidate of a 
major party since Horace Greeley, in 1872. He car- 
Triumph^ elt ried none except States south of Mason and Dixon’s 
Line, and of the border States he lost Missouri, 
Delaware, and West Virginia, and one of the electoral votes of 
Maryland. His total electoral vote was 140; that of Roose¬ 
velt, 336. Of the popular vote, Parker received 5,084,491, 
Roosevelt 7,628,834; in other words, the plurality of the ex¬ 
ponent of “the square deal” was more than 2,500,000. 

The Populists’ party, which had nominated a candidate in 
the person of Thomas E. Watson of Georgia, polled 114,546 
votes. A more notable feature of the election was the great 
increase in the Socialist vote. The Social Demo- 
dependence cratic party had now taken the name Socialist 
b^Voters party, and Debs, who was again the candidate, 

received 402,460 votes, as against only 94,768 in 
1900. In Minnesota, Montana, Colorado, Massachusetts, and 
Missouri, all of which gave Roosevelt big pluralities, Demo¬ 
cratic governors were elected. This phenomenon was due in 
part to Roosevelt’s popularity, in part to dissatisfaction with 
local Republican machines, in part to growing independence of 
the voters, more and more of whom were becoming willing to 
“split a ticket.” 

In later years much light was thrown on the subject of financial 
contributions during this campaign. In 1905 an investigation 
of the management of certain great life-insurance companies 
disclosed the fact that some of them had contrib- 
Reveiations. utecl heavily to the Republican fund. In 1907 it 
was revealed that E. H. Harriman, the great rail¬ 
road magnate, raised $250,000 for use in New York. In 1912 
it became known that many other large interests, including per¬ 
haps the Standard Oil Company, had made contributions to 


“BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA CANAL 315 


the Republican fund. Roosevelt admitted having been aware 
of Harriman’s activities, but asserted that the money thus 
raised was for the purpose of aiding the local ticket in New 
York, as his own success in that State had been beyond doubt. 
In support of this statement he pointed out that his own plu¬ 
rality in New York proved to be 175,000, while Higgins, the 
Republican candidate for governor, was elected by only 80,000. 
Before a congressional investigating committee in 1912 he stated 
that he expressly instructed Chairman Cortelyou to reject con¬ 
tributions from Standard Oil. Cortelyou bore out this testi¬ 
mony, but, as the Republican national treasurer was dead and 
his records were destroyed, it was impossible to ascertain what 
his course had been. 

The course of the administration during 1905-09 was such 
that no one ventured to accuse the President of displaying any 
undue friendship for either Harriman or Standard Oil, but some 
critics asserted that the revelations proved the 
truth of Parker’s charge. To this, Roosevelt’s 
friends responded that in his denial of Parker’s 
charges he had expressly admitted that corporations were 
contributing to the Republican fund; they said that the 
essence of Parker’s charge was that Cortelyou had been made 
chairman in order to blackmail the trusts into making contri¬ 
butions, and they pointed out that no evidence had ever been 
brought forward to prove this charge. 

In his reply to Parker, Roosevelt had asserted that corpora¬ 
tions were also making contributions to the Democratic fund, 
and this statement received ample confirmation. In 1905 one 
Corporations *h e 8 reat insurance officers testified: “My life 
also Aided was made weary by the Democratic candidates 
chasing for money in that campaign. Some of the 
very men who to-day are being interviewed in the papers as 
denouncing the men who contribute to campaigns—their 
shadows were crossing my path every step I took.” In 1912 
August Belmont and T. F. Ryan, great corporation magnates, 
testified that they gave many hundreds of thousands of dollars 
to aid Parker. 


Parker’s 
Charge Not 
Proved. 


316 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 
Patriotic men in all parties recognized the danger in such 


Federal 

Legislation 

Regarding 

Contribu¬ 

tions. 

gifts and deeply deplored the practice. In 1907, 
after the insurance revelations, Congress passed 
an act forbidding corporations to contribute money 
to be used in federal elections. Later federal 

tributions, 

tions. 

statutes required the publication of campaign con- 
whether made in primaries, conventions, or elec- 


CHAPTER XVII 
Roosevelt’s “second” term 


On the night of the election, and as soon as the outcome was 

certain, Roosevelt gave out a statement in which he said: “On 

the 4th of March next I shall have served three and a half years, 

and that three and a half years constitutes my first 

Statement 5 term - Tiie w ^ se custom which limits the President 

Regarding a to two terms regards the substance and not the 
Renomina- . , . 

don. form, and under no circumstances will I be a can¬ 

didate for or accept another nomination.” The 
statement was intended as a reply to critics who had alleged 
that he meant to perpetuate himself in power, and as a decla¬ 
ration of independence from the Republican bosses. How¬ 
ever, it was to prove a source of embarrassment to him in the 
future. 

By the time that Roosevelt entered upon his second term 
his conception of the presidential office was clearly manifest. 

He believed that the President should have definite 
Theory of policies, a coherent programme, and should lead 
Presidency t ^ ie countr y- He held that the executive, in a 
sense, should even “manage Congress,” and he 
did not hesitate to force through legislation distasteful to many 
of the leaders of his party. In after years he wrote, in his 
Autobiography: 


The course I followed, of regarding the executive as subject only 
to the people, and, under the Constitution, bound to serve the 
people affirmatively in cases where the Constitution does not ex¬ 
plicitly forbid him to render the service, was sub¬ 
stantially the course followed by both Andrew Jackson 
and Abraham Lincoln. Other honorable and well- 
meaning Presidents, such as James Buchanan, took 
the opposite and, as it seems to me, narrowly legalistic 
view that the President is the servant of Congress 
rather than of the people, and can do nothing, no matter how 
necessary it be to act, unless the Constitution explicitly com- 

3i7 


The 

Buchanan 
Method and 
the Jackson- 
Lincoln 
Method. 


318 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

mands the action. Most lawyers who are past middle age take 
this view, and so' do large numbers of well-meaning, respectable 
citizens. . . . There are many worthy people who reprobate the 
Buchanan method as a matter of history, but who in actual life 
reprobate still more strongly the Jackson-Lincoln method when 
it is put into practice. These persons conscientiously believe that 
the President should solve every doubt in favor of inaction as 
against action, that he should construe strictly and narrowly the 
constitutional grant of powers both to the National Government, 
and to the President within the National Government. In addi¬ 
tion, however, to the men who conscientiously believe in this course 
from high, although as I hold misguided, motives, there are many 
men who affect to believe in it merely because it enables them to 
attack and to try to hamper, for partisan or personal reasons, an 
executive whom they dislike. 

There can be no question that the Presidents generally re¬ 
garded as most successful have taken a broad view of their 
powers. Roosevelt’s successor adopted the legalistic view, 
with results not altogether happy. In general, the 
Leadership/ people undoubtedly desire the President to lead, 
and they applaud an executive who gets results, 
whether with “a Big Stick” or by the milder methods of moral 
suasion. Under our system of division of powers between the 
executive, legislative, and judicial branches, unity of action, 
which is requisite to any real efficiency, can often only be ob¬ 
tained by the President’s assuming control, and even taking an 
active hand in the work of Congress, though party discipline 
may sometimes accomplish this result in an imperfect way 
when the executive and legislative branches are in harmony 
politically. A President who does not lead Congress, or at 
least work in harmony with it, is certain to be a weak Presi¬ 
dent, and the country is likely to suffer under him. 

During Roosevelt’s “first” term there were certain changes 
in the cabinet, but the personnel remained the same from one 
term to the other. Secretary of State Hay was, however, 
sinking toward the grave, and in the middle of 
jlk^y. March he sailed for Europe in a vain search for 
health. He returned in June, spent a week in 
Washington, and died (July i, 1905) at his summer home at 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


3i9 


Newbury, New Hampshire. His death was greatly regretted 
both at home and abroad, for few American diplomats had ever 
won so enviable a reputation. His relations with President 
Roosevelt had long been intimate, even affectionate, for, though 
unlike in many respects, and differing on some points of domes¬ 
tic policy, they were a unit on foreign affairs, had many tastes 
in common, and each understood and respected the great quali¬ 
ties of the other. To fill the vacancy created by Hay’s death, 
Elihu Root was transferred from the War Department to the 
State Department, and our international relations continued to 
be conducted with the same firmness and success. William H. 
Taft, governor of the Philippines, succeeded Root as secretary 
of war. 

In his first administration President Roosevelt had remarked 

that the sum of wisdom in international affairs was “to speak 

softly and to carry a big stick.” By this motto he meant that 

The “Big a nat ion should deal courteously with other powers, 

Stick” but should be so well prepared to defend its inter- 
Pohcy. r 1 

ests that no one would deem it safe to trample them 
under foot. Under both Hay and Root, Americans, in whatever 
country they might happen to be, could safely rely upon being 
fully protected by the long and powerful arm of the United 
States. A good example of this occurred in 1904, when a Mo¬ 
roccan chieftain named Raizuli kidnapped Ion H. Perdicaris, 
an American citizen, and held him for ransom. After vain 
negotiations, Hay cabled to Morocco this ultimatum: “We 
want Perdicaris alive or Raizuli dead.” In two days Perdi¬ 
caris was free. Roosevelt believed such a policy to be the 
only one that a self-respecting nation can follow, and that it 
is far safer in the end. He held that a government that will 
not protect its citizens when abroad in the exercise of all their 
legitimate rights is unworthy of the name, and can expect to 
retain neither the confidence of its people nor the respect of 
the world. Acquiescence in encroachments, according to his 
view, usually means repetition of the offense in one form or 
another, and far greater danger of war in the end. 

Roosevelt believed that wars were still possible, at times 


320 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

perhaps even necessary, the world being such as it is. He pur¬ 
sued a policy of “steady preparedness,” and insisted upon a 
His Belief in P ro g ramme °f “ two battleships a year,” for he had 
“Prepared- no desire that the United States should become 
another China, “the helpless prey of outsiders be¬ 
cause it does not possess the power to fight.” In his Autobi¬ 
ography, published in 1913, he wrote: “It is folly to try to abol¬ 
ish our navy, and at the same time to insist that we have a 
right to enforce the Monroe Doctrine, that we have a right to 
control the Panama Canal which we ourselves* dug, that we 
have a right to retain Hawaii and prevent foreign nations from 
taking Cuba, and a right to determine what immigrants, Asiatic 
or European, shall come to our shores, and the terms on which 
they shall be naturalized and shall hold land and exercise other 
privileges. We are a rich people, and an unmilitary people. 
But I know my countrymen. Down at bottom their temper is 
such that they will not permanently tolerate injustice done to 
them. In the long run they will no more permit affronts to 
their national honor than injuries to their national interest. 
Such being the case, they will do well to remember that the 
surest of all ways to invite disasters is to be opulent, aggressive, 
and unarmed.” 

Roosevelt’s insistence upon preparedness led some people 
to believe that he was a rampant jingo, bent upon involving 
the United States in war. In reality, he favored what he was 
ab . fond of calling “the peace of righteousness,” and 
“the Peace he was a friend to arbitration, though he held the 
nls?“ hte0US ^ ew ^ at ^ere were s6me disputes that could not 
be arbitrated. Through his management and that 
of Hay a dispute with Mexico over the “Pious Fund of the 
Californias” was referred (1902) to the Hague court, being the 
first case referred to that tribunal. The second case before the 
court was that of the claims against Venezuela, already de¬ 
scribed. The dispute with Great Britain over the Alaskan 
boundary was settled by a joint tribunal. Roosevelt also 
wished to issue the call for the second Hague conference, but 
stood aside in favor of the Czar, at whose instance the first had 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


321 


Helps to 
End the 
Russo- 
Japanese 
War. 


met. With his consent, John Hay devoted almost his last 
public efforts to negotiating limited compulsory arbitration 
treaties with France, Great Britain, and other countries, but 
the Senate refused to ratify them. Under Secretary Root 
treaties drawn after the model recommended by the first Hague 
conference were negotiated with most of the great powers, and 
were duly ratified. These treaties did not bind the contract¬ 
ing parties to submit to arbitration questions affecting their 
territorial integrity, national honor, or vital national interest. 

Roosevelt’s most conspicuous service to the cause of interna¬ 
tional peace was performed in 1905, when, through his initia¬ 
tive, delegates from Russia and Japan met at 
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and agreed upon a 
peace that brought to an end the bloody war that 
had been raging between those two nations. The 
President’s part in the affair was managed with 
consummate skill, and won for him not only the 
coveted Nobel peace prize, but the enthusiastic applause of an 
admiring world. 

In August of the following year a revolt broke out in Cuba 
against the government of President Palma, who, feeling him¬ 
self too weak to preserve order, asked the United States to in- 
intervention tervene under the Platt Amendment. President 
in Cuba, Roosevelt was reluctant to do so. He issued an 
appeal to the Cuban people to save their country 
from “the anarchy of civil war,” and sent Secretary of War 
Taft and Assistant Secretary of State Bacon to Havana to in¬ 
vestigate the situation. Palma resigned, and the investigators 
found conditions so hopeless that, acting on instructions from 
Washington, Secretary Taft issued a proclamation taking tem¬ 
porary control. Six thousand regulars were hurried to the 
island under Brigadier-General Frederick Funston, who, as a 
former filibuster and comrade-in-arms of many of the Cuban 
feaders, was peculiarly fitted for the task. No attempt at re¬ 
sistance was made. Under the rule of Governor Charles E. 
Magoon, who was transferred thither from the Canal Zone, 
peace and order were restored, numerous reforms were inau- 


5 22 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

gurated, and two years later (January 28, 1909) control was once 
more turned over to a rehabilitated Cuban government, headed 
by President Jose Miguel Gomez. President Roosevelt had 
given warning that it was out of the question for the island to 
continue independent if the “insurrectionary habit should be¬ 
come confirmed,” yet in the next decade intervention was more 
than once imminent, and early in 1917 it became necessary to 
land marines at Santiago and other ports for the protection of 
life and property. There is reason to believe that the disorders 
on this occasion were due to the machinations of German 
agents. 

Pregnant with more dangerous possibilities was a contro¬ 
versy with Japan. Ever since the days when Admiral Perry 
persuaded the Japanese to open their ports to foreigners, warm 
friendship had existed between America and the 
7 he Land of the Rising Sun. America had sent hun- 

Japanese ° 

Problem on dreds of teachers to Tapan and had received many 
the Pacific T J . , . 

Coast. Japanese young men and women into her own col¬ 
leges. America proudly regarded Japan as a sort 
of protegee, grew enthusiastic over her art and literature, and 
was her best commercial customer. Most Americans sympa¬ 
thized keenly with the Japanese in their war with Russia, but 
soon after the close of that war a change took place. It was due 
in part to the clash of American and Japanese interests in China, 
but mainly to an increased influx of Japanese immigrants into 
the Pacific coast States. In 1900 there were only 24,326 Japa¬ 
nese in the whole United States, but after 1903 the number in¬ 
creased rapidly, and white laborers, small shopkeepers, and 
truck farmers began to feel and resent the competition of 
Orientals accustomed to a lower standard of living. Race 
prejudice flared up—race prejudice sharpened by economic 
competition. The people of the Far West transferred to the 
Japanese their old hatred for the Chinese, and raised the new 
slogan, “The Japanese must go!” But the new game was in¬ 
finitely more dangerous than the old. Unlike the Chinese, the 
Japanese are a proud people, who had just beaten a great power. 
They are as touchy and susceptible to affront “as Sir Walter’s 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


323 


Hieland laird, walking the streets of Edinboro, hand on basket 
hilt, and sniffing the air for an affront.” When the San Fran¬ 
cisco school board, urged on by the labor element, passed an 
ordinance (October n, 1906) segregating “Chinese, Japanese, 
Koreans, and other Mongolians” in separate schools, Japan 
vigorously protested. All sorts of wild stories were set afloat 
regarding alleged designs of Japan against the peace and safety 
of the United States, and were given wide publicity in the sen¬ 
sational press. It is now known that some of these stories owed 
their origin to secret attempts of Germany to embroil the two 
countries—for Japan was allied to Great Britain, Germany’s 
rival and future enemy. 

Most Americans deeply deplored the anti-Japanese agita¬ 
tion, yet it was clear to most thinking men that the teeming 
millions of Japanese must not be permitted to immigrate freely. 

As in the case of the Italians lynched by the New 
Situation r ° US Orleans mob in Harrison’s administration, the fed¬ 
eral government was greatly hampered by its lack 
of control over State and local authorities. However, President 
Roosevelt personally took a hand in the matter, and succeeded 
in preventing the California legislature from passing threatened 
anti-Japanese legislation, and in persuading the San Francisco 
authorities to modify the school segregation order on the under¬ 
standing that he would try to secure an agreement with Japan 
The t° prevent further immigration. A sort of “gentle- 

“Gentlemen’s men’s agreement” was reached with the Mikado’s 
government, whereby Japan promised not to grant 
passports to laborers bound for the United States, except re¬ 
turning residents and members of their families, while our 
government took steps to prevent Japanese from coming to the 
United States from the insular possessions, or from foreign coun¬ 
tries other than Japan. This solution temporarily stilled the 
anti-Japanese agitation, but, as we shall see, trouble broke out 
afresh a few years later. 

Toward the end of 1907 President Roosevelt came to the con¬ 
clusion that it would be well to show the world that we were 
prepared to protect our interests in the Pacific. Our battle fleet 


3 2 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

at that time was kept in the Atlantic; to have divided it and 
sent part to the Pacific would have been bad strategy, for, in 
Cruise of the case of sudden war, there would have been danger 
aroundth? being beaten in detail. The President decided to 
World. send w hole battle fleet to the Pacific. The plan 
aroused much opposition along the Atlantic coast and from some 
who feared that the move might precipitate a war with Japan. 
But on December 16 sixteen battle-ships, six destroyers, and 
six auxiliary vessels under command of Rear-Admiral Robley 
D. Evans—better known as “Fighting Bob”—sailed from 
Hampton Roads. The fleet visited the ports of several of the 
South American states, passed through the Straits of Magellan, 
and reached the coast of California. There Rear-Admiral 
Sperry took command, and under his leadership the fleet visited 
Hawaii, Australia, Japan, and other Oriental countries, passed 
through the Mediterranean Sea and the Straits of Gibraltar, 
and on February 23, 1909, once more dropped anchor at Hamp¬ 
ton Roads, being welcomed home by the President in person. 
Before this time foreign naval officers had doubted whether a 
battle fleet could be taken round the world, yet not a single 
accident had marred the voyage, and the ships returned in better 
fighting trim than when they set out. The success of the voy¬ 
age greatly increased the naval prestige of the United States, 
and the demonstration served the purpose for which it was 
designed. 

Ever since the days of Clay and the younger Adams some 
men had realized the desirability of closer relations between the 
United States and other nations of the Western Hemisphere. 
Pan Blaine had sought to arrange in 1881 for a meeting 

American of a Pan-American Congress, and such a body actu- 

Congresses * 

ally assembled at Washington in 1889, when he was 
secretary of state under Harrison. In 1901 another congress 
met in the City of Mexico; there was a third meeting at Rio 
Janeiro in 1906, and a fourth at Buenos Ayres in 1910. Secre¬ 
tary of State Root attended the meeting at Rio, and later vis¬ 
ited other South American countries, being everywhere received 
with great cordiality. These congresses did much to promote 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


325 


better relations, both politically and commercially, between the 
nations of the two Americas, and to create a feeling of solidarity 
against encroachments from the outside. In 1890 an Inter¬ 
national Bureau of the American Republics was established at 
Washington, and proved mutually useful. In 1906 its scope 
was broadened to include the compiling and distribution of 
legal and commercial information, and in 1910 it was renamed 
the “Bureau of the Pan-American Union.” A fine building 
was erected at Washington for the Bureau with funds mainly 
contributed by Andrew Carnegie, and under the energetic and 
enthusiastic management of John Barrett, who became director 
in 1907, much work of value was accomplished. 

Throughout his presidency Roosevelt constantly preached a 
higher standard of citizenship in both private and public life. 
In an age when business and public morality were at a low ebb, 
Roosevelt’s w ^ en the word “graft” was taken from the argot 
Moral ^ of tramps and thieves to fill a felt want in the lan¬ 
guage, the President’s vigorous deeds and his de¬ 
nunciations of dishonesty came like a fresh ocean breeze, driv¬ 
ing away the noxious vapors that were poisoning American 
public and private life. Under his courageous leadership hon¬ 
est men took heart, and a reforming impulse made itself felt 
throughout the land. 

A whole literature sprang up exposing the nefarious workings 
of crooked politics and crooked business. The lead in this cru¬ 
sade was taken by McClure’s Magazine , which in 1903 began 
the publication of Ida Tarbell’s history of the Stand¬ 
ard Oil Company. In it she revealed the methods 
whereby that great trust had built up and main¬ 
tained its mastery of the oil trade, and she also 
showed the intimate connection between trans¬ 
portation and monopoly. In the same magazine 
Lincoln Steffens wrote of “The Shame of the Cities,” exposing 
municipal misgovernment and the corrupt “plunderbund” 
between Big Business and political rings for obtaining street 
railway and other franchises. In a series of articles on “Fren¬ 
zied Finance,” published in Everybody’s , Thomas W. Lawson, a 


Exposure of 
Corruption 
in Business 
and Politics 
by the 
“Muck- 
Rakers.” 


326 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

Boston financier, described in sensational language the alleged 
inner workings of “The System/’ and explained the methods 
whereby it fleeced the public. Collier’s specialized on the ex¬ 
posure of the frauds in the patent-medicine trade. Even novel¬ 
ists took up the cry. In Coniston Winston Churchill told the 
story of a State controlled by a corrupt railroad magnate. In 
The Jungle Upton Sinclair exposed the disgusting horrors of 
Chicago meat-packing plants. The craze for such literature 
went so far that it became a sort of hysteria, and Roosevelt him¬ 
self sought to put a halt to indiscriminate abuse. Taking his 
text from Bunyan’s “ man with the muck-rake,” he made a 
speech urging that efforts be turned from destruction to con¬ 
struction. Thereafter writers who stirred business and po¬ 
litical cesspools were popularly known as “muck-rakers.” 

Much that was good came out of the ferment. Citizens rose 
up in indignation. Political rings were smashed on every hand, 
and, though some cities and States remained “corrupt and un¬ 
ashamed,” there was promise of better things. In 
against gS St. Louis, for example, a courageous young circuit 
RjAgs* 1 attorney, Joseph W. Folk, exposed a vast amount 
of graft and corruption, and, despite bitter business, 
political, and even judicial opposition, succeeded in sending 
some of the offenders to the penitentiary. The people of Mis¬ 
souri elected him governor. In New York a legislative investi¬ 
gation of the great life-insurance companies uncovered an ap¬ 
palling lack of business honesty. The chief inquisitor was 
Charles E. Hughes. The people of New York twice made him 
their chief magistrate. 

Yet even where reform triumphed selfish interests still lurked 
in the shadows, watching covertly for the first signs of public 
indifference in order to regain their power. But the moral 
atmosphere of the country had been cleared. The 
Revolution, years of Roosevelt’s rule will always be notable for 
a revolution in the attitude of Americans toward 
financial and political matters. Honesty in such matters came 
into fashion. By no means all the credit for the transformation 
belonged to him. Other men labored earnestly and effectively 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


3 2 7 


in the same great cause, but the victory was largely due to his 
powerful influence. 

For years well-informed people had been aware that un¬ 
scrupulous manufacturerers of food and drugs were accustomed 
to adulterate their products, to use chemical preservatives that 
were harmful to health, to make use of diseased 
Laws. Food animals unfit for human food, to conduct their 
business amid filthy and unsanitary surroundings. 
An ever-increasing demand arose for federal legislation to safe¬ 
guard the people against such abuses. The publication of 
Upton Sinclair’s book, above referred to, did much to bring the 
agitation to a crisis, and the influence of the President and the 
pressure of public opinion forced Congress in 1906 to enact 
sweeping legislation providing for rigorous inspection of meat¬ 
packing plants engaged in interstate business, and for the 
proper labelling of foods and drugs in interstate trade, and pro¬ 
hibiting the use of dangerous preservatives. No better acts 
were ever passed by Congress, yet selfish interests sought to 
nullify them; and the Department of Agriculture and its chief 
chemist, Doctor Harvey W. Wiley, administered the laws “mid 
the proddings of consumers and the protests of manufacturers.” 

In the long session of the Fifty-ninth Congress, President 
Roosevelt managed, with the aid of many Democrats, to secure 
the passage of a more stringent railway-regulation law known 
The as the Hepburn Act (June 29, 1906). By it the 

Hepbum membership of the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
ct, 1906. s j on was i ncr eased from five to seven, and the com¬ 
mission was empowered to fix maximum rates of transporta¬ 
tion w r hen complaints were made against the existing rates, 
but the carriers were given the right to appeal to the courts. 
The act provided heavier penalties for rebating and made ex¬ 
press companies, sleeping-car companies, and interstate oil- 
pipe lines subject to its provisions. It also forbade the grant¬ 
ing of free passes to any except specified classes of persons, and 
thus struck a heavy blow at a custom whereby transportation 
companies had been accustomed to influence administrative 
officers, legislators, and even judges. One clause forbade inter- 


328 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


state or foreign transportation, except for the carrier’s own use, 
of any commodity, other than timber, mined or produced by 
the carrier. This “commodity clause” was aimed chiefly at 
the combination between anthracite producers and coal-carry¬ 
ing railroads, but in 1909 the Supreme Court handed down a 
decision practically annulling this clause of the act. 

In this period most of the States also enacted legislation— 

similar to the Granger Laws of the ’70s—regulating common 

carriers as to rates, liability for damages to injured employees, 

c Ci and other matters. Some of the acts were admi- 
Some State 

Legislation rable, but most erred in being too severe. In some 
States passenger rates were fixed so low as to hamper 
the roads in making needed repairs and extensions. Where the 
rates were so low as to amount to actual confiscation, they were, 
of course, set aside by the courts. 

President Roosevelt repeatedly recommended legislation re¬ 
quiring all corporations engaged in interstate commerce to take 
out federal charters, but his efforts in this direction 
failed. He also urged that the Sherman Antitrust 
Act should be amended and made “more efficient 
and more in harmony with actual conditions,” but again Con¬ 
gress held back. 

Under the President’s direction a vigorous campaign was 
waged against rebating, and many shippers and transportation 
companies were prosecuted and convicted. In August, 1907, 
the Standard Oil Company was found guilty on 
Fine eC ° rd 1,462 counts of rebating, and Judge Kenesaw M. 

Landis, of the federal district court at Chicago, 
fined the offender $29,240,000. The verdict was later set aside 
on a technicality by a higher court, and when the case was 
brought up for retrial, it was dismissed. 

In 1907 the government instituted suits under the Sherman 
Antitrust Act against the Standard Oil Company and the 
American Tobacco Company, popularly known as the Tobacco 
Trust. Four years passed before the Supreme Court handed 
down its final decisions in these cases. The court then ordered 
the two trusts to dissolve, but the judgments were far from 


Trust 

Recom¬ 

mendations. 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


329 


radical, and by taking the view that the law applied only to 
“ unreasonable ” restraints of trade, the court, in the opinion of 
Antitrust many critics, emasculated the Sherman Act. The 

Suits, decree in the case of the Standard Oil Company 

ordered that the trust should be broken up into 
thirty-eight separate companies. There were to be no com¬ 
mon officers or directors, but shares in the various companies 
were distributed ratably to the old stockholders. It was the 
theory of the court that the new companies would compete 
with each other, but critics of the decision laughed at the idea 
that the thirty-eight companies, all commonly owned by the 
Rockefellers and their associates, would ever compete with each 
other very vigorously. Soon after the decision was announced 
Standard Oil stock almost doubled in value, while the prices 
of gasoline and kerosene were increased. A similar decision 
was handed down in the case of the Tobacco Trust. 

President Taft and his attorney-general, Wickersham, hailed 
the decisions as judicial victories, but the general public was 
inclined to consider them “judicial jokes.” It was clear that 
Outcome Sherman Act was not a satisfactory solution of 

Unsatisfac- the trust problem. President Roosevelt had so 
contended, and had refrained from indiscriminate 
prosecutions under it. After the above-described decisions the 
country realized that the act must be repealed or amended, 
and the work was taken up by the Wilson administration. 

In the period of Roosevelt’s presidency there was an ever- 
increasing agitation in favor of social justice for workers: for 
shorter hours, sanitary working conditions, compensation for 
Social injuries and deaths received in industrial accidents, 

justice for minimum-wage laws, prohibition of child labor, 

° r ers ' and other reforms. The need for legislation regu¬ 
lating such matters, particularly to safeguard the health of 
women against overwork and unsanitary surroundings, to se¬ 
cure compensation for accidents to workers, and to abolish the 
hideous wrong of wearing out the lives of little children, was 
urgent; but selfish exploiters fought regulations that were 
obviously not only humane but in the interests of the people 


330 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Federal 
Child-Labor 
Law Held 
Unconstitu- 
tionaL 


as a whole. In interpreting laws of this sort passed by the 
nation and the States, the courts, in the opinion of many, often 
displayed a narrow view and laid themselves open to the charge 
that they were more tender of property rights than of human 
rights—that, in the words of Roosevelt, they “knew legalism 
but not life.” 

Many States passed child-labor laws, but some of these 
laws were defective. In 1908 Congress enacted a satisfactory 
statute regulating child labor in the District of Columbia, but 
Congress rejected a proposal championed by Sen¬ 
ator Beveridge of Indiana to exclude from interstate 
commerce all goods produced in factories or mines 
in which children under fourteen years of age were 
employed. This bill was opposed not only by ex¬ 
ploiters of child labor but also by champions of State rights. 
Woodrow Wilson, for example, characterized it as “manifestly 
absurd”; when he became President he changed his view and 
signed an act along these lines, but it was adjudged unconsti¬ 
tutional. 

An act passed in 1906 making interstate commerce carriers 
liable for injuries received by their employees while at work 
was held unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. A new 
measure, passed in 1908, stood the judicial test, 
partly because it was more carefully drawn, partly 
because the attitude of the court had changed. 
Railroads were also compelled to use air-brakes and other safety 
appliances on trains, and the hours of labor of train crews were 
restricted. This legislation was badly needed and saved many 
lives, not only of trainmen but of the travelling public. 

Notwithstanding these beginnings, democratic America 
America lagged behind monarchical Europe in legislation 
Fags behind designed to safeguard the interests of those whose 
only capital is their ability to labor and who, when 
they have lost that, have lost all. 

One of the most praiseworthy movements begun under the 
Roosevelt administration was that for the conservation of 
natural resources. Up to that time wastefulness had been the 


'Employer’s 

Liability 

Legislation. 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


33i 

most glaring of American faults. The land had been ruined 
by failure to prevent erosion, or by persistent cultivation of ex¬ 
hausting crops; coal was wastefully mined and 
Wastefulness, wastefully burned; natural-gas wells were left to roar 
unchecked for months, or to flame to the heavens 
for years; the forests were ruthlessly cut down, and each year 
fires swept away thousands of square miles, leaving worthless 
wastes where blasted trunks stood amid the blackened stumps 
and prostrate bodies of comrades half consumed. In a variety 
of other ways Americans seemed bent on despoiling posterity 
of its heritage. As regards the national domain, the accepted 
policy had been to give it away as rapidly as possible, and r 
though millions of acres had been taken up by desirable and 
deserving settlers, immense areas had fallen into the hands of a 
comparative few. 

George Washington and other far-sighted individuals early 
realized the importance of conserving our natural resources,, 
but for generations their voices of warning were as little heeded 
Need of as those of prophets crying in the wilderness. The 
CorTserva- need of forest conservation was first to be realized, 
tion - both because of the failing supply of timber and be¬ 

cause men came to see that, if the destruction of forests covering 
watersheds was allowed to proceed unchecked, stream flow 
would be disastrously affected: there would be “low water or 
no water at all during the long dry periods, and destructive 
floods after heavy rains.” In 1891, largely as a result of agi¬ 
tation conducted by the Boone and Crockett Club, of which 
Theodore Roosevelt was a moving spirit, and by the American 
Forestry Association, Congress passed the eminently wise 
Forestry Reserve Act. Under that act Presidents Harrison,. 
Cleveland, and McKinley set apart a total of 35,000,000 acres 
of forest, the first tract thus reserved being the Yellowstone 
Park Timberland Reserve. 

In other lines a beginning was made, and many men bore an 
honorable part in advancing the movement, but to Gifford 
Pinchot is due the title of “Father of the Conservation Move¬ 
ment.” After graduating at Yale in 1889 Pinchot studied sci- 


332 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Gifford 

Pinchot’s 

Work. 


entific forestry in Europe, and in 1892 began at Biltmore, 
North Carolina, the first systematic forestry work ever at¬ 
tempted in this country. Later, under the auspices 
of the National Academy of Sciences, and with the 
approval of Cleveland’s secretary of the interior, he 
made a study of the national forests and formulated a policy 
for their management. In 1898 he became chief of the Division 
of Forestry, which had been created by Congress in 1881. In 
this position he did good work, and gathered about him a body 
of trained foresters, who made a scientific study of forestry 
problems and helped to promote forestry on private lands. 
But, strangely enough, these men did not have charge of the 
public forests; these were under control of a division of the 
general land office, which was in a separate department, that of 
the interior, and were under the management of clerks who had 
no practical knowledge of forestry. In 1901 Pinchot’s Division 
of Forestry became the Bureau of Forestry, and in 1905, through 
the insistent efforts of Roosevelt, Congress made it the “Forest 
Service,” and Pinchot’s trained men were at last given control 
over the national forests. 

Roosevelt and Pinchot were warm friends, and were in hearty 
agreement as to the needs of forest conservation. 
Increases Roosevelt added about 150,000,000 acres to the 
Reserves^ forest reserves, and by 1909 Pinchot, as forester, 
headed an efficient force of over 3,000 men, who 
protected against fires and thieves a timbered area greater than 
the total acreage of all Germany. 

The new policy toward the forests was bitterly attacked by 
men whose selfish interests had been balked by it. Every year 
a fight was made in Congress to cut off the appropriations for 
the Forest Service, and to prevent the setting aside 
of further reserves. In 1907, while the agricultural 
appropriations bill was before the Senate, an 
Oregon senator managed to add an amendment providing that 
the President could not set aside any additional national forests 
in the six Northwestern States. This meant the retention of 
many million acres to be exploited by private interests at the 


Opposition 
to Forest 
Policy. 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


333 


The 

National 

Forests. 


expense of the public interest. But the Forest Service knew 
just what tracts ought to be reserved, so Roosevelt issued a 
proclamation setting aside 16,000,000 acres of timberland, 
and two days later signed the agricultural bill. In his own 
words, “the opponents of the Forest Service turned hand¬ 
springs in their wrath” when they heard the news. 

After Roosevelt’s administration some additions were made 
to the national forests, while certain tracts that were found to 
be fitted for agriculture were opened to settlement. In 1919 
there were more than 160 national forests, with a 
total area of 162,000,000 acres. Nearly all these 
were west of the Mississippi, but there were im¬ 
portant national forests about the headwaters of certain streams 
in the White Mountains and the Appalachians. The forest 
service not only sought to protect the forests, but set out mil¬ 
lions of young trees. The forests were not locked up so that 
they would be of no use, but timber that was ready to be cut 
was marketed. A policy was also adopted of exacting charges 
from stock-raisers who pastured their sheep, cattle, or horses 
on the public lands. 

Being greatly interested in natural history, Roosevelt estab¬ 
lished fifty-one national reservations in seventeen States and 
Territories, from Porto Rico to Hawaii and Alaska, 
and d New UgeS as refuges for birds. By so doing he saved some 
Parks™* 1 species that were threatened with extinction. He 
also created a number of new national parks and a 
few special game preserves, and withdrew from entry vast 
stretches of mineral lands. 

The President soon became an ardent advocate of conserv¬ 
ing all natural resources that are limited in amount. In 1902 
he secured the passage of the Great Reclamation Act, a subject 
described in detail in the next chapter. In 1907 
Conservation he induced Congress to authorize an Inland Water- 
^^ ference » ways Commission to study the interlocking prob¬ 
lems of waterways and forest preservation, and to 
investigate the possibilities of inland transportation by water. 
In May, 1908, to fix the attention of the country upon the im- 


334 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


portance of conservation, he summoned to Washington an 
epoch-making conference of governors, scientists, and other 
prominent men. The discussions took a broad range, and the 
educational value of the conference proved immense. As the 
President had hoped, the movement caught the popular fancy, 
and conservation became a settled policy in the minds of 
the American people. The conference recommended, among 
other things, protection of the source waters of navigable 
streams, prevention of forest fires by both national and State 
action, extension of practical forestry, the granting of sepa¬ 
rate titles to the surface of public lands and to the minerals 
beneath, retention of mineral lands until some system of devel¬ 
opment by carefully regulated private enterprise could be de¬ 
veloped, and appointment by the individual States of conser¬ 
vation commissions to co-operate with one another and with 
the federal authorities. 

Within eighteen months forty-one such commissions had 
been created, while a National Conservation Commission was 
established, consisting of one member from each State and Ter¬ 
ritory, with Gifford Pinchot as chairman. In 1909 
a North American Conservation Congress was held, 
to which came delegates from Newfoundland, 
Canada, and Mexico, as well as from the United States. This 
congress formulated a programme designed to make the natural 
resources of North America of greatest use to present and future 
generations. The National Conservation Commission collected 
an immense amount of valuable information, but the hostility 
of certain Congressmen resulted in 1909 in its being denied an 
appropriation for further activity. Its place was partly taken 
by an unofficial National Conservation Commission, whose first 
president was ex-President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard. 

Another organization which did excellent work was the 
Country Life Commission, designed not so much 
Commission 6 1° promote better farming as to improve living 
conditions in rural districts and render country life 
more attractive. This commission also was bitterly opposed 
by certain congressmen. 


Spread of 
the Idea. 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


Panic of 
1907. 


5 ^ 

President Roosevelt’s reforming activities aroused bitter 
antagonism among ultraconservatives and selfish interests,, 
but his popularity among the people increased rather than 
diminished. In the congressional elections of 1906 his admin¬ 
istration again received an overwhelming vote of confidence. 
Included in the majority membership of Senate and House,, 
however, were many men who were either openly or covertly' 
hostile to the President, and this hostility became more and 
more manifest as his term drew toward its close. 

Late in 1907, soon after the imposition of the great fine 
against the Standard Oil Company, a financial stringency, 
amounting in some centres to a panic, developed. There were 
runs on many banks and trust companies, but the 
financial interests combined for mutual protection,, 
clearing-house certificates were issued as an emer¬ 
gency currency, and only a comparatively few institutions went 
to the wall. Basically the business of the country was sound, 
and the flurry was mainly a “money panic”; it was often re¬ 
ferred to as the “rich man’s panic.” In some of the great in¬ 
dustrial centres lack of employment developed, but the West 
suffered comparatively little and the farming class were not 
much inconvenienced. 

One result of the panic was the passage of the Aldrich-Vree- 
land bill, authorizing national banks to issue emergency notes 
in times of financial stress. The act was intended as merely 
a temporary measure, and was to expire June £o r 
1914. It provided for a National Monetary Com¬ 
mission, composed of nine representatives and nine 
senators, with Senator Aldrich of Rhode Island as chairman. 
This commission investigated currency and banking questions- 
and ultimately brought in a report, but legislation was delayed 
until after Wilson came into power. 

Some of the President’s enemies charged that the panic was 
due to the activities of “Theodore the Meddler,” but many of 
his friends declared that the flurry was “manufactured” by 
trust magnates in order to discredit the attempts of the Presi¬ 
dent to subject them to the law. 


Aldrich- 

Vreeland 

Act. 


336 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

As fairly good business conditions soon returned, Roosevelt's 
popularity suffered no serious diminution, and, as the time for 
the political campaign of 1908 drew near, an insistent demand 
arose that he should accept a “ second elective term." 
Selects Taft P°i nte d to his self-denying statement of 1904, 
to Carry but the demand was so strong that it was only by 
Polities! setting his face firmly against it that he prevented 
his renomination and probably his re-election. He 
was anxious, however, that his successor should be some one 
who would carry out his policies. Among the candidates were 
Senator Knox of Pennsylvania, Governor Hughes of New York, 
Governor Cummins of Iowa, Vice-President Fairbanks, Senator 
La Follette of Wisconsin, Speaker Joseph G. Cannon of Illinois, 
Senator Foraker of Ohio, and Secretary of War Taft. Roose¬ 
velt’s choice fell upon Taft, and he threw his influence strongly 
to him. As governor of the Philippines, member of the cabinet, 
and in the conduct of numerous special missions Taft had dis¬ 
played abilities of a high order. There was no great enthu¬ 
siasm for him personally, but he received extensive financial 
assistance from his half-brother, Charles P. Taft, a multi¬ 
millionaire of Cincinnati, while Roosevelt’s support rendered 
his success certain. When the Republican convention met in 
Chicago in the middle of June, he was easily nominated on the 
first ballot. His nomination was considered a victory of the 
progressive element of the party. For the sake of harmony 
the vice-presidential nomination was given to the conservatives, 
and Representative James S. Sherman of New York became 
Taft’s running mate on the ticket. 

In its platform the party confidently asked for its continu¬ 
ance in power on the basis of past performance. The achieve¬ 
ments of the Roosevelt administration were lauded in resound¬ 
ing periods. “In no other period since national 
Platform. sovereignty was won under Washington, or pre¬ 
served under Lincoln,’’ ran one sentence, “has there 
been such mighty progress in those ideals of government which 
m »ke for justice, equality, and fair dealing among men.’’ 
/rmong the measures promised for the future were amendment 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


337 


Tariff 

Revision 

Pledged. 


of the Antitrust Act, currency reform, modification of the power 
of federal courts to issue injunctions in labor disputes, and re¬ 
vision of the tariff. This last task was to be carried out “by 
a special session of Congress immediately following the in¬ 
auguration of the next President.” “In all tariff legislation,” 
so ran the platform, “the true principle of protection is best 
maintained by the imposition of such duties as will equal the 
difference between the cost of production at home and abroad, 
together with a reasonable profit to American in¬ 
dustries.” This language was not very specific, 
and the platform said nothing as to whether re¬ 
vision would be up or down, but in speeches made during the 
campaign Taft explained that revision would be downward. 
This pledge later rose up to plague him. 

In the Democratic party the “safe and sane” wing had lost 
prestige in the disastrous campaign of 1904 and the radicals 
were again in the saddle. Bryan had kept before the country 
by lecturing and by publishing a political paper 
Korn!* and called the Commoner , and had laid plans for again 
leading the party in 1908. Other men were men¬ 
tioned for the honor, but when the national convention met at 
Denver (July 7,1908) Bryan was nominated by a great majority, 
with John W. Kern of Indiana as the vice-presidential can¬ 
didate. The platform contained the usual criticisms of the 
party in power, and, among other things, favored tariff and 
currency reform and a more stringent antitrust act, and prom¬ 
ised changes in the power of federal judges to issue injunctions 
in case of strikes. 

Both Taft and Bryan made extended speaking tours, but the 
campaign proved even duller than that of 1904. With return¬ 
ing prosperity the people were well satisfied with Republican 
rule and evinced small desire for a change. In the 
Elected. election Bryan received 1,323,000 more of the pop¬ 
ular vote than had Parker, yet Taft’s popular plu¬ 
rality amounted to about 1,270,000, while the electoral vote 
stood 321 for Taft, 162 for Bryan. Debs, who was once more 
the Socialist candidate, received 420,820, which was an increase 


338 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

of only 18,000 over that of four years before. The Populists, 
who appeared for the last time, polled only 29,146, being sur¬ 
passed by an ephemeral organization known as the Independence 
party. 

In the final session of the Sixtieth Congress the breach which 
had long been perceptible between President Roosevelt and 
certain conservative Republicans in the House and Senate be- 
A Rift in came decidedly wider. The leaders of this “ stand- 
Repubiican pat” element in the Senate were Aldrich of Rhode 
Island and Hale of Maine; in the House, Speaker 
Cannon. Of these men Roosevelt later wrote in his Autobi¬ 
ography: “I made a resolute effort to get on with all three 
and with their followers, and I have no question that they 
made an equally resolute effort to get on with me. We suc¬ 
ceeded in working together, although with increasing friction, 
for some years, I pushing forward and they hanging back. 
Gradually, however, I was forced to abandon the effort to per¬ 
suade them to come my way, and then I achieved results only 
by appealing over the heads of the Senate and House leaders 
to the people, who were the masters of both of us. I continued 
in this way to get results until almost the close of my term; and 
the Republican party became once more the progressive and 
indeed the fairly radical progressive party of the Nation. When 
my successor was chosen, however, the leaders of the House 
or Senate, or most of them, felt that it was safe to come to a 
break with me, and the last or short session of Congress, held 
between the election of my successor and his inauguration four 
months later, saw a series of contests between the majorities' 
in the two houses of Congress and the President,—myself,— 
quite as bitter as if they and I had belonged to opposite political 
parties.” Dire consequences to the party in power were ulti¬ 
mately to result from the divergencies thus revealing them¬ 
selves. But at the moment the sun of Republicanism seemed 
to shine out of practically a clear sky, while Democratic pros¬ 
pects had rarely seemed darker. 

The administration thus closing was undoubtedly one of the 
most remarkable in American annals, and Roosevelt retired 


ROOSEVELT’S “SECOND” TERM 


339 


Roosevelt’: 
Achieve¬ 
ments and 
Character¬ 
istics. 


amid the enthusiastic plaudits of an admiring people. As an ad¬ 
ministrator he had displayed remarkable foresight and won¬ 
derful ability to get things done. He was not con¬ 
tent to wait until a situation became desperate; he 
acted in accordance with a favorite aphorism, to 
the effect that nine parts of wisdom is being wise 
in time. His success in bringing things to pass was partly due 
to careful planning and remarkable driving force but also in 
large measure to a rare talent for picking efficient men and 
inspiring them with an enthusiasm for public service. No 
American of his time had so many admiring friends or so many 
bitter enemies. It was highly creditable to be assailed by 
some of the men who sought to pull him down, yet it must be 
said that he alienated and antagonized—often on small matters 
—some men as well meaning as he. This was largely due to 
what was probably his chief weakness, namely, an excessive 
tendency to controversy and denunciation. It was proper 
enough, perhaps, for him to put certain individuals into his 
“Ananias Club,” or to classify some others as “nature fakers” or 
“malefactors of great wealth,” but not infrequently he scorched 
with vitriolic language persons who hardly deserved such treat¬ 
ment. Furthermore, he often engaged in wordy controver¬ 
sies when silence would have been the better course. It was 
like gunning for flies with an elephant-rifle. But these were 
minor blemishes on a great and noble character. Judged 
merely as an individual, as a specimen of the genus homo , he 
was the most remarkable man of his age, one of the few most 
remarkable of all ages. A celebrated Englishman, John Mor- 
ley, said that he had been impressed by two great natural phe¬ 
nomena in America—Niagara Falls and Theodore Roosevelt. 

For more than a quarter of a century he fought in the fore¬ 
front of good causes, standing where the fighting waxed fiercest, 
giving and receiving mighty blows, and exulting in 
American. the j°y of conflict. No one preached patriotism 
and civic righteousness so effectively as he, or 
taught so many to scorn what is base and ignoble. He brought 
into public life an inspiration that will abide for generations. 


340 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

Long ago it was written that without vision the people perish. 
Theodore Roosevelt wrote: 

We, here in America, hold in our hands the hope of the world, 
the fate of the coming years, and shame and disgrace will be ours 
if in our eyes the light of high resolve is dimmed, if we trail in the 
dust the golden hope of men. 


CHAPTER XVIII 


THE NEW WEST 


Increase in 
Population. 


Recent decades have continued to behold a marvellous 
transformation in the West. In 1870 Idaho, Washington, and 
Oregon combined had a white population of only 130,000; of 
Rapid these, 91,000 were in Oregon, largely in the won¬ 

derful Willamette Valley. Seattle, founded in 
1852, had only 1,100, and Tacoma, founded in 
1868, only 73. In ten years the population of the region more 
than doubled, while the decade of 1880-90 witnessed an even 
greater increase. By 1910 Idaho contained 325,594 people, 
Oregon 672,763, Washington 1,141,990. Seattle had multi¬ 
plied over two hundred times, and had 237,194; Tacoma over 
a thousand times, and had 83,743. Portland, an older city 
than either, had 207,214. The acquisition of Alaska and the 
expansion of trade with Hawaii, Australia, and the Orient were 
important factors in building up all the Pacific States, and San 
Francisco Bay and Puget Sound had come to be among the 
busiest waters in the world. 

By 1910 California had added $2,000,000,000 to the world’s 
gold supply, but mining was then only one of many industries. 
A great diversity of manufactures had sprung up. Even pe¬ 
troleum had been discovered, though the fact that 
California oil has an asphaltum, not a paraffin, base 
renders it better fitted for fuel than for illuminating or rapid- 
combustion purposes. Lumbering and the growing of a wide 
variety of agricultural and horticultural products, including 
oranges and grapes, employed great numbers of people, as did 
stock-raising and many other occupations. Tens of thousands 
of people of wealth had been drawn thither to make their homes 
by the wonderful natural beauty of the country, and the agree¬ 
able climate. With an area larger than that of some empires, 

341 


California. 


342 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

with populous cities, great universities, celebrated authors, and 
wonderful natural advantages as regards climate, location, and 
otherwise, California possessed an individuality all her own 
and was famous throughout the world. 

Democratic fear of increasing Republican strength long de¬ 
layed the admission of some of the northwestern States, but in 
1889 an omnibus bill conferred statehood upon Montana, Wash- 
„ ington, and North and South Dakota, the last two 

New States. , ® ’ _ . 

being formed by dividing the immense Dakota 

Territory. Wyoming and Idaho were admitted the next year. 
Utah, the “child of the desert,” had prospered under the patri¬ 
archal reign of Brigham Young, and had a population double 
that of Idaho and three times that of Wyoming, but, owing to 
popular hostility to Mormonism, had to wait for statehood 
until 1896. Oklahoma, after vainly knocking for years, was 
admitted in 1907; Arizona and New Mexico, whose large Mex¬ 
ican population long kept them out, were finally admitted in 
1912. From the Atlantic to the Pacific not a single Territory 
remained. 

Railroads continued to be a vital factor in the life and devel¬ 
opment of the West. New trunk lines and “feeders” were 
constructed, and roads were consolidated into great systems, 
in which process many spectacular fights took place between 
rival magnates. These magnates were often unscrupulous as 
to methods; they bent governors to their will, corrupted judges 
and State legislatures, dominated whole States. 

Such a railway-empire builder was Edward H. Harriman, 
who gained control of the Union Pacific when it was tottering 
financially, built it up, and used it as a lever to extend his 
power. In a titanic conflict in 1901 for the con- 
HanimarL trol of the Northern Pacific he was beaten by the 
combined strength of J. P. Morgan and James J. 
Hill, but he gained possession of the Southern Pacific, and east 
of the Mississippi controlled the Illinois Central and the Georgia 
Central, with their branch lines. At his death in 1909 he con¬ 
trolled about 25,000 miles of road, had a strong influence in 
the management of roads aggregating 50,000 miles more, and 


THE NEW WEST 


343 


also controlled important banks and steamboat lines. He used 
this great power ruthlessly; his word had practically the force 
of law in certain States, including California; he defied even 
the federal government. 

A magnate of a different type was James J. Hill, who came to 
control transportation in the Northwest much as Harriman did 
that of the Southwest. Born in Ontario in 1838, he settled in 
St. Paul, which was then a small frontier town, 
hSl* 5 worked in steamboat offices, and finally engaged in 
fuel and transportation enterprises for himself. In 
1878, with three associates—two of them later prominent in 
the building of the famous Canadian Pacific—he managed to 
obtain control of “a pitiful heap of unrelated scraps” known 
as the St. Paul and Pacific Railroad, though its lines extended 
only a few hundred miles west of the Mississippi. Hill soon 
became the dominant figure in the enterprise, reorganized the 
road under a new name, pushed out extensions, and greatly 
aided in the rapid settlement of Minnesota and Dakota. But 
his great dream was a transcontinental of his own. Critics 
sneered at the thought of constructing a new line between the 
Canadian Pacific, in the building of which he had played a 
part, and the Northern Pacific; they called the project “Hill’s 
folly.” But Hill persevered, and in 1893 completed a road 
connecting St. Paul and Lake Superior with Seattle and the 
Pacific coast. Branch lines were thrown out to north and 
south, and a line of steamships was established to Japan and 
China, thus realizing the old dream of John Jacob Astor, the 
founder of Astoria on the Columbia. Not only did Hill by his 
transportation activities contribute immensely toward the 
settlement of the Northwest, but he was a pioneer in pro¬ 
moting many ideas which that section and the whole country 
needed. He encouraged diversified farming, introduced better 
breeds of stock, urged the use of better seed, established model 
farms, and preached the conservation of natural resources. A 
generation passed before he succeeded in hammering his ideas 
into the bucolic brain, nor was he alone in the work, but the 
ultimate results justified his labors. In an age when railway 


344 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

magnates and other millionaires were objects of well-nigh uni¬ 
versal suspicion, most people made an exception for “Jim" 
Hill, as he was affectionately called, and he was rightly regarded 
as one of the real statesmen of the country. 

There are many persons still living who studied in their 
youth geographies containing maps on which a large part of 
the West bore the inscription, “Great American Desert." 
The “Great Shortly before the Civil War an eminent scientist 
American of the Smithsonian Institution emphatically de¬ 
clared that the region west of the 98th meridian, 
which runs through eastern Nebraska and central Kansas, 
“is a barren waste ... a wilderness, unfitted for the use of 
the husbandman, although in some of the mountainous valleys 
at Salt Lake, by means of irrigation, a precarious supply of 
food may be obtained." Even as late as 1870 it would have 
been difficult to find any one to contradict General Hazen when 
he said that there could be no general agriculture between the 
1 ooth meridian, the Sierra Nevada Mountains, Canada, and 
Mexico. 

There was an element of truth in these old views of the West, 
but not the whole truth. Approximately at the 97th meridian 
“the region of assured rainfall ends and the arid region be¬ 
gins." To eastward of that line droughts are not 
Region^ uncommon, but generally the rainfall is sufficient 
for the production of crops; to westward droughts 
are so much the rule that special methods must be resorted 
to in order to render the production of crops at all certain. 
Long before the American conquest the mission fathers in Cali¬ 
fornia had brought water to their land by artificial means, and 
prior to 1850 Brigham Young and his Mormon followers had 
begun to transform the arid region of Salt Lake by irrigation, 
but elsewhere Americans were slow to realize the possibilities 
thus disclosed. 

The first Easterner of prominence to champion irrigation was 
Major John Wesley Powell. This soldier and scientist was best 
known for an adventurous descent of the Colorado River 
through the great canyon, now a Mecca for tourists. He was 


THE NEW WEST 


345 


long director of the federal geological survey, and as such car¬ 
ried out extended investigations in the West, the results of which 
Work of were Polished in 1879 i n his great report on The 

Major Lands of the Arid Region. It is not too much to say 

that he “organized the work that laid the founda¬ 
tion for the great irrigation development.” From first-hand 
observation he knew that in the arid West were vast plains and 
great valleys, fertile of soil but bearing little more than cactus 
or sage-brush, to which it would be only necessary to bring the 
vivifying power of water in order to make such land as produc¬ 
tive as any in the world. 

In the decade following the publication of Powell’s report 
Congress authorized some investigations into the possibilities 
of irrigation, but the only actual development of irrigation proj¬ 
ects was done by private individuals or companies. 
Act, lu several States enterprises due to private initiative 

were carried into successful operation, and consider¬ 
able tracts of land were redeemed from the desert. In 1894 
Congress gave a great impetus to such work by passing the 
Carey Act, offering to each of the States in the arid region a 
million acres of public land, provided the States would see to 
it that such land was reclaimed and settled. Several States 
accepted the proposal, and then gave to private corporations 
the rights to irrigate the land and sell it to settlers. 

But private initiative was not equal to the vast task of re¬ 
claiming the arid lands, and men began to ask that the nation 
itself should take up the work of making such lands fit for 
The Recia- settlement. An important factor in developing 
mation Act, public sentiment along this line were the Irrigation 
congresses, the first of which was held at Salt Lake 
City in September, 1891. The platforms of both the great 
parties in 1900 declared in favor of federal aid for reclamation 
work, and in the following year, in the person of Roosevelt, 
there came into the presidency a man who really understood 
the West, its needs and its possibilities. In his first message 
to Congress Roosevelt declared that “forest and water prob¬ 
lems are perhaps the most vital internal problems of the United 


346 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

States/’ and largely as a result of his energetic support Con¬ 
gress (June, 1902) passed the Newlands Reclamation Act, fa¬ 
thered by Francis G. Newlands, a Democratic representative 
from Nevada. The act appropriated for reclamation purposes 
95 per cent of the money received from the sale of public lands 
in the West, and put the work in charge of the Department of 
the Interior. Future generations will probably regard the act 
as one of the most beneficent ever passed by Congress. 

The reclamation work was at first in charge of the Geological 
Survey, but in 1908 a special Reclamation Service was estab¬ 
lished, and for the post of director a man of great competence 
The was selected in the person of Frederick H. Newell, 

Reclamation who was already chief engineer of the work and who, 
with Gifford Pinchot, had been largely instrumental 
in inducing the President to take up the subject. Many great 
projects were begun, and vast sums were expended under the 
Reclamation Act and under another act of 1910, which author¬ 
ized the issuance of $20,000,000 in certificates of indebtedness 
for use in the work. Private initiative also continued to accom¬ 
plish important results, and a decade after the passage of the 
Reclamation Act a member of the Reclamation Service could 
write: 

Irrigation canals representing an investment of one hundred and 
fifty million dollars, and long enough to girdle the globe with triple 
bands, have spread oases of green in sixteen arid states and terri¬ 
tories. An annual harvest valued at not less than two hundred 
and fifty million dollars is the desert’s response to the intelligent 
application of water to her sun-burned valleys. Practically all 
of this stupendous miracle has been wrought within the past 
quarter of a century, and a large part of it by individual enter¬ 
prise. The Great American Desert no longer calls up a vision of 
desolation and horrors. With the westward march of settlers, its 
boundaries have shrunken. Railroads have thrust its barriers 
aside. Its flowing streams and its underground waters are being 
measured and studied, and we are beginning to grasp faintly a 
little of its potential greatness. Conservative engineers, on the 
basis of our present knowledge, estimate that not less than thirty 
million acres are yet reclaimable by water from the streams which 
drain it. 


THE NEW WEST 


347 


Since the above was written many million more dollars have 
been expended, both by individuals and by the government. 
By 1918 the total amount expended by the Reclamation Service 
Later amounted to about $125,000,000. Water had been 

Progress. provided on the government projects for about a 
million and a half acres, and about a million acres were under 
cultivation. Some of the dams built to impound the water 
are wonderful structures; among the most notable are the 
Engle dam on the Rio Grande River, the Roosevelt dam on 
Salt River in Arizona, and the Shoshone dam in Wyoming, the 
last-named being the loftiest in the world. The land irrigated 
by the Reclamation Service is sold to settlers, and the money 
invested thus forms a sort of “revolving fund” that can be 
used in developing future projects. 

The success of reclamation has been so great in the arid re¬ 
gion that it is probable that in course of time irrigation will 
be used in more humid regions. Even in the Middle West 
hardly a summer passes in which there is not a dry period that 
damages crops, while every few seasons a drought occurs that 
causes an almost total failure. 

The West has been transformed in fifty years, yet its real 
development has hardly begun. Sight should not 
be lost of the fact that two-thirds of the total area of 
the United States lies to westward of the Mississippi 
River. Of what immense populations may not this region be 
the home in generations not far distant! 

In the early portion of our period the West was poor and 
radical. Populism and many another “ism” came out of Kan¬ 
sas and other Western States. Now the West is prosperous 
and more conservative. Western statesmen have 
ceased to boast of being “sockless” or of the length 
of their whiskers. In sections in which, in the early 
’go’s, farmers were burning corn for fuel, and knew 
not where the money was to come from with which to pay the 
interest on the mortgage, the same men or their sons ride in 
high-power motor-cars, clip coupons from government bonds, 
and grow indignant over the proposals of wild-eyed agitators 
in Chicago or New York. 


Future 

Possibilities. 


The West 
Less Radical 
than 

Formerly. 


348 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

The progress of Alaska under American rule long continued 
to be exceedingly slow, and the white population remained so 
small that it was not until 1884 that the new possession was 
siowDe given a civil government, and not until 1912 that 
veiopment it was permitted to have an elective legislature. 
° a * Owing to remoteness and transportation difficul¬ 
ties, to high mountains and unfordable rivers, to swarming 
mosquitoes in summer and frightful cold in winter, years passed 
before large stretches of the vast interior were even explored. 
In 1883 Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka, who had had experi¬ 
ence as an Arctic explorer, led a party which floated down the 
Yukon from its headwaters, and Schwatka’s book describing 
the trip made this great waterway better known to the world. 
Other exploring expeditions gradually unlocked Alaska’s ge¬ 
ographical secrets and disclosed, for example, that Denali, 
or Mount McKinley, an immense snow peak 20,300 feet high, 
forms “the top of the continent.” 

From a financial point of view, outside interest in Alaska was 
long chiefly confined to trading with the Indians for furs and to 
the interesting and highly profitable fur-seal industry. In 
1869 the federal government leased the sealing rights 
Fish. and on the Pribyloff Islands, where the seals chiefly 

congregated, to the Alaska Commercial Company 
for twenty years, and in 1890 made a new contract with the 
North American Company. Both the companies and the 
government obtained large financial returns from the fur-seal 
industry, but pelagic sealing in Bering Sea by Canadians and 
others resulted in international complications that have been 
described in an earlier chapter. About 1878 enterprising Ameri¬ 
cans began to establish canneries near the mouths of the rivers, 
in order to take advantage of the vast “run” of salmon, which 
leave the sea and ascend the streams to spawn. In a few vears 
the industry was annually producing immense quantities of 
food valued at many millions of dollars. 

When Alaska was purchased optimists predicted that it 
would be found to contain vast mineral resources. In 1880 
quartz veins were discovered in the region about Juneau, near 


THE NEW WEST 


349 


the southern extremity. Most of the ore was low grade, yield¬ 
ing only a few dollars in gold per ton; but working conditions 
were favorable, and one mine, the famous Tread- 
Rush G ° ld well, on Douglas Island, soon became one of the 
most productive in the world. As early as 1873 a 
few prospectors began operations in the upper Yukon country. 
But the region was exceedingly remote, the working season 
was short, food and transportation difficulties were enormous, 
and it was not until the finding in 1896 of fabulously rich placer 
deposits along Klondike Creek that the world at large learned 
of the mineral possibilities of the Yukon country. The “Klon¬ 
dike” lies over the boundary in British America, but rich au¬ 
riferous deposits were soon found on streams emptying into the 
Yukon in the true Alaska and even around the head of Cook 
Inlet and about Nome, near Bering Strait. Hordes of gold- 
seekers hastened from all over the world toward the diggings, 
and braved incredible hardships in a hyperborean land of tall 
mountains, muskegs, swift rivers, snow, and bitter cold to reach 
the region of their hopes. Many died on the way, thousands 
turned back, many more thousands found only disappointment, 
a few “struck it rich” and dug out great sums in gold dust. 
The camps were picturesque and lively, but more orderly than 
those of California in ’49; there were comparatively few rob¬ 
beries and murders—little need for lynch law. The battles 
fought were mostly with hostile nature, but it was not a life 
for weaklings. The “sour-dough” poet, Robert Service, wrote 
truly: 

“This is the law of the Yukon, and ever she makes it plain: 

‘Send not your foolish and feeble; send me your strong and your 
sane— 

Strong for the red rage of battle; sane for I harry them sore; 

Send me men girt for the combat, men who are grit to the core/” 

Most of the gold-seekers soon returned to their homes, and 
during the first decade of the new century Alaska gained only 
about a thousand in population, the number of inhabitants in 
1910 being 64,356, of whom 25,331 were Indians. Vast coal, 


350 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Other 

Resources. 


copper, and other mineral deposits were known to exist; inte¬ 
rior valleys were even thought to possess great agricultural and 
grazing possibilities; reindeer raising had been suc¬ 
cessfully introduced; but the further development 
of the country waited on the construction of better 
methods of transportation and a more definite governmental 
policy regarding the natural resources of the country. Even 
so, however, “Seward’s Folly” was annually producing, in 
minerals, fish, furs, and other products, more than five times 
its purchase price. 

The mighty Yukon affords entrance for 2,000 miles to the 
heart of the country, and by 1913 a few short railway lines had 
been built by private companies, but otherwise inland trans¬ 
portation was mostly carried on by dog-sledge, pack- 
train, and on the backs of men. The great cost of 
railway construction and the unlikelihood of early 
profits discouraged private initiative in the devel¬ 
opment of better transportation facilities, and in 
1912 a railroad commission appointed by President Taft re¬ 
ported in favor of the government’s taking up railway-building 
in Alaska. Early in 1914 Congress authorized the President 
to construct and operate not to exceed 1,000 miles of railroad 
in Alaska, at an expense not to exceed $35,000,000. A route 
extending from Seward to Fairbanks, with a branch to the Ma- 
tanuska coal-fields, was selected in 1915, and, though the war 
delayed progress, the enterprise was ultimately completed. 

Many difficulties remain to be overcome before Alaska’s re¬ 
sources can be fully developed, but there can be little doubt 
that the region is a great natural storehouse from which for 
ages to come our people can draw for use and enjoyment. 


The 

Government 
Takes up 
the Trans¬ 
portation 
Problem. 


CHAPTER XIX 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 

On the eve of March 3, 1909, a hundred thousand visitors 
had gathered in the capital to witness the installation of a 
President whose administration, it was confidently expected, 
would be prosperous and successful. The broad equipment 
and varied training of William H. Taft for the high position to 
which he had been called were admitted on every hand, and his 
genial good nature was so pronounced that he had few personal 
enemies even among his political opponents. The weather 
bureau forecast fair weather for the great day, but an unex¬ 
pected “flare-back” swept down upon the city, bringing such a 
fierce storm of wind, snow, sleet, and rain that for the first time 
in over a century the inaugural oath had to be administered 
indoors. In after years men who looked back to that stormy 
day felt that it foreshadowed coming events—an administra¬ 
tion that seemed likely to pass calmly and serenely yet that, in 
reality, proved full of turmoil and ended in disaster. 

From his predecessor’s cabinet the new President retained 
only two men, namely, George von L. Meyer, who was trans¬ 
ferred from the post-office to the navy, and James, Wilson, 
secretary of agriculture. Wilson had taken that 
Cabinet. position in 1897, and he remained in office until 
1913, the longest term of a cabinet member in the 
history of the country and a period in which a vast amount of 
progress was made in developing scientific agriculture. For sec¬ 
retary of state President Taft chose Senator Philander C. Knox 
of Pennsylvania, who had been attorney-general in 1901-04; 
and for attorney-general he named George W. Wickersham, 
a New York lawyer. In general, it was a cabinet that was 
notable for legal learning rather than for political sagacity or 
breadth of view. In some quarters it was assumed that the 

35i 


352 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Roosevelt 
Goes to 
Africa. 


President chose so many lawyers because he believed their 
training would be helpful in translating into effective enact¬ 
ments the sentiment in favor of reform aroused by the agitation 
under his predecessor. 

Soon after his retirement that predecessor sailed for the wilds 
of East Africa to indulge his fondness for natural history and 
big-game hunting. With him he took his son Kermit and a 
staff of scientists from the Smithsonian Institution. 
The party reached Mombasa in April, and soon 
plunged into the remote interior, where for many 
months Colonel Roosevelt and his son hunted rhinoceroses, 
lions, elephants, and other savage beasts with great success. 
Meanwhile President Taft was left free to make or mar his ad¬ 
ministration, without suggestion or dictation from his former 
chief. 

In reality Taft’s position was much more difficult than was 
popularly supposed. Within his party there existed a pro¬ 
gressive and a conservative wing. The progressives enthusi¬ 
astically favored the “Roosevelt policies” and would 
be bitterly disappointed at any faltering in uphold¬ 
ing or promoting them. The conservatives, who 
were more powerful than numerous, bitterly disliked those 
policies and were determined to put an end to them. In the 
beginning Taft appears to have hoped to steer a course which 
would enable him to obtain the support of both factions. But 
to do so successfully was beyond his or any other man’s powers. 
Furthermore, as perhaps he failed to see, the political situation 
was such that unless he worked with the progressive element 
he really served the purposes of the conservatives, for they were 
satisfied to stand still, and if the President did not aid the pro¬ 
gressives to drive the wagon forward, the conservatives gained 
their object. 

The first important task taken up was the revision of the 
tariff. In accordance with the platform promise, the President 
summoned Congress in extra session (March 15, 1909), and the 
Solons set to work upon a new tariff bill. It quickly developed 
that neither Republicans nor Democrats would be able to 


Taft’s 

Difficult 

Task. 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


353 


present a united front on the issue. Some Republicans opposed 
any reductions in the schedules, or even wished to build the 
tariff wall still higher; others favored carrying out their can¬ 
didate’s pre-election pledge to lower it. Even many Demo¬ 
crats forgot their free-trade principles in their eagerness to se¬ 
cure the highest possible protection for articles produced in 
their States or districts. As usual, the pressure from protected 
interests proved tremendous, and the capital swarmed with 
lobbyists. 

As the Senate was controlled by a coterie of extremely high- 
tariff Republicans, headed by Senator Aldrich, and the House 
by another, headed by Speaker Joseph G. Cannon, it was clear 
that decided downward revision was unlikely un- 
Aldrich^Act. l ess th e President forced it by aggressive action. 

But Taft took the ground that the executive ought 
not to dictate to the legislative branch, and merely used his in¬ 
fluence in a mild way. He succeeded in securing free entrance 
into the United States for Philippine products in limited 
amounts, and in substituting a tax on the net earnings of cor¬ 
porations in place of an inheritance tax, but most of his sug¬ 
gestions for downward revision were ignored. After months 
of jockeying Congress finally passed what is known to history 
as the Payne-Aldrich Bill, and the President signed it. Twenty 
Republican representatives and seven Republican senators de¬ 
nounced the measure and refused to vote for it. Among these 
“insurgent” senators were Dolliver and Cummins of Iowa, 
Beveridge of Indiana, Bristow of Kansas, and La Follette of 
Wisconsin. President Taft confessed that the woollens sched¬ 
ule was unsatisfactory, but in a speech delivered at Winona, 
Minnesota, in September, 1909, he pronounced the bill, as a 
whole, the best tariff law ever made. This view found few sup¬ 
porters except among reactionary Republicans and the protected 
interests. 

The “insurgents” who revolted against the Payne-Aldrich 
Bill were mostly men who had ardently supported the Roose¬ 
velt policies. Their number was soon increased by a scandal 
in the Department of the Interior. As head of that department 


354 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

Taft had appointed Richard Achilles Ballinger, a Seattle law¬ 
yer and politician, who for a time had been commissioner of 
Ballinger- general land-office under Roosevelt. While not 

Pinchot in the public service he had become attorney for 
Controversy. ^ “Cunningham claims” to valuable coal deposits 
in Alaska. The legality of these claims was doubtful, and many 
persons believed them fraudulent and part of a plan on the 
part of the Morgan-Guggenheim Syndicate—popularly known 
as the “ Morganheims ”—to gobble up the rich natural resources 
of Alaska. Among those who believed the claims fraudulent 
were Chief Forester Gifford Pinchot and Messrs. Shaw, Glavis, 
and Price, of the Forestry Service. All of these men were offi¬ 
cials in the Department of the Interior, and hence were subor¬ 
dinates of Ballinger. Believing that Ballinger was betraying 
conservation, they ignored bureaucratic red tape and appealed 
over his head to the President and people. Taft deemed them 
guilty of insubordination and dismissed them from the ser¬ 
vice; at the same time he declared his confidence in Ballinger. 
The controversy caused a great uproar, and many newspapers 
and magazines of progressive sympathies upheld Pinchot and 
attacked Ballinger. It was charged that Taft had not suffi¬ 
ciently investigated the matter, and, though both he and Bal¬ 
linger were warmly defended, many people felt that he had 
put too much emphasis upon mere official punctilio and too 
little upon public efficiency. Later a representative of the 
Morgan-Guggenheim Syndicate admitted that his company 
held options on many of the Cunningham claims, all of which, 
it may be added, were finally held by the courts to be void. A 
congressional investigating committee “whitewashed” Bal¬ 
linger, but he continued to be a target for bitter criticism, and 
ultimately (March 6, 1911) he resigned. 

Whatever may have been the merits of his course in the 
Pinchot-Ballinger controversy, it is beyond question that Taft 
remained loyal to conservation. He appointed ardent con¬ 
servationists to fill the vacancies created by the dismissal of 
Pinchot and his associates, secured important legislation to 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


355 


A 

Republican 

Crisis. 


A Period 
of Unrest. 


safeguard the movement, and withdrew from entry many mil¬ 
lion acres of water-power sites and of coal, petroleum, and 
mineral lands. He also secured legislation providing for the 
purchase of forest reserves in the White and Appalachian 
Mountains, already referred to. 

But it was beyond his power to close the rift that had opened 
in Republican ranks. Before a year of his admin¬ 
istration had passed, and while Roosevelt was still 
in the African jungles, it was clear to keen observers 
that the party was facing the greatest crisis in its history. 

The crisis was all the graver because of the character of the 
times. It was an age of unrest, of striving after things unat¬ 
tained, perhaps unattainable. Men were not only demanding 
social and industrial reforms, but were beginning 
to contend that our whole political system, includ¬ 
ing even the Federal Constitution, needed over¬ 
hauling. That document, the critics asserted, was framed in 
the eighteenth century for a decentralized society, chiefly agri¬ 
cultural in character and as yet untouched by the transforming 
influences of the Industrial Revolution. There were then no 
steamships, no railroads, no telegraphs, no factories, no stock 
exchanges, no tenement-houses, no trusts, no labor-unions, no 
cities of even 50,000 people, nothing virtually, except Mother 
Earth and human nature, that entered into the transformed 
world and its problems. Conditions change, and political in¬ 
stitutions must change with them, else countries become petri¬ 
fied, as did China. “Broad construction” and certain amend¬ 
ments had helped to adjust the Constitution to the demands of 
a new age, but further changes were needed, and fundamental 
amendments were virtually impossible because the process pre¬ 
scribed is so difficult that conservative influences intrenched in 
a few States could block changes. As things stood, the critics 
complained, legislators must devote a large share of their atten¬ 
tion to considering not whether a law was needed, but whether, 
if passed, the courts would adjudge it constitutional. 

Criticism of the courts was wide-spread and often virulent. 


356 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

Even fairly conservative people, including many lawyers, said 
that they were dilatory, that they were often swamped by 
technicalities and hide-bound by precedent. More 
toCoSt? ra di ca l critics declared that they were dams to the 
progress of social justice, gave too much weight to 
property rights and too little to human rights, that they served 
as bulwarks of privilege, that the judges themselves lacked an 
“understanding heart.” 

In all parts of the country, and particularly in the West and 
Middle West, it was felt that conservative and even reactionary 
influences too often controlled courts, executives, and legisla¬ 
tive bodies; and a wide-spread demand developed 
More*"Direct for more “direct government.” Four devices for 
ment” 1 " checkmating the nefarious designs of “bosses” 
and special interests were considered especially 
promising: namely, primary elections, the initiative, the refer¬ 
endum, and the recall. 

Until recently it had been customary for the law to ignore 
the operations of parties and to regulate only elections. The 
nomination of persons for office had been left to extra-legal 
rules drawn up and administered by parties them¬ 
selves. But parties frequently fell into the hands 
of “rings,” which controlled conventions and put 
up men likely to betray the public interests. When both the 
great parties in a city or State nominated such candidates, 
citizens could only take a choice between two evils—or else 
resort to the doubtful device of nominating an independent 
ticket. Political observers had long realized that one of the 
greatest weaknesses in the American political system was this 
unsatisfactory method of selecting candidates; and an increas¬ 
ing number of men were insisting that nominations, like elec¬ 
tions, must be put under legal restrictions. Prior to 1908 laws 
regulating primary elections were enacted in a number of 
Western and Middle Western States, including Wisconsin, 
Oregon, Washington, Nebraska, and the two Dakotas; and a 
strong demand for similar legislation arose elsewhere. The 
innovation was opposed by political bosses and special in- 


Primary- 

Election 

Laws. 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


357 

terests, and by some well-meaning men of conservative ten¬ 
dencies. 

The demand for the initiative, referendum, and recall grew 
out of conditions that had long created wide-spread dissatisfac¬ 
tion. Legislatures would frequently refuse to pass legislation 
initiative which the public desired, or would enact bad laws, 

Referendum, while corrupt or incompetent officials would cling 
and Recall. . . ^ , & 

to power because the process of impeachment was 
unwieldy and uncertain. By the initiative voters could them¬ 
selves propose laws and enact them at elections. By the refer¬ 
endum they could prevent or annul unpopular or unsatisfactory 
laws. By the recall they could remove dishonest, incompetent, 
or unpopular officials. Reduced to their lowest terms, these 
devices constituted an attempt to adapt the principles of the 
old town meetings of New England to the complicated condi¬ 
tions of a great and populous republic. At the time that the 
Taft administration came into power all of these three devices 
were in use in Oregon, and a few other States had adopted the 
referendum and recall. Agitation in favor of the new “direct 
democracy” was spreading elsewhere, but encountered bitter 
opposition in conservative and reactionary quarters. 

By way of anticipation it may be said here that primary- 
election laws of one sort or another were ultimately adopted 
in most of the States, but ignorance of the requisites of a good 
law and underhand work on the part of enemies of 
Adoption of the system combined to make many of these laws 
System^ more or less unsatisfactory. Political machines 
and the selfish interests back of the machines 
naturally fought the primary plan and, when forced to concede 
such laws, often contrived to make them imperfect. To be 
really effective, a primary law should be as stringent as for an 
election. Furthermore, it should be combined with what is 
known as the short ballot, for it is useless to expect the voter 
to be able to display much discrimination if he is called upon 
to name a great number of officers. Many political scientists 
believe that we elect too many officers. In their opinion it 
would be better to diminish the number of elective positions, 


358 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


to elect only a few men, to let them appoint the rest, and thus 
concentrate responsibility. The voter would then be able to 
form an intelligent opinion as to the character and abilities 
of the candidates, either at the primary or at the election. The 
ordinary voter cannot do this when there are a score or more 
of positions to be filled and the aspirants number hundreds. 
The amount of money which can be expended by a candidate 
should be strictly limited. Some authorities are inclined to 
believe that a majority rather than a plurality of votes should 
be required; otherwise, a well-organized minority may win. 
In order to secure such a majority, a system of preferential 
voting has been evolved whereby the voter can express not 
only his first but also his second and third choices. But no 
system can be evolved that will beat the bosses unless a majority 
of the citizens are fully awake to their responsibilities. After 
all, the great advantage of the primary is that it enables an 
aroused public sentiment to take the party organization away 
from a political ring more easily than where the old convention 
system prevails. 

The initiative, the referendum, and the recall have been less 

initiative, widely adopted than the primary system, and their 

Referendum, use i s still mainly confined to the West and North- 
and Recall \ 

Still on west. Final judgment cannot yet be passed on 
these devices. Where they have been tried they 
have scored some successes and some failures. 

Americans are too much inclined to lay the blame for mis- 
government on faulty systems when some of the causes lie deeper. 
Improved governmental devices may prove helpful, but, no 
matter how ingenious, they cannot neutralize igno¬ 
rance, nor make up for the indifference which allows 
what is everybody’s business to be nobody’s busi¬ 
ness except the politician’s. Better political sys¬ 
tems are needed, but, above all, a higher sense of 
righteousness and responsibility among voters. Most of our 
misgovemment results not from defective institutions but from 
defective citizenship. A stream cannot rise higher than its 
source, and thus far no political hydraulic ram which will raise 


Defective 
Institutions 
Less to 
Blame than 
Defective 
Citizenship. 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


359 


the best men in a democracy into office has been devised. Be¬ 
fore we can have any real regeneration in our governmental 
affairs there must be a regeneration of the American people. 

The demand for reform helped to accentuate the differences 
in the Republican party. On the one hand stood men of a 
conservative or reactionary type who thought that the reform¬ 
ing impulse had already gone far enough, or even 
Progressives toQ £ ar On other hand stood the progressively 

Sves. erVa inclined, who believed that only a beginning had 

been made, that the world is a changing world, that 
institutions must be overhauled and modified to meet new 
conditions. As already stated, President Taft, though advo¬ 
cating some progressive measures, seemed to stand with the 
conservatives. His defenders assert that thereby he showed 
his greatness. In their view the things for which his critics 
clamored were not the things the people ought to have had. 
Taft, they contend, stood up for the old and sound order, and 
sacrificed himself to save the foundations of constitutional 
government against ruthless innovation. 

As time passed Taft became increasingly unpopular. This 
was due partly to his policies, partly to his personality, partly 
to the very nature of the situation in which he found himself. 

It was his misfortune to follow one of the most bril- 
Misfortune. hant political leaders who ever lived—a veritable 
superman, who possessed a wonderful capacity for 
doing and saying interesting and impressive things. Through¬ 
out, Taft continued to have defenders, but, after Roosevelt, he 
seemed to many people to be unimaginative, unromantic, prosy, 
and dull. 

At first, however, the main wrath of progressives was directed 
not at Taft but at the body of conservative Republicans who 
controlled Congress. These men were so powerful 
Pa? Ring in that they had arrogated to themselves practically 
Overthrown. legislative power. Almost nothing could be ac¬ 
complished against their opposition. In the House, 
for example, Speaker Cannon and his fellow stand-patters 
controlled procedure so thoroughly that Republicans who were 


3 6o the united states in our own times 

out of sympathy with them found it almost impossible to ob¬ 
tain the floor in order to speak. Cannon was a picturesque old 
man from the Danville district of Illinois, much given, despite 
his Quaker origin, to the use of fine-cut tobacco and profanity. 
He was generally called “ Uncle Joe,” and was always cartooned 
with a tip-tilted cigar between his teeth. He was a man of 
ability and had once enjoyed decided popularity, but his enemies 
declared that he was so conservatively inclined that “if he had 
attended the caucus on Creation he would have remained loyal 
to Chaos.” Most of his popularity had now vanished and an 
urgent demand had arisen that he should be shorn of his auto¬ 
cratic powers. After frequent parliamentary skirmishes a num¬ 
ber of insurgent Republicans, headed by Norris of Nebraska 
and Murdock of Kansas, united with the Democrats, in March, 
1910, and wrested control from Cannon and the stand-patters. 
Cannon was permitted to retain the speakership, but the power 
of appointing committees was taken from him and his author¬ 
ity was otherwise circumscribed. This revolution in the House 
foreshadowed a greater one that was impending. 

The public was eager to learn what attitude ex-President 
Roosevelt would take toward the Taft administration. In the 
spring of 1910 Colonel Roosevelt, his son Kermit, and the ac¬ 
companying scientists returned to civilization from 
Roosevelt. African jungle by way of Victoria Nyanza and 

the Nile. At historic Khartoum the party was met 
by many newspaper men; thenceforth the ex-President’s journey 
resembled a triumphal procession. In Italy he was joined by 
Gifford Pinchot, whom Taft had discharged from the forestry 
service, and from Pinchot he doubtless heard something of the 
course of politics at home, and in particular about the Ballinger 
scandal. In Europe he was received with enthusiasm by peo¬ 
ple and crowned heads alike, and delivered a series of notable 
addresses that attracted world-wide attention. On June 18, 
1910, he reached New York City and was accorded a spon¬ 
taneous, enthusiastic, and universal reception. In a speech 
made on landing he said that he was ready and eager to do his 
part in helping to solve problems which must be solved, if the 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


361 

people were to see the destinies of the republic “rise to the 
high level of our hopes and its opportunities. This is the duty 
of every citizen, but it is peculiarly my duty, for any man who 
has ever been honored by being made President of the United 
States is thereby, forever after, rendered the debtor of the 
American people.” Upon the subject of the breach in the Re¬ 
publican party he long remained discreetly silent, but it was 
noticed that his relations with the Taft administration were 
slight, and that in his speeches and in his writings as associate 
editor of The Outlook he advocated progressive measures. 

The congressional and State elections of 1910 attracted more 
than usual attention. In response to a wide-spread public 
call, Colonel Roosevelt, not long after his return, took a vigor¬ 
ous part in the Republican State convention in New York and 
wrested control of the party organization from the reactionary 
Barnes machine. He also made a long speaking tour through 
the country, but his efforts were mainly directed in favor of 
“insurgent” candidates, and he refrained from saying much 
in praise of the Taft administration. The Democrats, how¬ 
ever, accused him of “straddling” in the interest of party soli¬ 
darity. 

At Ossawatomie, Kansas, at a celebration in honor of John 
Brown, he delivered (August 31, 1910) a notable address which 
attracted wide-spread attention. In it he set forth his creed 
of “New Nationalism.” After advocating certain 
Nationaulm.” reforms which he considered necessary to meet 
changed conditions—such as tariff-revision, conser¬ 
vation, a graduated income tax, labor legislation, direct pri¬ 
maries, and recall of elective officers—he urged that federal 
authority should be increased in order to make it strong enough 
for every national purpose. In particular he advocated the 
elimination of what he had long called “the twilight zone” 
between State and federal authority, which served “as a refuge 
for lawbreakers, and especially for lawbreakers of great wealth, 
who can hire the vulpine legal cunning which will teach the 
way to avoid both jurisdictions. . . . The American people 
are right in demanding that New Nationalism without which 


362 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

we cannot hope to deal with new problems. The New Nation¬ 
alism puts the national need before sectional or personal advan¬ 
tages. It is impatient of the utter confusion that results from 
local legislatures attempting to treat national issues as local 
issues. It is still more impatient of the impotence which 
springs from the overdivision of government powers, the im¬ 
potence which makes it possible for local selfishness or for legal 
cunning, hired by wealthy special interests, to bring national 
activities to a deadlock. This New Nationalism regards the 
executive power as the steward of the public welfare. It de¬ 
mands of the judiciary that it shall be interested primarily in 
human welfare rather than in property, just as it demands 
that the representative body shall represent all the people 
rather than one class or section of the people.” 

The Democrats entered the campaign full of hope, and fought 
vigorously. They were aided by discontent in the Republican 
ranks, and for the first time in eighteen years they won the 
popular verdict. They carried such States as New 
Victory^191 o. J erse y> Indiana, Ohio, New York, Massachusetts, 
and Connecticut, secured a majority of over sixty 
in the House of Representatives, and greatly reduced the Re¬ 
publican majority in the Senate. Many “progressive” Re¬ 
publican candidates escaped the cataclysm, which was especially 
disastrous to “stand-patters,” many of whom were defeated 
in the election or in the conventions that preceded it. This 
outcome was humiliating to the administration, for Taft had 
taken his stand with the “stand-pat” wing and had even tried 
to read some of the progressive leaders out of the party. A 
minor but significant feature of the election was that the So¬ 
cialist vote was greatly increased and that for the first time 
this party elected a member of Congress, in the person of Victor 
L. Berger of Milwaukee. 

Realizing that the Payne-Aldrich Act had been one of the 
main causes of Republican defeat, President Taft sought to 
retrieve that political blunder. The act had authorized him 
to appoint a tariff board to assist him in applying maximum 
and minimum rates; he now set it to work collecting informa- 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


363 

tion to be used in some future revision of schedules. He also 
negotiated a reciprocity pact with Canada (January, 1911), 
Canadian whereby it was agreed that the duties on such Ca- 
Redprocity, nadian products as wood-pulp, rough lumber, paper, 
and wheat should be abolished or lowered, while 
corresponding concessions should be made to American agricul¬ 
tural implements and certain other commodities. The measure 
had much to recommend it, but American farmers and lumber¬ 
men raised the cry that it sacrificed their interests to those of 
manufacturers. Many Republicans opposed the pact; most 
Democrats supported it. By use of whip and spur Taft forced 
through the House a bill embodying the terms of the agreement, 
but the Sixty-First Congress came to an end before a vote was 
taken on it in the Senate. Taft, therefore, called an extra session 
of the new Congress, and after a long and bitter fight the mea¬ 
sure was finally forced through. In times past Canada had 
vainly begged for reciprocity, but conditions had changed in 
the Dominion, which now had “infant industries ,, of its own 
desiring protection. In September, 1911, a general election was 
held to ascertain the attitude of the voters on the question. It 
resulted in the overwhelming defeat of the Laurier government, 
which had negotiated the agreement, and in the consequent 
rejection of reciprocity. The outcome still further weakened 
the Taft administration. 

In the new Congress the House of Representatives was, of 
course, controlled by the Democrats. Champ Clark of Missouri 
succeeded Cannon as speaker, while Oscar W. Underwood of 
Alabama became chairman of the Committee on 
Tariff Bills. Ways and Means. The Democrats and “insurgent ” 
Republicans combined to carry through both houses 
a farmer’s free-list bill, which removed the duties on such articles 
as boots and shoes, wire fencing, and agricultural implements; 
a bill revising the notorious “Schedule K”; and a bill reducing 
the duties on cotton manufactures, chemicals, and certain other 
articles. Taft vetoed all these “pop-gun” measures, as they 
were called. Next year he dealt similarly with an iron-aaid- 
steel bill and a new woollens bill. The tariff, therefore, be- 


364 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


came a leading issue in the campaign of 1912, and Democrats 
raised the cry that they would reduce duties and lower the cost 
of living. 

Despite its failures, the Taft administration could point to a 
number of constructive achievements. Numerous arbitration 
treaties were concluded with foreign powers, New Mexico and 
~ , .. Arizona were admitted to statehood, and in 1910 a 

Achieve- postal-savings system and in 1912 a parcels-post 
were established. This last innovation had long 
been successful abroad, but the great express companies had 
hitherto prevented its adoption in the United States. It was 
operated in connection with the post-office, and the business 
quickly assumed mammoth proportions, 700,000,000 parcels 
being carried the first year. 

The period of Taft’s presidency also saw the submission by 
Congress of two long-advocated constitutional amendments. 
The first of these empowered Congress to levy an income tax 
Sixteenth and without the necessity of apportioning it among the 
Seventeenth States according to population. The second pro¬ 
vided for the election of United States senators by 
popular vote instead of by the legislatures. Both amendments 
were ratified. The income-tax amendment was proclaimed a 
part of the Constitution on February 25, 1913; the other on 
the 31st of the following May. Submission of the income-tax 
amendment had been agreed upon while the Payne-Aldrich 
tariff act was under consideration. The other amendment 
was the outcome of a wide-spread belief that selfish special in¬ 
terests too often controlled the choice of senators in legislatures. 

Five vacancies occurred in the Federal Supreme Court dur¬ 
ing Taft’s administration. Thus it fell to him to appoint a 
majority of that august tribunal. On the death of Chief Justice 
Changes in Melville Fuller, who had presided over the court for 
the Supreme twenty-two years, Taft promoted Associate Justice 
Edward D. White of Louisiana to fill the vacancy. 
Of the other appointees the most notable was Charles E. 
Hughes, whom we have already met as governor of New York. 
White and two other appointees were Democrats. In naming 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


36 5 

them the President showed that he wished to avoid packing 
the court with Republicans. Bryan and other critics charged, 
however, that Taft was careful to select jurists who, whatever 
their political affiliations, were of a conservative cast of mind. 

In June, 1910, at the request of the President, Congress 
created a new Commerce Court, whose main duty should be to 
consider appeals from decisions made by the Interstate Com¬ 
merce Commission. This tribunal’s career proved 
Court! erCC short and stormy. It assumed powers that the 
Supreme Court held to be beyond its jurisdiction, 
some of its decisions were unpopular, and one of its judgesj 
Robert W. Archbald, was impeached by Congress for having 
had improper financial relations with certain railway corpora^ 
tions. In 1913 Congress abolished the court altogether. 

As set forth in an earlier chapter, the Supreme Court in 1911 
decided long-pending suits against the Tobacco trust and the 
Standard Oil Company, and ordered the “ dissolution ” of those 
companies. The administration hailed the decisions 
Anti-Trust as great judicial victories. But the general public 
Defective expressed skepticism regarding the practical value 
of the decisions, and failed to wax enthusiastic over 
the filing of other suits. As Roosevelt and others had long held, 
the Sherman Act was not a satisfactory solution of the trust 
problem. It exercised a restraining effect that was doubtless 
wholesome, but suits brought under it tended to unsettle busi¬ 
ness, and when cases were won the practical results often proved 
disappointing. As one commentator on the trusts wrote: 
“ Combinations are Protean, and we are baffled by shadowy 
communities of interest which seem to have no bodies we can 
grasp. Our lawyers perform inscrutable incantations, making 
many stock certificates grow where one grew before, but the 
people are not satisfied that these ceremonies have exorcised 
the spirit of monopoly from the body of large business.” 

Long before 1912 it became certain that any attempt to re» 
nominate Taft would meet with bitter opposition. Many Re¬ 
publicans, including some who had been most ardent in his 
support in 1908, were deeply dissatisfied with his course and 


366 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

believed that the interests of the country demanded a change; 
others, fearing that it would be impossible to re-elect him, felt 
Taft Desires ^ at ^ wou ^ be better to put forward a stronger 
a Renomina- candidate. But Taft and his friends made light 
of the opposition, and determined to force his re¬ 
nomination as a “vindication.” They controlled the party 
machinery in most of the States, could obtain ample funds, and 
could depend upon receiving the aid of most of the Republican 
leaders. Few of these had any special admiration or love for 
Taft, but in the progressive movement against him they recog¬ 
nized a menace to their power. 

The movement against Taft began to take definite shape 

early in 1911. Senators La Follette, Bourne, Clapp, Cummins, 

and Poindexter, Representatives Norris, Murdock, and Lenroot, 

The and others, both in and out of Congress, formed a 

Progressive definite Progressive Republican organization, whose 
Movement. ... 

main objects were to promote progressive measures 
and beat Taft. Some of the leaders encouraged La Follette to 
seek the nomination. As the presidential bee had long been 
buzzing in La Follette’s bonnet, it did not require much persua¬ 
sion to induce him to enter the lists. In the summer of 1911 he 
began an active campaign for the nomination. In the follow¬ 
ing October his candidacy was indorsed by a na- 
Candidao^ S tional conference of Progressive Republicans; and 
yet, as time passed, it became clear that, despite dis¬ 
satisfaction with Taft, La Follette was making small headway, 
and would not be able to defeat the President. In Wisconsin, 
in the Senate, and through the pages of a weekly newspaper 
which he owned and edited, La Follette had fought vigorously 
for progressive measures and was one of the pioneers of the 
movement. He had attracted much attention by going about 
the country and reading the “roll-call” of the votes of reaction¬ 
ary senators and representatives on public measures. He had 
a small following in almost every section of the country, but he 
lacked the confidence of some even of the Progressive Repub¬ 
licans, and few of his friends and admirers knew how to trans¬ 
late public sentiment into delegates to conventions. Practical 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


367 

progressives soon perceived that there was only one man in the 
country who stood a chance to turn President Taft and his sup¬ 
porters out of their intrenched position, and he was not Senator 
La Follette. On February 2, 1912, while under a great mental 
and physical strain, the senator made a long and injudicious 
speech in Philadelphia before a meeting of publishers, and this, 
with other developments, soon resulted in wholesale desertions 
from his banner. 

For months there had been developing an insistent demand 
that Colonel Roosevelt should enter the race, and his disin¬ 
clination to answer the call only increased the clamor, which 
ultimately reached cyclonic proportions. The 
Roosevelt^ ColonePs position was peculiarly difficult, not to 
say embarrassing. A large section of the party of 
which he had once been the idolized chief had risen in revolt 
against the man he had set over them, and were now demand¬ 
ing that he should come from retirement and aid them in 
driving the incumbent from power. He had little to gain, 
perhaps much to lose, in returning to public affairs. His posi¬ 
tion in history was assured. The honors he had received at 
home and abroad were sufficient for the most ambitious of men. 
He had disclaimed any intention of again being a candidate, 
though he later explained that his announcement in 1904 re¬ 
ferred only to a renomination in 1908. If he entered the con¬ 
test, he would certainly be assailed with the bitterest virulence 
by old enemies; it was equally certain that he would alienate 
many former friends. It was doubtful whether he could be 
nominated, and yet more doubtful whether, if nominated, he 
could be elected. But he was deeply dissatisfied with the course 
of his former protege. His sympathies lay with the insurgents, 
who, in times of need in many a bitter fight, had always stood 
unflinchingly at his back. Doubtless he felt that to refuse 
their call would be equivalent to deserting them in their ex¬ 
tremity. Furthermore, there can be little question that a de¬ 
sire to see written into law his plans for “a New Nationalism” 
was a strong factor in his ultimate decision. If he could wrest 
control of the party from the stand-pat leaders and set its feet 


368 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

anew on the progressive road, he believed that he would ac¬ 
complish something worth while, even should he be defeated in 
November. Therefore, after long consideration, in reply to 
the appeal of seven Republican governors, he announced that 
his hat was “in the ring.” He made the fight on a platform of 
progressive principles, including the initiative, the referendum, 
and the recall of elective officers, but, as a substitute for the 
recall of judges, he suggested a recall of judicial decisions. 

The announcement of Roosevelt’s candidacy precipitated the 
greatest pre-convention battle ever seen in American politics. 
The contest was an even one, for, though Roosevelt had a far 
larger personal following than had Taft, the Presi- 
forD^kgates. dent’s supporters controlled the party machinery 
in most of the States. In the Southern States 
especially, none of which had chosen a Republican elector since 
1876, the party was almost synonymous with the federal office¬ 
holders, most of whom shaped their political course according 
to the wishes of the powers in Washington. Protests had often 
been made against this vicious state of affairs, and some pro¬ 
posals had been made to diminish Southern representation, but 
nothing had been done, and in 1908 Taft, apparently with 
Roosevelt’s acquiescence, had profited by the situation. In 
all the Southern States and in many of the Northern States the 
old convention system, uncontrolled by law, was still in vogue, 
and this greatly simplified the task of the Taft managers, who 
hurriedly began to grind out Taft delegates with precision and 
despatch. The old-line politicians, in their desperation, dis¬ 
played no squeamishness as to means and methods, for their 
backs were to the wall and they knew that their own power, 
as well as that of the President, was at stake. 

Had the convention system existed everywhere, Taft’s nomi¬ 
nation would soon have been assured, but it chanced that in a 
number of Northern and Western States a system of 
Elecdon*^^ preferential primaries, safeguarded by law, had re¬ 
cently been established. In some districts where 
the convention system still prevailed the Roosevelt managers 
succeeded in choosing the delegates; from many others they 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


369 


sent contesting delegations; but they concentrated their chief 
efforts on the States having primaries. The first election of 
this sort took place in North Dakota and resulted in favor of 
La Follette, with Roosevelt second and Taft trailing far in the 
rear. Roosevelt then took the stump in his own behalf and 
attracted vast crowds. Taft followed his example, and the 
fight soon grew bitter. The President denounced the Roose¬ 
velt supporters as “political emotionalists or neurotics,” and 
declared that their success would mean the downfall of our in¬ 
stitutions. In reply Roosevelt charged Taft with having fallen 
under the control of reactionary bosses, and said that though 
Taft often meant well he meant well feebly. With but few ex¬ 
ceptions the preference primaries resulted in Roosevelt’s favor. 
In Wisconsin his supporters left the field open to La Follette, 
who carried the State over Taft; Taft secured a small plurality 
in Massachusetts, but lost the 8 delegates at large and 10 of 
the district delegates. Roosevelt swept Illinois by 138,000, 
and carried Nebraska, Oregon, Maryland, California, Pennsyl¬ 
vania, New Jersey, South Dakota, and even Taft’s own State, 
Ohio, in most cases by enormous majorities. Out of 360 dele¬ 
gates elected in primaries safeguarded by law, La Follette ob¬ 
tained 36, Taft 46, and Roosevelt 278. In most of the States 
where a real Republican party existed Roosevelt secured the 
delegates; Taft controlled all the Territorial and insular dele¬ 
gates and most of those from the Southern States, with a con¬ 
siderable number from New York and other Northern States 
whose political machinery was controlled by his friends. In 
Iowa, where the convention system was still in existence, 
Senator Cummins was a candidate. Roosevelt did not oppose 
him, and the delegation was about evenly divided between 
Cummins and Taft. 

Roosevelt’s supporters declared that so clear an expression 
of the preference of the Republican rank and file ought to be 
decisive. Under ordinary conditions this might have been the 
case, but the bitterness aroused was exceedingly great, and 
many conservatively inclined Republicans, who stood aghast 
at the idea of breaking the “third-term” precedent or feared 


370 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

such innovations as the recall of judicial decisions, encouraged 
the Taft managers to persist in their plan of renominating him 
The at any cost. Therefore the Taft men retorted 

Contested that they were under no obligation to change the 

rules of the game while the game was in progress, 
and proceeded with their programme. As they controlled a 
big majority of the national committee, they were able to dic¬ 
tate the decisions regarding the more than two hundred con¬ 
tests heard by that body. Less than a score of these contested 
seats were awarded to the Roosevelt claimants. 

The national convention met at Chicago (June 18) amid in¬ 
tense bitterness and with the Roosevelt supporters openly cry¬ 
ing “Steam-roller!” and “Fraud!” In response to a call from 
his friends, Roosevelt himself went to Chicago and 
Supporters helped to manage his campaign from outside the 
Convention convention hall. He was received with great en¬ 
thusiasm by his followers and said that he felt as 
strong as “a bull moose.” The Taft forces showed signs of 
wavering and a few delegates went over to the Roosevelt side; 
it was only by heroic work that Taft’s lieutenants managed to 
hold the rest in line. Many of the contests were brought be¬ 
fore the convention, but the Taft contestants who had been 
seated by the national committee were permitted to vote on 
one another’s right to retain their seats, and after a riotous 
and dramatic contest the Taft forces managed to organize the 
convention and to elect Senator Elihu Root as temporary chair¬ 
man over Governor Francis McGovern of Wisconsin, the 
Roosevelt nominee, by 558 to 502. The bitterness of the con¬ 
test may be inferred from the fact that when Root rose to de¬ 
liver his “key-note” address, he was greeted with derisive cries 
of “Receiver of stolen goods!” 

After further vain efforts to secure a reversal of the conven- 
The Protest tion’s stand regarding contested seats, Henry J. 
Roosevelt Allen of Kansas read (June 22) a statement to the 
Delegates. effect that the national committee had stolen a great 
number of seats, that the convention no longer represented the 
party, and that the Roosevelt delegates would decline to vote. 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


37i 


Taft and 
Sherman 


“We shall sit in protest,” said Allen, “and the people who 
sent us here shall judge us.” Many of the Roosevelt delegates 
left the hall and most of those who remained re¬ 
fused to take part in the proceedings. Amid these 
depressing circumstances what was left of the con¬ 
vention proceeded to adopt a platform and to renominate Taft 
and Sherman. 

That night Roosevelt’s supporters met in Orchestra Kail 
and, amid tumultuous scenes of excitement and enthusiasm, 
informally nominated Roosevelt. The Colonel himself ap- 
Rooseveit peared in the hall and declared that he had been 
Nominated defrauded, and that, if such practices as had pre¬ 
vailed were condoned and should meet with perma¬ 
nent success, it would mean the downfall of the republic. He 
asked that a more formal convention be held later and prom¬ 
ised that he would accept a nomination tendered by that body 
or would support any other man it might select. 

Meanwhile a vigorous but less spectacular contest had been 
waged for the Democratic nomination. In that party, as 
among the Republicans, there was a conservative and a pro- 
The gressive wing that was anxious to control, while 

Democratic many candidates were eager to lead their party to 
expected victory. Among these were Governor 
Judson Harmon of Ohio, Congressman Oscar Underwood of 
Alabama, Speaker Champ Clark of Missouri, and Governor 
Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey. Harmon and Underwood 
were most favored by the conservative element; Wilson was 
regarded as the leading progressive candidate; while Clark’s 
lieutenants flirted with both factions. In both conventions 
and primaries Clark won the greatest number of delegates, 
with Wilson second. Clark would undoubtedly have been 
nominated had it not been for the Democratic rule requiring a 
two-thirds majority. 

The determining influence in the convention was exercised 
by William Jennings Bryan. Bryan was determined not to 
permit reactionary control, and would undoubtedly have pre¬ 
cipitated a breach in the party rather than submit to defeat on 


372 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

this vital matter. In the pre-convention contest he had op¬ 
posed Harmon’s candidacy on the ground that Harmon was a 
friend of Wall Street, and he had even taken the 
Course S stump in Ohio against him. When the national con¬ 
vention met at Baltimore (June 25), Bryan assumed 
the leadership of the progressive forces. At first the conserva¬ 
tives controlled, and elected Judge Parker as temporary chair¬ 
man over Bryan by 579 to 510. But Bryan appealed to the 
rank and file of the Democracy at home, and in consequence 
so many protesting telegrams came pouring in to the conven¬ 
tion that many of the delegates who had been supporting the 
conservatives changed their allegiance and enabled the pro¬ 
gressives to have their way both as to platform and candidates. 
On the third day of the convention Bryan precipitated a great 
uproar by presenting a resolution declaring the convention 
opposed to the nomination of any candidate for President who 
was the representative of, or under obligations to, any “member 
of the privilege-hunting and favor-seeking class,” and demand¬ 
ing the withdrawal from the convention of certain capitalist 
delegates whom he considered as members of that class. In 
support of his resolution, which he admitted was “extraordi¬ 
nary,” Bryan declared that there was not a delegate in the 
hall who did not know that an effort was being made “to sell 
the Democratic party into bondage to the predatory interests.” 
After a sensational debate Bryan consented to withdraw the 
last part of his resolution, and what remained was adopted by 
a great majority; even many reactionaries voted for it as a 
matter of policy. 

On the first ballot Clark received 440^, Wilson 324, Harmon 
148, Underwood ii7j£, with 56 scattering. For many ballots 
thereafter Clark had a plurality, and on the tenth ballot Tam¬ 
many Hall threw its support from Harmon to Clark, 
Secures the and Clark received a small majority. But Bryan, 
of°Wibon? n who been votin g for Clark because under in¬ 
structions to do so from the Democrats of Ne¬ 
braska, viewed this development with a wintry eye, and in the 
course of the fourteenth ballot he declared that he would with- 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


373 


hold his vote from Clark as long as New York’s plutocratic 
influence was thrown to him. He therefore threw his vote to 
Wilson, in whose behalf he had been working for some time. 
Bryan’s defection proved a death-blow to Clark’s candidacy. 
The balance began to incline toward Wilson, who sprang into 
the lead on the twenty-eighth ballot, and on the forty-sixth re¬ 
ceived the needed two-thirds. For the vice-presidency the con¬ 
vention named Governor Thomas R. Marshall of Indiana. 

The Democratic presidential nominee was a newcomer in 
politics. He was born at Staunton, Virginia, December 28, 
1856, of Scotch-Irish ancestry, and was the son of a Presbyte¬ 
rian minister. After graduating from Princeton and 
WiSon° W from the law school of the University of Virginia, 
he practised for a short time at Atlanta; then he 
took graduate work in Johns Hopkins University, and, after 
receiving the degree of Ph.D., taught history, political science, 
and kindred subjects at Bryn Mawr College, Wesleyan Uni¬ 
versity, and Princeton University, becoming president of Prince- 
tion in 1902. He wrote a popular history of the United States, 
and a number of other works dealing with history or political 
science. His entrance into practical politics was partly due to 
the efforts of his friend and admirer, George Harvey, who per¬ 
sistently advertised Wilson’s merits in the pages of his maga¬ 
zines— Harper’s Weekly and The North American Review. In 
1910 Wilson was nominated for governor of New Jersey, and 
was swept into power on the tide of reaction against the Taft 
administration. As governor he became involved in some bitter 
quarrels wflth the reactionary Democratic machine, but man¬ 
aged to secure the enactment of a number of progressive laws. 

On the 5th of August a great convention of Progressives met 
at Chicago. The delegates, among whom were eighteen women, 
displayed an earnestness and enthusiasm which impressed even 
The hostile newspaper correspondents; and delegates 

Progressive and audience sang with the fervor of crusaders such 
songs as the “Battle Hymn of the Republic” and 
“Onward, Christian Soldiers.” Ex-Senator Beveridge fired the 
hearts of his hearers with a “key-note” address, and Roosevelt 


374 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

himself appeared and made a powerful “Confession of Faith,” 
filled with pleas in behalf of social and industrial justice. The 
convention formally nominated Roosevelt, with Gcrvernor 
Hiram Johnson of California as his running mate. The new 
party took the name of “Progressive,” and adopted the “Bull 
Moose” as its emblem. Members of the party were popularly 
known as “Bull Moosers.” The name had been suggested by 
Roosevelt’s words on his arrival at Chicago in June; it was first 
used by enemies as a term of derision, but Progressives perceived 
its possibilities and adopted it. 

In their platform the Progressives combined the Hamil¬ 
tonian system of nationalism with the Jeffersonian principle 
of popular rule. The new party’s mission was declared to be 
Nationalism destroy “the invisible government” that sat en- 
and Popular throned behind the “ostensible government,” and 
“to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt 
business and corrupt politics.” The platform favored direct 
primaries, the short ballot, the initiative and referendum, the 
recall of executive and legislative officers and of judicial deci¬ 
sions, woman suffrage, conservation, downward revision of the 
tariff, a non-partisan scientific tariff board, and federal control 
of industrial corporations engaged in interstate commerce; and 
laid great stress upon a sweeping programme for social and in¬ 
dustrial justice, including workmen’s compensation, a minimum 
wage for women workers, and prohibition of child labor. 

Many Republican leaders professed to believe that the Pro¬ 
gressives would cut little figure in the campaign, but time 
quickly showed the hollowness of such predictions. Many of 
the most influential men in the old Republican party, 
Leaders ^ 6 including ex-Senator Beveridge of Indiana, Senator 
Dixon of Montana, Senator Clapp of Minnesota, 
Senator Poindexter of Washington, Gifford PinchoL Hugh 
Hanna, Oscar S. Straus, George W. Perkins, Medill McCormick, 
James R. Garfield, and Charles S. Bird, enthusiastically took up 
the Progressive cause. The Progressive platform appealed 
strongly to idealists and social reformers, and many such per¬ 
sons, including Judge Benjamin B. Lindsey, Raymond Robbins, 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


375 


Antoinette Funk, and Jane Addams, declared themselves for the 
new party. Many Republican nominees for presidential elec¬ 
tors and other offices withdrew from the ticket in order to support 
Roosevelt; in several States the Republican organization went 
over to the Progressives almost intact; and in South Dakota 
and California the Roosevelt electors ran as Republicans. In 
Wisconsin, McGovern remained on the Republican ticket as a 
candidate for governor, but stated that he would vote for Roose¬ 
velt. Senator Cummins of Iowa announced that he would 
continue a Republican, but said that Taft had been nominated 
by such fraudulent means that he would support Roosevelt. 
Hadley of Missouri, one of the seven governors who had asked 
Roosevelt to become a candidate, finally announced that he 
would vote for Taft, though he expressed disapproval of the 
methods used to nominate him. Senator La Follette, who had 
been deeply disgruntled by the desertion of his candidacy, 
made verbal warfare on both Taft and Roosevelt, particularly 
on the latter. He accused the Progressive nominee of un¬ 
bounded ambition and egoism and of being subservient to 
trusts, and declared that Roosevelt had become progressive 
only at the eleventh hour. In reply the Progressives republished 
an article written by the senator in 1909, fulsomely praising 
Roosevelt, who was then retiring from the presidency. 

The Progressives threw themselves into the conflict with the 
enthusiasm of crusaders, and won converts by the very ardor 
of their canvass. By November the Bull Moose call was 
echoing in every forest, and great herds were pour- 
Mwse” Call. i n g through every valley and dale. If the Demo¬ 
crats had nominated a conservative candidate, it is 
possible that the Progressives would have won over enough 
progressive Democrats to have achieved the seeming impos¬ 
sible; but the selection of Wilson precluded any wholesale de¬ 
sertions from the banner of Democracy. Even as it was, how¬ 
ever, a number of rather prominent Democrats, including W. 
Bourke Cockran of New York, and John M. Parker of Louisiana, 
supported Roosevelt, while the election figures seem to indicate 
that some hundreds of thousands of the Democratic rank and 


376 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


A Bitter 
Canvass. 


gressives 


file did likewise. On the other hand, it is certain that some 
Republicans voted for Wilson in order to beat Roosevelt. 

Almost from the beginning clear-sighted men saw that Wil¬ 
son’s election was certain, and that the only real doubt con¬ 
cerned whether Taft or Roosevelt would be second in the race. 

The bitterness that developed between Republicans 
and Progressives surpassed anything of the sort 
since the Civil War. Republicans called the Pro¬ 
renegades,” “traitors,” “disappointed office-seek- 
their leader was a “neurotic,” a “dema¬ 
gogue,” a “boss boss,” seeking to make himself “dictator”; 
and, strangely enough, an effort was made to convince the people 
that he was in league with Wall Street. Progressives looked 
upon the campaign as a new Armageddon, a battle between 
right and wrong; Taft’s nomination was a “steal” managed 
by a “gang of crooks,” and it was put through by an alliance 
of “crooked business and crooked politics.” Their most chari¬ 
table judgment of Taft was that he was “well-meaning but 
weak,” and that he was surrounded by men who “knew what 
they wanted,” and were “neither weak nor well-meaning.” 

The Republicans covered dead walls with posters declaring 
that “prosperity” was in danger and reminding voters that 
“It is better to be safe than sorry.” Their orators denounced 
The Roosevelt and the Progressives, and appealed to 

Republican their hearers to remain loyal to the “Grand Old 
Party.” Having learned in the primary contests 
that he was not a vote-making campaigner, Taft made only a 
few speeches, but in his few messages to the country he de¬ 
fended his nomination as fair and honorable, declared the Pro¬ 
gressives had split off “not for any principle, but merely to 
gratify personal ambition and vengeance,” characterized their 
platform as “a crazy quilt,” and predicted his own election. 
In notifying Taft of his renomination Senator Root had declared 
that the action of the Chicago convention had been in accord 
“with the rules of law governing the party, and founded upon 
justice and common sense.” 

Being confident of success, Wilson campaigned somewhat 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 


377 


leisurely, speaking with dignity and perspicacity to large audi¬ 
ences. He dwelt upon the evils of the protective tariff, talked 
The much of the “New Freedom” that he was advocat- 

Democratic ing for business and the people, and accused the 
Campaign. . . . . 

Progressives of seeking to legalize monopoly. On 

the other hand, Bryan, who as usual made an immense number 

of speeches, thought the Progressive trust remedy socialistic. 

As befitted the “Bull Moose” candidate, Colonel Roosevelt 
swept through many States, and everywhere he went the ex¬ 
tent of his personal following was revealed in the vast crowds 
who met to hear and cheer him. On the evening 
Wounded. of October 14, when starting from a hotel in Mil¬ 
waukee to the Auditorium, in which he was to 
speak, he was shot by John Shrank, a half-crazed fanatic of 
Bavarian birth, who had long cherished a grudge against Roose¬ 
velt for having, when police commissioner of New York, closed 
a saloon owned by Shrank’s uncle. Fortunately the bullet 
struck a manuscript and spectacle-case in the ex-President’s 
pocket, thereby weakening its force, but the missile entered his 
breast, causing a deep wound and fracturing a rib. Without 
waiting to ascertain the extent of his injury, Roosevelt pro¬ 
ceeded to the hall and spoke for more than an hour to a large 
and excited audience. Holding up the manuscript and show¬ 
ing the hole through which the bullet had gone, he said: “It 
takes more than that to kill a Bull Moose! ” Subsequently he 
was taken to a Chicago hospital and later to his home at Oyster 
Bay. Thanks to his temperate habits and iron physique, he 
recovered rapidly, and was able shortly before the election to 
appear at two monster meetings in New York City. His op¬ 
ponents sought to minimize the political results of the episode, 
some even criticised his course after the shooting, but it is be¬ 
yond question that sympathy and admiration for his “game¬ 
ness” won him many votes. 

Most voters went to the polls believing that the main result 
was a foregone conclusion, and the outcome justified this view. 
Wilson carried 40 States, and won 2 of the electoral votes of 
California, receiving a total electoral vote of 435 and a popu- 


378 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

lar vote of 6,286,214. Roosevelt received n electoral votes 
in California, and carried Pennsylvania, Michigan, Minnesota, 
South Dakota, and Washington, his total elec- 
Elected. toral vote being 88 and his popular vote 4,126,020. 

Taft carried only Utah and Vermont, with 8 elec¬ 
toral votes, and received a popular vote of 3,483,922. The 
Democrats also elected a great majority in the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives and a working majority in the Senate. The So¬ 
cialist vote increased to 898,296, but that party lost its seat in 
the House. In one sense the Democratic victory was not so 
overwhelming as it seemed, for the combined popular vote of 
Roosevelt and Taft exceeded that of Wilson by 1,323,728; and 
the combined vote of all the minority parties exceeded Wilson’s 
vote by 2,458,741. In fact, owing to the peculiarities of our 
electoral system, if 250,000 voters in the right States had trans¬ 
ferred their ballots from Wilson to Roosevelt, the latter would 
have received a majority of the electoral votes and the presi¬ 
dency. Wilson had won, as Lincoln had won in i860, as a re¬ 
sult of division among his opponents. 

The Progressives felt that they had gained a moral victory, 
and declared that the large majority of Roosevelt’s popular 
vote over Taft’s set at rest any question as to which man had 
been the real choice of the Republican party. 
the Future? Most Progressives went further and proclaimed the 
view that the Republican party was doomed to dis¬ 
appear and that the Progressive party had a glorious future 
before it. In reality, however, dissatisfaction with Taft and 
enthusiasm for Roosevelt had been important factors in the 
great Progressive showing, and many voters had cast their bal¬ 
lots for Roosevelt without ceasing to consider themselves Re¬ 
publicans. Serious as was the split—and the historian has to 
go back to i860 to find anything to equal it—it was not so 
complete as it seemed. In many States and smaller divisions 
Republicans and Progressives, though differing as to the heads 
of the ticket, supported the same candidates for Congress and 
local offices. This state of affairs proved chiefly to the advan¬ 
tage of the Republicans, and, though badly outvoted by the 


THE PROGRESSIVE REVOLT 379 

Progressives in the presidential contest, they won many more 
local offices and seats in Congress. 

For the time being, however, decidedly the most interesting 
political question was: Will the Progressive party or the Re¬ 
publican party survive ? The answer depended in large measure 
upon whether the course of the victorious Democrats proved 
progressive or reactionary. 


CHAPTER XX 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” AND “WATCHFUL WAITING” 

On March 4, 1913, a great crowd assembled before the east 
front of the Capitol to witness the inauguration as President of 
the first Democrat who had taken that solemn obligation in 
twenty years. The day was pleasant, the arrangements were 
well made, and the multitude had an excellent opportunity to 
see and hear the man who, in little more than two years, had 
sprung from the presidency of a university to the presidency of 
the nation. Woodrow Wilson’s inaugural address was pitched 
on a high plane, and its sentiments were decidedly “progressive” 
in tone. The new President had a gift for language, and the 
speech contained passages that were much admired. One of 
the most quoted was as follows: 

“This is not a day of triumph; it is a day of dedication. Here 
muster not the forces of party, but the forces of humanity. Men’s 
hearts wait upon us; men’s lives hang in the balance; men’s hopes 
call upon us to say what we will do. Who shall live up to the great 
trust? Who dares fail to try? I summon all honest men, all 
patriotic, all forward-looking men, to my side. God helping me, 
I will not fail them, if they will but counsel and sustain me.” 


In selecting his cabinet Wilson fulfilled most predictions and 
pleased millions of Democrats by naming William Jennings 
Bryan, Democracy’s thrice disappointed leader, as secretary 
Bryan °f state - Bryan’s immense influence in the party 

Secretary made some such offer almost compulsory; to have 
ignored him would have been to alienate a great 
section of the party at the very outset; furthermore, Wilson 
owed the “Commoner” a great political debt for decisive work 
done in the Baltimore convention. Bryan had never made any 
profound study of the practices of diplomacy, but it was not 
expected that the duties of the position would be very difficult, 

380 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 381 

and one of the ablest authorities on international law in the 
country was called to the State Department as counsellor. 

The other cabinet appointees were much less prominent. 
The best known was probably Secretary of the Treasury William 
G. McAdoo, who had won a reputation by building the first 
Qther tunnel under the Hudson River. In the following 

Cabinet year he married one of Wilson’s daughters, and he 
proved to be the man upon whom the President 
leaned most. Of the other members probably the most capa¬ 
ble was Franklin K. Lane of California, a former member of 
the Interstate Commerce Commission, who became secretary 
of the interior. In the closing days of Taft’s administration 
the Department of Commerce and Labor had been divided, and 
to the new Department of Labor the President called William 
B. Wilson of Pennsylvania, a Scotchman by birth, one of the 
founders of the United Mine Workers of America, and a mem¬ 
ber of the Sixtieth, Sixty-first, and Sixty-second Congresses. 
Upon the whole it was a cabinet that was distinguished neither 
for ability nor for the lack of it. 

Five of the cabinet appointees were Southerners by birth, 
though McAdoo, like the President himself, had settled in the 
North. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, the Demo¬ 
cratic leaders in the House and Senate, even twelve 
^Control members of the Senate chosen from Northern and 
Western States, were likewise Southern-born; there 
were more Confederate than Union veterans in Congress; the 
chairmen of most of the great committees could sing “Dixie” 
much better than “Marching through Georgia.” It was truly 
said that the South was “back in the Union and in charge of 
the Union.” 

To many Democrats the change in administration was chiefly 
interesting because it afforded a prospect for offices. But 
time and civil service reform had worked great 
^Offices tl0n changes. Presidents Roosevelt and Taft had placed 
the consular service, many subordinate positions 
in the diplomatic service, and practically all post-office em¬ 
ployees except first, second, and third class postmasters under 


382 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

civil service rules, and had otherwise extended the merit system. 
The incoming administration stood pledged to civil service re¬ 
form, and Wilson was himself a vice-president of the Civil 
Service Reform League. Upon the whole, the President seemed 
inclined to uphold the merit system, and early in his second 
administration he took a step forward by extending the com¬ 
petitive system to all first, second, and third class postmaster¬ 
ships. However, there were backward steps—the diplomatic 
service was somewhat demoralized by substituting, in certain 
cases, raw men for experienced diplomatists; and in this and 
other departments Democratic spoilsmen found many ways of 
rewarding “deserving” party workers. 

The new administration hastened to take up the task of writ¬ 
ing into law its legislative programme. During the campaign 
Wilson had said much regarding economic evils and the reme¬ 
dies he proposed to apply, and some of these 
Freedom.” speeches, in revised form, had been gathered into 
a book entitled The Neiv Freedom , so called after a 
phrase that recurred in it again and again. Many readers of 
the book thought it vague in concrete proposals, but the gist 
of it was that American economic conditions had been trans¬ 
formed, great monopolies had sprung up, and the federal gov¬ 
ernment had become “a foster-child of special interests.” 
Wilson said that he was for honest business, no matter how 
“big,” but he proposed to destroy monopoly, which he as¬ 
sumed had been built up, not by economy, intelligence, or effi¬ 
ciency, but by special favors and reprehensible practices; he 
constantly insisted upon the “restoration” of older liberties, 
and by this most people inferred that he meant to restore the 
era of competition. Many political economists doubted the 
virtue of his panacea. 

In accordance with a determination announced soon after 
his election, the new President speedily summoned Congress to 
meet in extra session on April 7. When the two houses had 
organized he revived a custom that had been disused since 
the days of the elder Adams, and appeared before them in 
person and read his message. This revival caused much com- 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


3 8 3 


Wilson 
Revives 
Custom of 
Addressing 
Congress in 
Person. 


ment, some of it unfavorable; Wilson himself explained that 
it enabled him to enter into closer relations with the legis¬ 
lative branch. The fact was, he had decided to fol¬ 
low the Roosevelt rather than the Taft conception 
of the presidential office; to assume the position of 
a leader, even in legislative matters. In view of 
the lack of coherence in his party, it is probable that 
his decision was wise. Some Democratic legislators resented 
his interference, but most, realizing how often their party had 
failed because of lack of unity, submitted with surprisingly good 
grace. 

As the first steps in his programme, Wilson asked for the 
passage of a new tariff act, a new currency-and-banking act, 
and for new trust legislation. 

The tariff was the first of these subjects taken up. In due 
course a bill was reported from the House Committee of Ways 
and Means by Chairman Underwood. It was based in large 
measure upon the “ pop-gun ” bills vetoed by Taft. 
Lobby anff The measure quickly passed the House by a vote 
of more than two to one, but in the Senate delib¬ 
eration proved much more extended. In both houses there 
were the usual attempts at “trading,” and agents of the pro¬ 
tected interests flocked to - Washington in such droves that Wil¬ 
son issued a public statement denouncing the “extraordinary 
exertions” of an “insidious and numerous lobby.” Both 
houses investigated the lobby evil, and the House committee’s 
inquiry, which reached back for thirty years, laid bare some 
startling facts regarding the use of underhand and corrupt in¬ 
fluences in determining legislation in the past. 

The Underwood bill, as amended by House and Senate, was 
finally enacted into law early in October. It was by no means 
a free-trade measure, but it reduced duties on over nine hundred 
The articles, especially on necessities, such as food and 

Underwood clothing, and it placed raw wool, iron ore, steel rails, 
and rough lumber on the free list. The sugar rates 
were reduced a fourth, and that commodity was to be placed 
on the free list from May, 1916. This sacrifice of the sugar- 


384 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

growing interests of the country aroused much opposition in 
the sugar-producing sections; both the senators and some of the 
representatives from Louisiana voted with the Republicans in 
opposition to the act. In that State the sugar schedule pro¬ 
voked such an uprising against the Democratic party that in 
April, 1916, the clause putting sugar on the free list was repealed. 
The act also contained a clause designed to prevent the “dump¬ 
ing” of foreign goods into the United States at ruinously low 
rates; it established absolute free trade with the Philippines; 
and it remitted 5 per cent of the duty on goods imported in 
American ships, the idea being to encourage the development of 
our merchant marine. The act did not provide for a tariff 
commission of any sort, but subsequently agitation in favor of 
such a body became so strong that in September, 1916, Con¬ 
gress created a bipartisan Tariff Commission of six members 
to gather information on tariff problems. 

It was certain that the new tariff schedules would prove con¬ 
siderably less productive in taxes than the old, so an income- 
tax feature was added. A tax of 1 per cent was levied on the 
profits of corporations and on individual incomes 
Tax! nC ° me * n excess of $3,000 in the case of single persons, or 
$4,000 of married persons. On large individual 
incomes a graduated surtax was levied, running from 1 per 
cent on incomes between $20,000 and $50,000, to 6 per cent on 
incomes in excess of $500,000. 

On June 23, while the tariff bill was still under considera¬ 
tion in the Senate, President Wilson again appeared before Con¬ 
gress and urged the enactment of a new banking-and-currency 
Federal l aw - ^he need of some such measure had long been 

System 6 recognized by both the great parties. Under Taft 

the National Monetary Commission, headed by 
Senator Aldrich, had reported a tentative scheme for reform, but 
no legislation resulted. A measure known as the Glass-Owen 
bill was introduced in the House three days after President 
Wilson’s appeal, and after long consideration and some amend¬ 
ments it was enacted into law in December, after the regular 
session had convened. The main objects of the act were to 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


385 

provide a more elastic circulating medium, to reorganize bank¬ 
ing in such a way as to render funds better available to meet 
unusual demands, and to destroy the so-called “money trust,” 
a gigantic concentration of money power the menace of which 
had been emphasized by facts brought to light by a House com¬ 
mittee late in the Taft administration. The act established a 
system of reserve banks under the central control of a Federal 
Reserve Board, consisting of the secretary of the treasury, the 
secretary of agriculture, and the comptroller of the currency 
ex officio, and of four other members appointed by the President 
with the approval of the Senate. It also authorized the issu¬ 
ance of “federal reserve notes” on the security of commercial 
paper instead of government bonds, as in the case of the old 
national-bank notes, for which the new notes were gradually 
to be substituted. During the next few years the new system 
proved equal to the needs of most unusual situations, though 
.at present (1920) some critics assert that it tends to a dangerous 
inflation of the currency. It is not improbable that the act 
will be considered the most notable achievement of Wilson’s 
first administration. 

Early in 1914 Congress took up the trust problem. Five 
bills, popularly known as the “five brothers,” were intro¬ 
duced, and after many months of deliberation two acts were 
passed. One of these created a Federal Trade Com- 
trust Acts". mission, modelled somewhat after the Interstate 
Commerce Commission. The new commission was 
given wide powers of investigating matters connected with in¬ 
terstate trade and the management of corporations engaged in 
interstate trade, and more restricted powers of enforcing 
antitrust regulations forbidding unfair methods. The other 
measure, the Clayton Act, prohibited interlocking directorates 
of banks and other corporations and forbade discrimination in 
prices when the effect would tend to produce monopoly, and 
placed under the ban various other practices used by monop¬ 
olists. Labor and agricultural organizations, “lawfully carry¬ 
ing out the legitimate objects thereto,” were exempted from the 
provisions of the act, and, as a special concession to labor, the 


386 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

injunction powers of the federal courts in labor disputes were 
greatly curtailed. A bill to regulate the issue of stocks and 
bonds by common carriers and designed to strike a blow at 
the plundering practices connected with “watered stock” 
caused so much opposition that it was dropped. 

In some quarters the new trust measures were hailed as a 
final solution of the great problem. Only time can tell whether 
or not such predictions were well founded. It should be said, 
however, that price manipulation and other evils continue, in 
some cases to an extent hitherto unheard of. It would be un¬ 
safe, therefore, to assume that the last word has been said on 
the trust question. 

In the enactment of all these laws President Wilson’s influ¬ 
ence was insistent and powerful. He gained his ends partly 
by prodding but largely by persuasion. The docility with 
which the Democratic factions submitted to his 
Influence. driving was surprising, because for years that party 
had seemed like a balky team, never willing to pull 
together. Now and then Democratic pupils displayed signs 
of restiveness, but “the schoolmaster” always proved his mas¬ 
tery and enforced his discipline. “Mr. Wilson is the whole 
thing at this juncture,” wrote a veteran political observer in 
Harper’s Weekly early in 1914. “He dispenses the high and 
the low and the middle justice. He has suffered no notable 
rebuff in putting into effect his plans and his ideas. The proc¬ 
esses of government reflect his will. The members of Congress 
do not love him, but they do not doubt the quality of the 
man. ... He is, indeed, chief magistrate to the uttermost 
fringe of his authority.” 

Both Wilson and Bryan came to their respective offices with 
a passion for peace and with theories as to how it could be 
maintained. Under Roosevelt more than a score of limited 
arbitration treaties had been concluded with as 
AAkration. man y nations, and under Taft the arbitration prin¬ 
ciple had been still further advanced. Bryan 
plunged into this sort of work with eagerness. In his opinion 
wars usually result from action taken too precipitately, and he 


THE “ NEW FREEDOM 


3*7 


believed, with much truth, that some plan for delaying action 
until passions had cooled would be helpful. Less than two 
months after assuming office he laid before the diplomatic corps 
at Washington a proposal that each foreign nation should enter 
into an agreement with the United States to submit to an in¬ 
ternational tribunal for investigation and report any dispute 
upon which an agreement could not be reached. During the 
interval—the period suggested was one year—neither power 
concerned should declare hostilities or increase its military 
programme. The plan was cordially received in most foreign 
capitals, and before the end of the year thirty-one nations signi¬ 
fied a willingness to accept. Ultimately treaties embodying 
the delay principle were concluded with most of the powers of 
the world, including England and France. Germany and Aus¬ 
tria, long the chief stumbling-blocks in the way of international 
conciliation, held aloof. It was fortunate they did so. It is 
easy to see that it would have been highly embarrassing in 
February, 1917, for the United States to have been bound by 
such a treaty with either. 

As set forth in an earlier chapter, President Roosevelt ex¬ 
pressed the view that in flagrant cases of “wrong doing or im¬ 
potence” on the part of other American states, it might be¬ 
come necessary under the Monroe Doctrine for the 
Protectorates. United States to exercise “an international police 
power.” Acting on this theory, he established a 
virtual protectorate over Santo Domingo. His successor sought 
to make a similar arrangement with regard to Nicaragua, which 
for years had been a scene of disorder and revolution, but he 
met with much opposition in the Senate, which rejected one 
treaty and failed to take action upon another. Notwithstand¬ 
ing, Taft sent a representative to Nicaragua to take charge of 
the customs. The opponents of the treaty were mainly Demo¬ 
crats, some of whom contended that American activity in the 
Caribbean region was chiefly due to selfish “dollar diplomacy,” 
a name also bestowed upon American policy in the Orient. 
But the logic of events, in the shape of continued disorders, 
proved too strong for the Wilson administration. A new treaty 


388 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


was negotiated in 1914 with Nicaragua and this was finally 
ratified. Furthermore, anarchical conditions in Haiti forced 
the United States in 1915 to impose a more radical protectorate 
over that country than any yet arranged. By the treaty con¬ 
cluded with Nicaragua the United States acquired exclusive 
and perpetual right to construct an interoceanic canal across 
that country, and also the right to use Fonseca Bay on the 
Pacific coast and the Corn Islands on the Caribbean side as 
naval bases. 

By payment of $25,000,000 to Denmark the United States 
in 1916 acquired the Virgin Islands, to the eastward of Porto 
Rico. The United States had long desired the islands for stra- 
Purchase of te g* c reasons > an d both Seward and John Hay had 
the Danish negotiated treaties of cession, only to see the Danish 
Parliament reject them—probably in the last in¬ 
stance because of hostile German influence. But the Great War 
had brought financial embarrassments to the Danes, and they at 
last proved willing to dispose of their West India possessions. 

Ever since the Panama revolution Colombia had nourished 
a grudge against the United States. To promote better rela¬ 
tions, and, critics asserted, to display disapproval of Roose¬ 
velt’s course in the matter, the Wilson administra- 
5 “ ^ on ne g°ti a ted a treaty with Colombia expressing 
“sincere regret that anything had occurred to mar 
the relations of cordial friendship that had so long subsisted 
between the two nations.” The treaty further bound the United 
States to pay Colombia $25,000,000. But all the administra¬ 
tion’s efforts to pacify Colombia were defeated in the Senate, 
and the treaty was not ratified until Harding became President. 

Soon after Wilson’s inauguration a renewal on the Pacific 
coast of anti-Japanese agitation produced a serious diplomatic 
controversy and gave the country some anxious moments, 
but a much more persistent source of trouble was 
Revolution. ^ state °f Mexican affairs. In that country for 
many years Porfirio Diaz had maintained peace 
with a hand of iron, and Mexico had witnessed great national 
progress. The prosperity of the common people, the peons, 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


389 


had not kept pace with mines, railroads, telegraphs, and other 
signs of civilization. Most of the peons were poor and de¬ 
graded, few of them could read or write, and many lived on 
vast estates in a condition comparable to that of serfdom in 
the Middle Ages. In 1910 the hundredth anniversary of Mex¬ 
ican independence was celebrated with much ceremonial, and 
Diaz received congratulations from all over the world upon the 
success of his rule. Rut the nominal President and actual dic¬ 
tator was now an old man, and had lost much of his once great 
mental and physical vigor. Hardly had the echoes of the cele¬ 
bration died away when uprisings broke out in Chihuahua and 
Durango, and soon spread to other provinces. The chief leader 
among the revolutionists was Francisco I. Madero, a member 
of a wealthy and powerful family, who seems to have sincerely 
desired to uplift his people. Finding resistance hopeless, Diaz, 
in the following May, resigned and sailed for Europe. In Oc¬ 
tober Madero was formally elected President, and a better day 
for Mexico seemed to have dawned. But outbreaks against his 
authority soon occurred, and in February, 1913, he was treach¬ 
erously overthrown, taken prisoner, and assassinated. General 
Victoriano Huerta, commander-in-chief of the army and one 
of the conspirators responsible for Madero’s destruction and 
death, seized power as provisional president. 

From the outset American property in Mexico had been de¬ 
stroyed and American lives imperilled, but President Taft, 
though often urged to intervene, confined himself to protests, 
to concentrating (March, 1911) 20,000 regulars 
wSting*” 1 along the border, and to establishing (March 14, 
1912) an embargo against the shipment of arms to 
factions opposing Madero, whose authority he had recognized. 
President Wilson also pursued a policy of what he later desig¬ 
nated as “watchful waiting.” Fie refused to recognize the 
Huerta government. 

Huerta’s authority was never submitted to by all of Mexico, 
and an armed movement against him was soon under way. The 
party opposing him called themselves “Constitutionalists”; 
they were most active in the northern provinces, and their 


390 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

most noted leaders were Venustiano Carranza and Francisco 
Villa. Carranza, who assumed the title of “provisional Presi¬ 
dent,” came of good family and was well educated, 
andvma. being a lawyer by profession. Villa sprang from the 
peon class, had learned to write his name only after 
attaining manhood, and had been and remained a bandit. But 
he was a bold man, of rough, primitive force, with a natural 
gift for leadership. 

Though ostensibly giving aid to neither party President 
Wilson desired the success of the Constitutionalists 
Intervention. an d made no secret of his wish to eliminate Huerta. 

Negotiations designed to persuade Huerta to efface 
himself failed. Outrages against Americans and other foreigners 
continued, but, in spite of a growing demand for interven¬ 
tion, Wilson held to his policy of “watchful waiting.” The 
cost of intervention in blood and money, fear that once in 
Mexico we would either have to annex it or declare it a de¬ 
pendency, unwillingness to interfere in the internal affairs of 
other peoples, and a belief that intervention would antagonize 
Latin-American sentiment were among the arguments put for¬ 
ward by the President’s supporters in behalf of the “hands off” 
policy. Those favoring a more vigorous course pointed to the 
vast investment of American capital in Mexico and to the many 
outrages committed against our citizens, and argued that, in 
view of the inability of Mexicans to govern themselves, inter¬ 
vention was inevitable in the end and might as well come at 
once. 

In February, 1914, in the interest of the Constitutionalists, 
the President revoked the embargo on arms, thereby, of course, 
further antagonizing the Huerta faction. Two months later 
some bluejackets from an American war-ship landed 
Vera Cruz. at Tampico, the outlet of the great Mexican oil¬ 
fields, and were arrested by a local Huerta military 
officer. They were speedily released by order of a superior 
officer, and expressions of regret, in which Huerta joined, were 
tendered. There had been other exasperating “incidents,” 
and Admiral Mayo, who commanded the American vessels off 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


39i 


the port, demanded a salute to the flag, and he was backed up 
by the President. Huerta refused, and the Gulf fleet, on wire¬ 
less orders from Washington, thereupon bombarded and seized 
(April 21, 1914) the city of Vera Cruz. Nineteen Americans 
were killed, while the Mexican losses, including some non- 
combatants, were several times greater. Six thousand regulars 
under General Funston were hurried to Vera Cruz to hold the 
city. The capture of Vera Cruz was fiercely resented by Mex¬ 
icans of all factions, even by Carranza. The American Con¬ 
gress passed resolutions justifying the step, but many persons 
doubted the wisdom of what had been done. Because of 
Huerta’s attitude the embargo on the shipment of arms was 
restored. 

The diplomatic representatives in Washington of Argentina, 
Brazil, and Chile now tendered (April 25, 1914) their good 
offices to arrange a peaceful adjustment. As a result a so- 
called “ABC Conference,” in which representa- 
Conference.” ti yes mediators, of Carranza, and of the 

United States met at Niagara Falls, Canada, and 
remained in session for some weeks, but without accomplishing 
anything of much consequence. However, Wilson’s accep¬ 
tance of mediation helped convince Latin America that the 
United States did not desire to conquer Mexico. 

Meanwhile Huerta’s position had steadily grown weaker. In 
the middle of July, 1914, he resigned and fled to Europe. The 
Constitutionalists soon entered the capital. Some Americans 
believed that peace and order would soon be re- 
Huerta. stored in the distracted country. The triumph of 
“ watchful waiting ” was proclaimed. Such assump¬ 
tions were premature. Villa and Carranza soon quarrelled, and 
a new war broke out, fully as frightful as the old. In Septem¬ 
ber Wilson ordered the evacuation of Vera Cruz, but conditions 
were so threatening that the actual evacuation did not take 
place until November 23. The maltreatment of Americans in 
Mexico continued, and lawless bands of marauders even ex¬ 
tended their operations to American soil. 

Meanwhile the struggle for survival between Republicans 


392 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

and Progressives had given piquancy to politics at home. The 
disaster in 1912 had proved a stunning blow to the “Old Guard” 
Republican Republican leaders. Conciliation, not coercion, 
Overtures to became their watchword. All over the land the 
Progressives. p r0 g ress j ves were implored to “come back” and 

help defeat the common enemy, the Democrats. Nor did the 
appeal lack potency with many of the Progressive rank and file 
and even with some of the chief leaders. Furthermore, a mild 
reconstruction of Republican national convention machinery was 
carried out, and the excessive representation of Southern States 
was somewhat reduced, but not to a basis of the actual voting 
strength of Republicans in those States. Most Progressives con¬ 
tinued, however, to insist that they intended to remain with 
the new party and scornfully repelled Republican overtures. 

The local and State elections of 1913 proved distinctly en¬ 
couraging to Republicans and discouraging to Progressives, 
but it was clear that the decisive test would come in the autumn 
of 1914. Meanwhile an industrial depression set- 
Revivai bhCan tied down on the land. The winter of 1913-14 saw 
business dull in many lines, and an increasing num¬ 
ber of men out of work. Conditions grew slightly worse during 
the spring and summer, and the outbreak of the Great War in 
Europe for a time threatened to precipitate a business cataclysm. 
Political opponents of the administration cried, “I told you 
so! ” and attributed the hard times to the Democratic tariff 
and general Democratic incompetence. In the fall elections 
there was a decided reaction against the Democrats, and they 
were saved from disaster only by reason of the fact that the 
opposition was still divided. As it was, they managed to carry 
a number of former Republican States, such as Massachusetts, 
Michigan, and Nebraska, and to increase their majority in the 
Senate by two, but their House majority fell from 147 to only 
29. The Democratic loss inured almost wholly to the advan¬ 
tage of the Republicans, who carried many of their former 
strongholds, and also New York. The Progressives, in spite 
of vigorous campaigning by Colonel Roosevelt, ex-Senator Bev¬ 
eridge, and other prominent leaders, carried only one State, 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


39 3 


namely California, where they re-elected Governor Johnson. 
Their popular vote fell to about 1,800,000, less than half that 
in 1912, while their representation in the House was cut from 
15 to 7. It was clear that the Progressives were doomed. 

In this election the choice of senators by direct vote re¬ 
ceived a trial, in accordance with the new amendment. An¬ 
other feature was that the Socialists again elected a member 
of Congress, in the person of Meyer London of New York 
City. 

In the following year anarchy continued to reign in most of 
Mexico, the capital changed hands repeatedly, and many of 
the unhappy people were reduced to a state of starvation. 
Toward the end of the year Carranza’s power increased, and in 
October the United States and several of the Latin American 
states accorded him recognition as the de facto ruler. The em¬ 
bargo on arms, which had been lowered, was reimposed in order 
to weaken the Villa forces. The Carranza government \Vas 
also permitted to transport troops across American soil in order 
to attack rebel forces that could not readily be reached other¬ 
wise. 

These measures greatly angered Villa. Furthermore, he was 
worked upon by German agents, who were anxious to embroil 
the United States with Mexico and thus distract American at¬ 
tention from submarine outrages. It is now known 
onCoivmbus. ^ at l ar g e sums of money were sent to the bandit 
leader by these agents. Soon Villa began murder¬ 
ing Americans wherever found. As a culminating act he 
swooped down one night (March 9, 1916), with several hundred 
followers, upon the little town of Columbus, New Mexico, and 
killed eight soldiers and nine civilians, and wounded several 
others. Some of the raiders were themselves shot down in the 
attack, while a detachment of cavalry pursued the party for 
miles, killing many and capturing others. 

It was announced that a punitive expedition would be sent 
into Mexico in pursuit of Villa, but that it would be conducted 
“with scrupulous respect” for Mexican sovereignty. Lack 
of proper transport facilities and other necessary equipment 


394 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

caused the loss of valuable time, but on March 15 a force of 
6,000 men under Brigadier-General John J. Pershing crossed the 
border on a “cold trail.” It was popularly assumed 
Expedition, that they meant to get Villa “dead or alive.” 

The Villistas retreated into a wilderness of deserts 
and mountains, and long managed to evade their pursuers, 
but on March 29 a cavalry force under Colonel Dodd defeated 
and dispersed a band at San Geronimo. Villa was severely 
wounded in this fight, and long remained in hiding. This did 
not, however, bring the trouble to an end, and early in May 
there was a new raid into Texas. 

Many of the Mexican people viewed the expedition as a 
“Gringo invasion,” and Carranza repeatedly protested against 
the continued presence of the troops on Mexican soil. In the 
,. , middle of June General Trevino announced that he 
Force would not permit the movement of American troops 

in any direction except toward the border. Soon 
afterward a clash took place at Carrizal, and a force of 
American colored cavalry were defeated and scattered, with a 
loss of about twenty killed and seventeen captured. The im¬ 
mediate release of the prisoners was demanded and was soon 
conceded. In view of the threatening state of Mexican affairs, 
President Wilson had ordered out practically all of the National 
Guard, and he sent most of them to the border to do patrol 
duty. The mobilization was badly conducted, and the weak¬ 
ness of the American military system was again revealed. It 
was expected by many that vigorous action would at last be 
taken in Mexico, but the administration resumed its “watchful 
waiting.” General Pershing was condemned to inaction, and 
early in 1917 his force was withdrawn from Mexico altogether. 
The affairs of that unhappy country continued to be distracted, 
and American lives and property in Mexico and along the 
border continued to be unsafe. In May, 1920, Carranza was 
overthrown and slain After more than nine years of revolu¬ 
tion, there seemed no immediate prospect that peace and quiet 
would be restored. In fact, anarchy, not order, seems to be 
the normal state of affairs in Mexico, as a study of her his- 


THE “NEW FREEDOM 


5 > 


395 


tory during the last century reveals. The state of peace under 
the Diaz regime was abnormal. 

From the summer of 1914 onward Mexican affairs were 
largely overshadowed by the Great War. This tremendous 
struggle, which was begun by Austria’s declaration of war on 
Serbia (July 28), and Germany’s declaration of war 
The Great a g a i ns t Russia four days later, spread with amazing 
rapidity, and soon most of the great powers were 
involved in it. For years well-meaning but short-visioned paci¬ 
fists had been assuring the world that there would never be 
another serious war, and yet, almost in the twinkling of an 
eye, most of the civilized nations were locked in the bloodiest 
conflict of the ages. 

The responsibility for precipitating the war is already fixed. 
In general it rests upon the houses of Hohenzollern and Haps- 
burg—two mediaeval anachronisms in a modem world—upon 
the war lords surrounding them, and lastly upon 
sponsibility. t ^ le ^ r deluded people. In the final analysis, it rests 
upon Kaiser Wilhelm II, for it could never have 
come without his consent, approbation, and instigation. For 
hundreds of years, by conquest, purchase, marriage, and other 
methods, his ancestors had built up their dominions until the 
nation over which they ruled was one of the most powerful 
in the world. But the Kaiser was not content. In half a cen¬ 
tury Prussia had waged three wars, none of which had been 
costly in blood or treasure, and all of which had been enormously 
profitable. The war lords believed that Great Britain was so 
distracted by her Irish troubles that she would stand aside. 
They expected an easy and speedy victory over Serbia, Russia, 
and France. The German people had been taught to believe 
in the justice of might and to look forward to the day when 
Germany would force her Kultur upon the world. With few 
exceptions Germans cheerfully plunged after their war lords 
into the bloody vortex. Every proposal to adjust the contro¬ 
versy by diplomacy, by an international conference, or by arbi¬ 
tration was pushed aside. The naked sword was to rule. Ger¬ 
many struck for “ Weltmacht oder Niedergang,” for “world power 


396 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


or downfall.” From the outset she followed a deliberate policy 
of Schrecklichkeit , or “frightfulness.” She began by making a 
dastardly attack upon the neutrality of a little nation she was 
bound by treaty to protect. It was not long before she cast 
all international law to the winds, and was violating most other 
laws, both human and divine. 

From the beginning many Americans realized that the 
Entente Allies were fighting for civilization, but the attitude of 
some others was determined by prejudices rather than by the 
. . merits of the case. Both belligerents presented their 

Sympathies cases and asked the sympathy of our people. Un¬ 
fortunately not all Americans were well enough in¬ 
formed to be able to discriminate between the true and the 
false, and it is well known that fiction is often more convincing 
than fact. Furthermore, the German Government had long 
had agents at work in America preparing for the day that 
had now come. Many people, therefore, took the German side 
in the controversy. Many others remained indifferent. Not a 
few assumed that it was a conflict in which no vital principle 
was at stake on either side. But the ruthless violation of in¬ 
nocent Belgium and the long train of Teutonic barbarities 
gradually swung the great mass of Americans into antagonism 
to the powers guilty of such offenses against humanity. 

Very early in the conflict the American Government pro¬ 
claimed a policy of strict neutrality. On August 18 President 
Wilson went further, and issued an appeal in which he said 
that “Every man who really loves America will 
act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which 
is the spirit of impartiality and fairness and friend¬ 
liness to all concerned. ... I venture, therefore, 
my fellow countrymen, to speak a solemn word of 
warning to you against that deepest, most subtle, most essen¬ 
tial breach of neutrality which may spring out of partisanship, 
out of passionately taking sides. ... We must be impartial 
in thought as well as in action.” But he asked the impossible. 
Men who knew what was back of the war could not feel “friend¬ 
liness” toward those guilty of plunging the world into such 


Wilson Asks 
Americans to 
be Neutral in 
“Thought 
and Action.” 


THE “NEW FREEDOM 


397 


a disaster. Three years later, looking back to that time, Vice- 
President Marshall publicly confessed that he had been at 
fault for having even attempted to be neutral when such issues 
were at stake. 

The effect of the war on American economic interests was at 
first unfavorable. Business conditions were already bad, and 
they grew much worse during the fall and winter of 1914-15. 

Stock exchanges were closed for a time, foreign 
War on commerce was demoralized, and gold flowed toward 
BusinesT Europe to an alarming extent. Then, though com¬ 
merce with the Central Powers soon practically 
ceased, the Entente Allies began to draw supplies of many 
sorts from America, and thereby gave business a great impetus. 
The volume of this export business became so vast that the 
excess of exports over imports, which was only $324,000,000 
in 1914, was $1,768,000,000 in 1915, and about $3,000,000,000* 
in 1916. The Allied powers were forced to send gold to the 
United States to meet the unfavorable balance of trade, and 
presently there was actually a plethora of gold in this country. 
Unable to continue sending gold, the Allies pledged American 
securities held by their people. Ultimately large loans were 
floated in the United States, and the money thus obtained was 
used to pay for goods bought by the Allies. The first foreign 
loan raised here was, however, a German loan, and some of it 
was used in instigating measures against the peace and safety 
of the United States. From being a debtor nation owing 
$4,000,000,000 or $5,000,000,000 abroad, the United States 
was soon transformed into a creditor nation. 

But as America’s economic situation improved, dangerous 
international complications developed. At the very begin¬ 
ning of the war, by invading neutral Belgium Germany com¬ 
mitted one of the grossest violations of international 
Violations of law recorded in history. She immediately followed 
Law rnatl ° nal this U P b y sow i n g the high seas with mines that 
were, of course, dangerous to neutral shipping. 
Germany sought to justify such acts on the ground that “neces¬ 
sity knows no law”; her defenders must make use of every 


398 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

available weapon in order to save their country from annihila¬ 
tion. But such arguments came with ill grace from aggressors. 

At first, however, it seemed possible that America’s most 
serious difficulties would be with the Allies. In their efforts 
to destroy German commerce the Allies resorted to measures 
that drew protests from our government. Pressure 
Blockad? was P ut by them upon neutral nations, such as Hol¬ 
land and the Scandinavian countries, to prevent 
them from re-exporting goods brought into their ports, and 
the list of contraband articles was greatly enlarged. How¬ 
ever, international law on many of the points involved had not 
yet been crystallized, and in defense of the “ ultimate destina¬ 
tion” rule, that is of stopping the sending of contraband, or 
conditional contraband, to Germany through neutral countries, 
England was able to quote a decision of our Federal Supreme 
Court upholding the right to seize goods going into the Con¬ 
federacy by way of Mexico. Furthermore, in adopting and en¬ 
forcing their measures, the British were tender of American 
susceptibilities, and usually purchased at high rates the car¬ 
goes diverted from their destinations. Most important of all, 
however, the questionable acts of the Allies endangered only 
property, and not human fives, as was the case with German 
violations of the law of nations. For this reason, American 
protests to Great Britain and France were less vigorous than 
those to Germany. Certainly no acts were committed by these 
governments that would have justified the United States in 
doing anything that would aid nations that were engaged in 
a deadly assault upon civilization. 

In all great world wars the side that has been able to gain 
and hold command of the high seas has emerged victorious 
from the conflict, or at least has not been defeated. As Mahan 
pointed out, sea-power has been the determining 
o™s2i-Power. ^ act0r in such conflicts from the days of the duels 
between Athens and Sparta, and Rome and Car¬ 
thage, down to the time when British fleets foiled the efforts of 
Napoleon, and finally made possible his downfall. 

On land, in the Great War, the Teutonic powers were long 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


39 9 


able to set their enemies at defiance, but on the water their 
war-ships were soon swept off the high seas, and their ocean- 
borne commerce was paralyzed. As Germany was 
DUemm™ an mainly a manufacturing and commercial country, 
the loss of most of her foreign trade was very seri¬ 
ous. Her war lords realized that unless they could strike a 
counter-blow on the water their ultimate defeat would be only 
a question of time. With their submarines and mines they 
managed to sink a number of enemy war-ships, but the losses 
thus inflicted made no real impression upon the vast British 
fleet, while the efforts of their above-water ships proved even 
more futile. Meanwhile British yards were turning out war¬ 
ships much more rapidly than they were destroyed. It was 
clear that some means must be taken for overcoming this handi¬ 
cap, and in their desperate determination to rule the world or 
ruin it, the German war lords decided upon the most ruthless 
step ever taken by a nation calling itself civilized. First, how¬ 
ever, they sought a suitable occasion. 

On February 2, 1915, Great Britain gave notice that hence¬ 
forth all shipments of foodstuffs to Germany would be con¬ 
sidered as absolute contraband. In justification she pointed 
out that Germany had just confiscated all grain in 
Protest 1 private hands and that thenceforth any food going 

against into Germany would very probably be used for the 

Foodstuffs. support of the German armies. The Germans at 
once violently protested against this order, which, 
they asserted, was meant to doom their whole population to 
starvation. But their arguments would have had more weight 
with the neutral world had it not been known that the German 
armies in 1870-71 blockaded Paris, and reduced the people to 
eat dogs and cats, and that German soldiers in Belgium and 
northern France were even then taking food from the starving 
people. Those who knew Germany felt confident that had 
Germany, and not England, controlled the seas she would long 
since have imposed a far more rigorous blockade than any the 
British had attempted. There was, in fact, a concrete instance 
of the German policy in such matters. In March, 1915, it was 


400 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


learned that the German raider, Prince Eitel Friedrich , had, 
late in January, seized the American sailing-ship, William B. 
Frye, bound from Seattle to Queenstown with a cargo of wheat, 
and had sunk her on the ground that the wheat was contra¬ 
band. All German protests sounded hollow after that. 

On February 4, 1915, Germany took the drastic step of de¬ 
claring that after the 18th of that month all waters around the 
British Isles would be considered a “war zone,” and that “all 
“Frightful enemy vessels encountered in these waters will be 
ness” on the destroyed, even if it will not always be possible to 
save their crews and passengers.” Neutrals were 
warned not to intrust their people or merchandise to such 
ships; even neutral vessels entering the zone would expose 
themselves to grave danger. As the German above-water 
w'ar-ships rarely dared to venture out of their own harbors, it 
was evident that Germany had decided to use her submarines 
in warfare against merchant vessels. It was a well-established 
principle of international law that such vessels must not be 
sunk until after all on board had been taken off. But sub¬ 
marines were too small to take on board a considerable number 
of captives; it was evident that the Germans meant to force 
passengers and crew to take to open boats, that submarines might 
even torpedo vessels without giving warning. 

The German announcement aroused grave apprehension 
.among neutrals. On February 10 the United States warned 
the German Government that the proposed measure violated 
international law, and that should any harm result 
Warning S t0 American ships or citizens, Germany would be 
held to “a strict accountability.” In reply the 
German Government insisted upon the necessity of meeting 
British naval policy with “sharp counter-measures,” and dis¬ 
claimed responsibility for “any unfortunate accidents” that 
might occur. Acting upon a hint in this note, Secretary Bryan 
proposed that Great Britain should permit foodstuffs to reach 
Germany for the use of the civil population, and that Germany 
should abandon her submarine campaign against merchant 
vessels, but nothing came from this proposal. 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


401 


One of the main German objects in attempting this cam¬ 
paign of submarine “frightfulness” was to prevent the ship¬ 
ment of munitions of war to the Allies from America. At the 
same time an effort was being made in this country 
MunSons. m 1 ° bring about the imposition of an embargo on 
such shipments. Pro-German agents made much 
of the argument that by permitting the trade in munitions the 
United States was becoming responsible for prolonging the 
war. Certain pacifists who exalted peace over justice were 
taken in by such arguments and aided German sympathizers 
in their campaign for an embargo. But the movement made 
small headway. The right of private individuals to sell arms 
to belligerents was well established under international law, 
and all well-informed Americans were aware that German 
firms, notably Krupp’s, of which Germans were inordinately 
proud, had sold munitions in practically every war of recent 
times. 

Notwithstanding the protests of the United States and other 
neutrals, Germany on the appointed day (February 18, 1915) 
began ruthless submarine warfare. Within a few weeks the 
U-boats sank a large number of ships of their en- 
Persfi ermanS em ies, and of neutrals as well. In some instances 
warning was given before the fatal torpedo was 
sped; in others the vessels were torpedoed without warning, 
with the result that great numbers of persons were slain by the 
explosions, or were drowned when the ships sank. In either 
case the survivors, including frequently women and children, 
were almost invariably compelled to take to small open boats, 
often when the sea was running high. Many such persons were 
drowned, or perished of thirst, starvation, or cold. 

Late in March the British passenger steamer Falaba was 
torpedoed, and more than a hundred persons lost their lives, 
among them being an American named Leon C. 
Outrages. Thrasher. On May 1 the American steamer Gulf- 
light, bound for France with a cargo of oil, was tor¬ 
pedoed without warning, and two of her crew were drowned, 
while her captain died soon after of nervous shock. Other in- 


402 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

cidents more or less grave took place, but the most terrible was 
yet to come. 

On the day that the Gulflight was torpedoed the great British 
passenger steamer Lusitania, one of the largest and finest ships 
afloat, sailed from New York for Liverpool, with 1,959 souls on 
board. Not long before her departure the German 
War£ng man embassy published advertisements in certain news¬ 
papers warning Americans against the dangers of 
entering the war zone, and it is said that some intending pas¬ 
sengers even received telegrams to the same effect. Little heed, 
however, was paid to these warnings, for the American Govern¬ 
ment had solemnly protested against the German purpose, 
and passengers believed Germany would not dare to carry out 
her threat. 

The voyage proved prosperous until about two o’clock on 
the afternoon of May 8, when, off the Old Head of Kinsale on 
the southeast coast of Ireland, the great ship, without the 
slightest warning, was struck by a torpedo and, ac- 
of h the inkmg cording to some accounts, almost immediately by 
May 7^915 an °ther. Only the pen of a Dante could do justice 
to the scene of horror that followed—a scene that 
will forever be remembered with shudders, along with the mas¬ 
sacre of St. Bartholomew and the Black Hole of Calcutta, as 
one of the most dastardly deeds in human history. In that 
awful moment officers, crew, and passengers—British, Cana¬ 
dians, and Americans alike—displayed heroic qualities in keep¬ 
ing with the best traditions of their race. The cry of “ Women 
and children first!” was raised and heeded. But the stricken 
ship speedily listed heavily to starboard, so that the decks 
inclined upward like steep roofs, preventing easy movement, 
and rendering impossible the launching of some of the boats. 
Soon she sank, carrying down with her those remaining aboard 
and many who struggled in the sea about her. In all 1,198 
persons lost their lives, including 286 women and 94 children, 
34 of the last being babes in arms. The American citizens 
thus foully done to death numbered 114, among them being 
Charles Klein, dramatist and author of The Music Master; 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


403 


Charles Frohman, famous theatrical producer; Justus Miles 
Forman, author; Elbert Hubbard, author and lecturer; Lindon 
Bates, vice-chairman for relief in Belgium; and Alfred G. 
Vanderbilt, capitalist. “Save the kiddies!” exclaimed Van¬ 
derbilt, while Frohman, a philosopher to the last, said as the 
ship was about to plunge into the depths: “Why fear death? 
It is the most beautiful adventure in life.” 

In Germany the news of the sinking of the Lusitania was re¬ 
ceived with glee. Special medals were struck by way of com¬ 
memoration, and in places school-children were given a holiday. 

But the German Government hastily instructed 
Rejddngs. Count von Bernstorff, its ambassador in Washing¬ 
ton, “to express its deepest sympathy at the loss 
of lives on board the Lusitania. The responsibility rests, how¬ 
ever, with the British Government, which, through its plan of 
starving the civilian population of Germany, has forced Ger¬ 
many to resort to retaliatory measures.” To these crocodile 
tears German agents added lying statements to the effect that 
the main damage was done by the explosion of munitions on 
board, while one of their creatures in New York falsely made 
affidavit that the ship was armed with naval guns. These 
tactics were, of course, designed to confuse the issue and divide 
American sentiment. 

In the United States the news was received with a thrill of 
horror, even by many persons who hitherto had upheld the 
German cause. Ex-President Roosevelt denounced the deed as 
“not merely piracy, but piracy on a vaster scale 
Sentiment. °f murder than old-time pirates ever practised.” 

Few people ventured openly to justify the deed, 
but some argued that America should bow before the “mailed 
fist,” and endure the violation of her rights. President Wilson 
was determined to protest, but hoped that Germany would 
prove amenable to reason. In a speech at Philadelphia before 
an audience of newly naturalized citizens he said: “There is 
such a thing as a nation being too proud to fight. There is such 
a thing as a nation being so right that it does not need to con¬ 
vince others by force that it is right.” These words were se- 


4o 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

verely criticised as unfortunate. In the opinion of the critics 
Germany had thrown justice and mercy to the winds and cared 
nothing for the good opinion of the world, if she could only 
terrorize it. Force, they were convinced, was the only argu¬ 
ment the Hohenzollerns respected, and they believed that any 
suggestion that the United States would not resort to force to 
uphold its rights rendered future outrages more probable. 

The note of protest sent to Germany (May 13, 1915) was 
signed “Bryan,” but it had really been written by the Presi¬ 
dent himself. It emphasized the previous friendly relations 
The First between the two powers, upheld the right of Ameri- 
Lusitania cans to travel on the high seas, pointed out the prac¬ 
tical impossibility of using submarines in the de¬ 
struction of commerce “without an inevitable violation of many 
sacred principles of justice and humanity,” and specified the 
Lusitania and other cases in which American rights had been 
violated. It expressed a confident belief that Germany would 
disavow the outrages, would prevent a recurrence of such at¬ 
tacks, and would “make reparation so far as reparation is 
possible for injuries which are beyond measure.” It closed by 
saying that “the Imperial German Government will not expect 
the Government of the United States to omit any word or any 
act necessary to the performance of its sacred duty of main¬ 
taining the rights of the United States and its citizens and of 
safeguarding their free exercise and enjoyment.” 

The German Government took its time about replying, and 
not until May 28 did it transmit its answer. Reparation was 
promised for the attack on the Gulflight , on the ground that a 
mistake had been made by the submarine com- 
Fkst^Reply. mander, but ruthless submarine warfare and the 
sinking of the Falaba and Lusitania were defended 
on the ground of “just self-defense.” The evidence seems to 
show that the Germans did not take our protest very seriously. 
In his book, My Four Years in Germany , Gerard, American 
ambassador at Berlin, states that Zimmermann, German under¬ 
secretary for foreign affairs, told an American woman not to 
worry about the breaking of diplomatic relations, as word had 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


405 


just been received from the Austrian Government that Doctor 
Dumba, the Austrian ambassador in Washington, had cabled 
that Bryan had told him that “ the Lusitania note from America 
to Germany was only sent as a sop to public opinion in America, 
and that the Government did not really mean what was said 
in that note.” It is known that Bryan had an interview with 
Dumba, but it is unbelievable that an American statesman 
should have been guilty of such an amazing indiscretion. 
Gerard himself says that he is sure “that Dr. Dumba must 
have misunderstood friendly statements made by Mr. Bryan.” 
But Bryan had such a desire for peace that he was opposed to 
bringing matters to a crisis, and it is possible he did not con¬ 
ceal this view from Dumba. Furthermore, the Germans were 
well aware that Senator Stone of Missouri, chairman of the 
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, and next after Bryan 
in importance in international matters, was not only a peace- 
at-any-price man, but a German sympathizer. German- 
Americans in Germany and in the United States were constantly 
assuring the Kaiser’s government that American public senti¬ 
ment would not countenance a vigorous policy; “watchful 
waiting” in Mexico and Wilson’s “ too-proud-to-fight ” speech 
were not without their influence; therefore, the Imperial Gov¬ 
ernment felt it safe to return a defiant answer. They did not 
misjudge the situation, for President Wilson had not yet deter¬ 
mined to bring the controversy to extremities. 

Many Americans and the world at large assumed that the 
United States would now transmit a real ultimatum. This ex¬ 
pectation was strengthened by the sudden resignation (June 8) 
of Bryan as secretary of state. The explanation 
of e Bryan° n given out was that the note in preparation might 
involve the United States in war. Bryan was suc¬ 
ceeded by Robert Lansing, counsellor of the State Department. 
When the note was given out, however, it was found that it 
did little more than reiterate the American position; it was not 
an ultimatum in any sense. The German Government procras¬ 
tinated a month and then transmitted a reply that was evasive 
and that made a number of unacceptable suggestions. It was 


406 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Second 

American 

Note and 

Second 

German 

Reply. 


evident that Germany was merely playing for time. Mean¬ 
while she had continued her submarine activities. On May 
25th an American vessel, the Nebraska , was torpe¬ 
doed off the Irish coast, though fortunately she did 
not sink. Germany long denied responsibility for the 
attack, but her guilt was clearly established. Ameri¬ 
can public opinion had grown restive under the long 
delay, and President Wilson’s note-writing proclivities had be¬ 
come a subject of sarcastic and bitter comment both at home 
Third an d abroad. The third American note (July 21) 

American proved somewhat more drastic. It characterized 

Note 

the German replies as “very unsatisfactory,” and 
gave warning that a repetition of the acts complained of would 
be regarded as “deliberately unfriendly.” This phrase, in the 
language of diplomacy, has a special meaning, and connotes an 
act that will lead to war. Germany vouchsafed no reply to 
this communication. 

Meanwhile German agents spent vast sums of money sub¬ 
sidizing newspapers, forming “leagues” and “societies,” and 
bribing men of influence in order to secure an embargo against 
the exportation of munitions of war. On April 4 

Protests 

against and on June 29 Austria-Hungary protested that 
Trade* 0115 th e traffic was unneutral, but our government re¬ 
plied that such trade was fully sanctioned by inter¬ 
national law, and pointed to frequent instances in which Ger¬ 
mans had engaged in it. The United States stood ready to sell 
to the Central Powers, and was in no sense responsible for their 
inability to avail themselves of the privilege. To impose an 
embargo would be an act of which the Entente Allies could 
justly complain. Furthermore, the United States, being largely 
dependent in case of war upon the purchase of munitions from 
abroad, could not afford to establish such a precedent. 

Unable to secure an embargo, German and Austrian agents, 
working, partly at least, under the oversight and instigation of 
their ambassadors, Von Bernstorff and Dumba, resorted to 
violent methods to prevent goods from reaching their ene¬ 
mies. Explosions and incendiary fires damaged munitions 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


407 


plants, bombs were placed aboard vessels carrying cargoes to 
the Allies, and much property was destroyed and many lives 
“Frightful- taken. The whole land was filled with spies, strikes 
ness” in were instigated, and Mexicans were encouraged to 
murder Americans. In July, 1915, a crack-brained 
German-American college professor named Erich Muenter, 
who had disappeared some years before while under suspicion 
of having murdered his wife, placed a time-bomb in the 
Supreme Court room in the national capitol, and the ex¬ 
plosion did considerable damage. The same man shot and 
seriously wounded J. P. Morgan, Jr., the fiscal agent of the 
Allies in America, but was overpowered, and committed suicide 
in jail. To what extent the government was then aware of 
Von BemstorfFs nefarious activities has not yet been revealed, 
but in September, 1915, the President demanded and secured 
the recall of Dumba, and later of the German naval and mili¬ 
tary attaches, Captains Boy-Ed and Von Papen. The intrigues 
and murderous activities of Teutonic agents in this period made 
up a story so incredible that many trustful Americans, not yet 
awake to the desperate methods of the war lords, were loath to 
believe that such things were actually taking place. 

While America was protesting, the Germans continued to 
torpedo merchant vessels, and in August, 1915, two Americans 
lost their lives in the sinking of the British liner Arabic. At 
this point, Count Von Bernstorff made vague 
promises (August 24) of reparation, and on Sep¬ 
tember 1 delivered a memorandum to Secretary 
Lansing stating that thenceforth “liners will not be sunk by 
our submarines without warning and without safety of the 
lives of non-combatants, provided that the liners do not try to 
escape or offer resistance.” Later it was explained that the 
attack on the Arabic had been made by mistake, and regret 
was expressed, yet Germany refused “to acknowledge any 
obligation to grant an indemnity.” She proposed to submit the 
particular dispute to The Hague tribunal, but expressly stated 
that this tribunal should not have the right to make a general 
decision on the legality of submarine warfare. Early in Oc- 


Von 

Bernstorffs 

Promise. 


4 o8 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

tober, however, Von Bernstorff promised an indemnity for 
the lives lost on the Arabic , but Germany still continued to 
refuse settlement for the Lusitania outrage. 

In some quarters the German concession was hailed as a 
great diplomatic victory, but critics pointed out that the vic¬ 
tory was subject to important qualifications in that nothing was 
said regarding the safety of the crews of torpedoed 
Doubts^ cargo-boats. Furthermore, many Americans were 
gravely suspicious of the good faith of the German 
Government, and doubted whether it would keep its pledges. 
In their opinion, the German civil government did not possess 
the real power. They believed that the German Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs did not determine international relations, but 
merely acted as a mask for the war lords, who were in actual 
control. The war lords violated international law, and then put 
forward the diplomatists to excuse the violations and to make 
adjustments, which might or might not be carried out. Of this 
state of affairs our ambassador, Gerard, was well aware at the 
time. 

The scene now shifted to the Mediterranean. On Novem¬ 
ber 7 the Italian liner Ancona was sunk off the coast of 
Tunis by a submarine flying the Austrian flag, and several 
The Ancona Americans l° st their lives. The United States was 
and Persia thus forced to take up the whole controversy anew 
with Austria, and to demand indemnity for the 
victims and punishment for the submarine commander. After 
much procrastination, Austria promised (December 3, 1915) 
to comply with the demands. Yet attacks on vessels in the 
Mediterranean continued, and on December 30 the British 
passenger steamer Persia was sunk without warning off the 
coast of Crete. In this disaster two Americans, one a mis¬ 
sionary, the other the United States consul to Aden, were 
drowned. In this case the submarine remained submerged, 
but the wake of the torpedo was seen. Both Austria and Ger¬ 
many denied responsibility for the act. Later facts came to 
light which seemed to prove that the submarine which sank 
the Ancona was really a German vessel masquerading under 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


409 


of Pre¬ 
paredness. 


the Austrian flag—a fact that had been suspected from the 
beginning. 

Very early in the war prominent Americans, among them 
Theodore Roosevelt, Congressman Augustus P. Gardner of 
Massachusetts, and General Leonard Wood, began urgently 
The Question t0 a dvocate nee d a stronger army and navy 
to protect American rights. But the mass of the 
people proved apathetic, while pacifists and pro- 
Germans strongly opposed preparedness. Secretary Bryan de¬ 
clared that in case of need “the United States could raise 
a million men between sunrise and sunset.” In his annual 
message of December 4, 1914, President Wilson argued at 
length against the need of special preparation, though he fa¬ 
vored the development of the militia and the extension of 
voluntary training. “We must depend,” said he, “in every 
time of national peril, in the future as in the past, not upon 
a standing army, nor yet upon a reserve army, but upon a 
citizenry trained and accustomed to arms.” 

But Germany’s ruthless submarine warfare and the destruc¬ 
tion of American lives aroused millions of Americans who de¬ 
plored “militarism” to a realization that in the last analysis 
brute force, not right or reason, rules the world, 
and that America was comparatively defenseless. 
Despite the threatening state of our relations with 
Germany, the summer and fall of 1915 passed without anything 
of much consequence being done save the opening by General 
Wood of voluntary reserve officers’ training camps at Platts- 
burg. Meanwhile, however, President Wilson had changed 
his views. In his annual message of December, 1915, he ad¬ 
vocated “preparedness,” and even made a speaking tour in 
the Middle West to arouse public sentiment on the question. 
He declared there was “not a day to be lost,” but in speaking 
of possible dangers he displayed a vagueness that weakened the 
strength of his appeal. Pro-German influence was thrown 
unanimously against the preparedness programme, and paci¬ 
fists ably aided the pro-Germans. In Congress neither party 
was willing strongly to support preparedness measures. In the 


Wilson 
Changes 
His View. 


4 io THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

face of this opposition' and public apathy, Wilson displayed 
less than his usual decision, and Secretary of War Garrison, 
who was an ardent advocate of preparedness, resigned (Feb¬ 
ruary io, 1916) because he felt the lack of presidential support. 
He was succeeded by ex-Mayor Newton D. Baker of Cleveland. 
Baker was an able man, an exceedingly plausible politician, 
but the friends of preparedness charged that he had no special 
qualifications for the post, that he was a pacifist, almost a non- 
resistant, and they questioned the wisdom of his appointment. 

Thereafter the question dragged slowly along. There was 
much parade of appointing boards and commissions for purposes 
of defense, and large appropriations were made for both the army 
and navy, but the concrete results in added fighting 
Act Hay strength were disappointing. The most important 
piece of legislation, the Hay Act (June 3, 1916), 
provided for increasing the normal peace strength of the regular 
army by five annual accessions to 175,000 officers and men, 
though in case of need the number might be raised at once by 
executive order to 220,000. The State militia, estimated to 
number 125,000, were to be put under federal control, and were 
to be increased by five annual accessions to a total of about 
425,000. The measure was severely criticised by military 
experts, and it was largely because he deemed the plan in¬ 
adequate that Garrison had resigned. 

Meanwhile the country was flooded with proposals and 
methods to end war and insure peace. Great numbers of re¬ 
formers were convinced that they had panaceas that would 
make war impossible. Societies to eliminate the 
Absurdities, economic causes of war, world’s. court leagues, 
organizations for durable peace, leagues to enforce 
peace, and similar organizations sprang up. Speakers toured 
the country—some of them beyond question in German pay 
—propounding their favorite peace nostrums. A well-known 
manufacturer even took (December, 1915) a ship-load of paci¬ 
fists to Europe for the purpose of getting the soldiers “out of 
the trenches by Christmas.” But war stubbornly continued to 
rage in Europe and even in near-by Mexico. 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


411 


Wilson 
Threatens 
to Sever 
Relations. 


A constantly increasing number of Allied vessels were being 
armed with guns as a protection against submarines. The 
right to do so was well established under international law, 
but in February, 1915, Germany declared that thenceforth the 
U-boats would sink such vessels without giving warning. In 
Congress pro-Germans and pacifists made a strong effort to 
pass a resolution to keep Americans off such boats, but Presi¬ 
dent Wilson threw his influence against the measure, and it 
was defeated. 

During the winter there had been occasional violations of 
the pledge made after the Arabic sinking, and in April occurred 
a flagrant case. The British unarmed steamer Sussex was tor¬ 
pedoed without warning in the English Channel, 
and, though she managed to make a French port, 
many persons were killed by the explosion, and 
others, including several Americans, were wounded. 
Germany at first disclaimed responsibility, but pieces of the 
torpedo were found and they were of German make. The 
United States thereupon declared that the limit of patience had 
been reached, and informed Germany that it would sever all 
diplomatic relations unless Germany “should now immediately 
declare and effect an abandonment of its present methods 
of submarine warfare against passenger- and freight-carrying 
vessels.” 

Finding further denial useless, Germany somewhat vaguely 
promised to observe “the general principles of visitation and 
search.” She also promised to punish the guilty submarine 
commander, but later inquiries regarding the nature 
German of his punishment remained unanswered, and it is 
Reservation improbable that he was treated very rigorously. 

Germany reserved the right to withdraw her con¬ 
cession in case the United States would not persuade the En¬ 
tente Allies to abandon certain practices of which she com¬ 
plained. The United States accepted Germany’s declaration, 
but stated that it could not consent to the reservation. Upon 
this point Germany made no further answer. 

The outcome was hailed by friends of the administration as 


412 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

another bloodless diplomatic victory, illustrating the virtue 
of the President’s policy of patience. Many Americans, how¬ 
ever, expressed doubt as to whether the victory was 
Warning. s0 g reat as was contended. They pointed to 
Germany’s reservation of the right to renew ruth¬ 
less warfare, and expressed the view that she would keep her 
pledge only so long as suited her purpose. From Germany 
Ambassador Gerard warned his government that he “ believed 
that the rulers of Germany would at some future date, forced 
by the Von Tirpitzes and the Conservative parties, take up 
ruthless submarine warfare again, possibly in the autumn, or 
at any rate about February or March, 1917.” He renewed this 
warning when he visited the United States in the autumn. In 
reality, of course, Germany was merely lulling the United States 
into a fool’s paradise of false security. Meanwhile she kept her 
shipyards busy day and night building a great fleet of sub¬ 
marines with which to renew her piratical performances on the 
high seas when her attack would be more irresistible. 

During the greater part of 1916 the international situation 
was more or less overshadowed by the presidential campaign. 
It had become apparent by this time that the Progressive 
party’s tenure of life could not be greatly prolonged, 
Tnd greSS1Ve and in both the Progressive and Republican camps 
Conventions ^ ere existed a strong desire to formulate some plan 
for united action against the common enemy. By 
agreement between the two national committees the national 
conventions of both parties assembled in Chicago on the same 
day (June 7). They met in separate halls, but protracted 
negotiations were carried on in the hope of agreeing upon a 
platform and a fusion ticket. 

Among the Republican candidates for the nomination were 
Justice Charles E. Hughes, Elihu Root, Charles W. Fairbanks, 
Senator Theodore E. Burton of Ohio, and Senator John W. 
Weeks of Massachusetts. Some Republicans favored naming 
Roosevelt, and the Progressives insisted that they would ac¬ 
cept no other man. 

Roosevelt had long been a biting critic of the administration, 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


4 i 3 


more especially of its foreign policy, both with regard to Mexico 
and Germany. He ardently advocated thorough military pre¬ 
paredness as the best insurance against war, and 
Criticisms favored a vigorous enforcement, in the old-fashioned 
minlstradon. wa y> °f American rights. Of our course in regard 
to the Lusitania he said that “the President wrote 
note after note, each filled with lofty expressions and each 
sterile in its utter futility, because it did not mean action, 
and Germany knew it did not mean action.” He declared 
that Wilson was strong in words but weak in action, that he 
had “met a policy of blood and iron with a policy of milk and 
water,” that his course was “worthy of a Byzantine logothete 
—but not of an American statesman.” 

In a public statement issued upon returning from a trip to 
the West Indies, Roosevelt announced that he did not care to 
be President unless the country was in an “heroic mood.” 

In the Republican convention he received a con- 
Fairbanks! d siderable number of votes, but Hughes was nomi¬ 
nated on the third ballot. For the vice-presidential 
nominee the Republicans once more selected Fairbanks of 
Indiana. After the second ballot the Progressives, who had 
been watching the course of events, realized that the Repub¬ 
licans would not take Roosevelt, so they nominated him 
at about the time that Hughes was named by the Repub¬ 
licans. For the vice-presidency the Progressives put forward 
John M. Parker of Louisiana, a former Democrat. But 
Roosevelt Roosevelt realized the hopelessness of the situa- 
Supports tion, and after considering the matter he declined 
to run and urged the Progressives to support 
Hughes. Parker continued in the contest, but he received 
little support, and the Progressive party virtually disap¬ 
peared. 

The Republican platform demanded the protection of all 
American rights, at home and abroad, by land and sea, and 
charged that in its foreign policies the Wilson administra¬ 
tion had resorted to shifty expedients, to phrase-making, and 
to performances in language only. It gave a vivid description 


414 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


of horrors and outrages in Mexico, denounced the administra¬ 
tion’s “shameful failure to discharge the duties of this country 
as the next friend to Mexico,” and pledged the Re- 
publican party to aid in restoring order in that 
distracted country. Preparedness was empha¬ 
sized, as was also the policy of protection. The Underwood 
Tariff Act was declared to be “a complete failure in every 
respect.” 

The Democratic convention assembled in St. Louis on June 
14 and renominated Wilson and Marshall by acclamation. 
The platform pointed to a long list of constructive achievements, 
favored preparedness and the protection of Ameri- 
Platform. tiC can rights abroad, condemned organizations that 
were seeking in America to advance the interests 
of foreign powers by intimidating the government by threats 
of reprisal at the ballot-box, and emphasized the diplomatic 
“victories” of the Wilson administration. On this last sub¬ 
ject Senator Ollie James of Kentucky declared that “without 
orphaning a single American child, without widowing a single 
American mother, without firing a single gun or shedding a 
drop of blood, Woodrow Wilson wrung from the most militant 
spirit that ever brooded over a battlefield a recognition of 
American rights and an agreement to American demands.” 

In the pre-convention campaign pro-German influences had 
sought to control both parties. The German-American Alli¬ 
ance, an organization dominated by the friends of Germany, 
had fought Roosevelt’s candidacy with particular 
Polk^as an bitterness. In both the Republican and Demo- 
Campaign 16 cra ^ c P art ies there was a strong tendency to con¬ 
ciliate the pro-German vote. In the Republican 
platform and in the speeches of many Republican orators the 
Wilson administration was denounced for its weak foreign 
policy, but most emphasis was laid upon Mexican outrages, 
and comparatively little was said about the Lusitania and the 
other submarine horrors. Colonel Roosevelt, however, did not 
hesitate to denounce Germany. He characterized Wilson’s 
diplomacy both in Mexico and Europe as weak and pusillani- 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


4 i 5 


mous, and declared that his policy made not for peace but for 
war. Justice Hughes was in no sense pro-German, but at 
first was more reserved in his language in regard to submarine 
warfare, though he spoke out vigorously shortly before the 
election. Toward the end of the campaign a pro-German 
agitator named Jeremiah O’Leary wrote an offensive letter to 
the President predicting his defeat, to which Wilson replied: 
“I would feel deeply mortified to have you or anybody like 
you vote for me. Since you have access to many disloyal 
Americans and I have not, I will ask you to convey this mes¬ 
sage to them.” This defiance of alien influence unquestion¬ 
ably won the President many votes. As between the two can¬ 
didates, Von Bernstoff wrote home after the election that he 
considered “Wilson as the lesser evil.” 

In the midst of the campaign the demands of railway en¬ 
gineers, firemen, conductors, and trainmen for an eight-hour 
day and other concessions precipitated a serious crisis. Sug- 
. , gestions were made that the dispute should be 

Eight-Hour submitted to the Federal Board* of Mediation and 
Conciliation, a body created in 1913, but the brother¬ 
hoods refused. Late in August President Wilson called a con¬ 
ference of the brotherhood chairmen and railway managers, but 
he was unable to persuade them to compromise. On August 28 
the brotherhood representatives left the capital bearing orders 
for a strike to begin on September 4. On the 29th Wilson 
asked Congress for remedial legislation. A hundred hours later 
a measure known as the Adamson Eight-Hour Law was ready 
for his approval. It provided that after January 1, 1917, 
employees engaged in the operation of trains on interstate 
steam roads over 100 miles in length should work an eight- 
hour day, and should receive extra pay for overtime. The 
wage scale was temporarily to be on the basis of the existing 
pay, but a commission was to study the question and bring 
in a report, and a permanent settlement was then to be made. 
The measure did not apply to switchmen, trackmen, or other 
employees. Opponents of the law severely criticised the haste 
with which it was passed. They declared that the government 


4 i6 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

had been coerced into enacting it, and predicted that the prec¬ 
edent thus set would cause much trouble in the future. 

The election proved to be the closest since the Blaine- 
Cleveland contest of 1884. The early returns which came into 
New York City seemed to indicate the election of Hughes by 
a large majority in the electoral colleges, and many 
Re-dected. Democratic newspapers conceded defeat. The Re¬ 
publicans had, in fact, carried Indiana, New York, 
and other “pivotal” States, but Wilson carried the solid South 
and Ohio, and ran better than had been anticipated in the 
West, winning Kansas and almost all of the States in which 
women voted. The outcome finally hinged upon California, 
and days passed before the vote in that State could be tabulated. 
Early in the campaign Hughes had made a tour in California, 
and while there had consorted with the reactionary Republican 
leaders and had failed to meet Governor Johnson, former Pro¬ 
gressive nominee for the vice-presidency, who was seeking the 
Republican nomination for senator. For this fatal mistake the 
Republican national- managers were primarily to blame rather 
than Hughes himself. Subsequently Johnson was nominated, 
and in his speeches he supported Hughes—at least nominally 
—but, though Johnson carried the State by almost 300,000 
Hughes lost it by 3,773, and with it the presidency. The elec¬ 
toral result finally stood 277 votes for Wilson and 254 for Hughes. 
The discrepancy between the vote of Johnson and that of 
Hughes was, however, only partly due to the failure of Hughes 
to recognize Johnson. In California, as in all other States, 
“He Kept cry, “He kept us out of war,” won Wilson many 

Us out of votes. The slogan was particularly effective with 
women voters, and Wilson carried almost all the 
States in which women balloted. As regards the Progressives, 
a large majority undoubtedly followed Roosevelt’s leadership 
and voted for Hughes, but a considerable minority refused to 
return to the old allegiance. It was the general judgment of 
political observers that the Republican campaign had been 
badly managed, and that the Republicans had thrown away 
what might have been an easy victory. 

The Democrats won a considerable plurality of the popular 


THE “ NEW FREEDOM ” 


4 i 7 


vote and retained control of the Senate. In the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives the balance of power would be held by a few Pro¬ 
gressives and other independents, and upon them depended 
which party would be able to organize that body and elect the 
speaker. The Socialist vote was considerably less than in 
1912, being about 590,000. The Socialists retained, however, 
a seat in the House of Representatives. For the first time a 
woman, Miss Jeannette Rankin of Montana, was elected to 
Congress. 

During the summer and fall German submarines repeatedly 
violated, though not in a spectacular way, the pledge given 
after the sinking of the Sussex , but our government ignored 
these violations. The year had been a hard one 
Proposals. f° r the German army and the German people. 

The attack on Verdun had been beaten off by the 
French, and the British had inflicted great losses upon the 
Germans in the terrific push along the Somme, while the Rus¬ 
sians had won a great victory in Galicia. Roumania had finally 
thrown in her lot with the Allies, but a German drive had 
resulted in the overrunning of about two-thirds of that coun¬ 
try. This victory revived Teutonic spirits, but the people of 
the Central Powers were in serious distress, and it was neces¬ 
sary to hold up before them another will-o’-the-wisp. On 
December 12 the German Government surprised the world 
by transmitting to neutral powers a proposal for a peace con¬ 
ference. But the language used was that of a conqueror, and 
keen observers believed that the main Teutonic hope was to sow 
dissensions among the Allies; that, failing to dictate a peace, 
Germany would resort to a new policy of “frightfulness.” 

From the beginning of the conflict President Wilson had 
eagerly sought to play the role of peacemaker and had made 
repeated overtures to that effect. On the subject of peace 
and regarding our differences with the belligerents there had 
been many interchanges of opinion of which the general pub¬ 
lic knew nothing. The confidential agent of the President in 
these negotiations was often Colonel Edward M. House of 
Texas, who came and went to Europe on mysterious missions. 
President Wilson’s idea at this time was that there must be a 


4 i8 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

peace by compromise. But the Allies and millions even of 
Americans believed that an unbeaten Germany would be a 
world menace and that there must be no peace until those who 
were guilty of having precipitated civilization into the abyss 
were forced to make restitution for wrongs done and were 
deprived of power to offend again in the future. Compromise, 
therefore, was impossible. 

Even before Germany made her peace proposal President 
Wilson had decided upon a new effort. On December 18, 1916, 
he asked that all the belligerent powers should state “their 
respective views as to the terms upon which the war might be 
concluded, and the arrangements which would be deemed satis¬ 
factory as a guarantee against its renewal.” In explaining this 
note, Secretary Lansing said “that we are drawing near the 
verge of war ourselves.” His pessimistic words precipitated a 
serious stock panic, nor was the country reassured by a second 
statement issued by him. The note drew replies from both 
sides but did nothing toward ending the war; neither did a 
homily delivered (January 22, 1917) by the President before 
the Senate on world peace, and the methods whereby it could 
be obtained and observed. In this speech he declared “that 
it must be a peace without victory,” and he emphasized “free¬ 
dom of the seas,” the limitation of armaments, and the adop¬ 
tion of some method of guaranteeing permanent peace. 

Nine days later the great blow fell. At six o’clock on the 
evening of January 31, 1917, Ambassador Gerard was informed 
by Zimmermann, the German foreign minister, that at midnight 
the German U-boats would begin unrestricted war- 
Dedaref fare * n a zone surr °unding the British Isles and off 
Unrestricted the western coast of France, and in another zone 
Warfare. that included most of the Mediterranean. At four 
o’clock of the same day a note of the same tenor 
was handed to Secretary of State Lansing by Ambassador Von 
Bernstorff. Any ship entering the barred zones, no matter 
what its cargo, port of departure, or destination, would be 
ruthlessly sunk without regard to the safety of passengers or 
crews. As a special concession, however, the war lords gra- 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


419 


ciously offered to permit America to send one passenger-ship 
a week to the port of Falmouth, but the ships must follow a 
specified route, our government must guarantee that the ves¬ 
sels bore no contraband of war, and the hulls must be painted 
in alternate stripes of red and white, or as one patriot indig¬ 
nantly declared, “like a barber’s pole.” 

Many explanations have been offered as to why Germany 
made this astonishing decision to defy not only the United 
States but the rest of the neutral world. Beyond question the 
German war * orc * s rea ^ zec i that their plight was desperate, 
Motives and and that only desperate methods could break the 
strangle hold of the Allied blockade and enable 
them to win the war. They seem to have hoped that the 
United States would take no action beyond sending the usual 
diplomatic notes. Gerard tells us: “The Germans believed 
that President Wilson had been elected with a mandate to keep 
out of war at any cost, and that America could be insulted, 
flouted, and humiliated with impunity.” He says that Zim- 
mermann declared that “everything will be all right. America 
will do nothing, for President Wilson is for peace and nothing 
else.” At the worst, they expected that the United States 
would not go beyond breaking diplomatic relations. Further¬ 
more, they knew that even if we declared war a long period 
must elapse before we could become a formidable factor in the 
conflict. The military weakness of America was much better 
understood in Berlin than in Washington, and the war lords 
knew that more than a year must pass before the United States 
could put an army of any consequence at the fighting front. 
They hoped to win the war in that interval. In a speech soon 
after he returned to America, Gerard declared: “If we had a 
million men under arms to-day, we would not be near the 
edge of war.” 

There were pacifists and pro-Germans who insisted that 
America should meekly bow before the Hohenzollern fist, but 
the great mass of Americans thought otherwise. President 
Wilson realized that forbearance had ceased to be a virtue, and 
that the German declaration closed for the present his altru- 


420 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

istic endeavors and policy of idealistic hopes. On February 3 
he ordered that Ambassador von Bernstorff should be handed 
his passports and that our representatives in Ger- 
Re?ations ic man y should return home. On the same day, in a 
Broken, speech before Congress, he stated that only “ actual 
Febrim^ 3 , oyert acts ” cou id ma ke him believe that Germany 
would persist in her determination, but he said 
that in case his “inveterate confidence” should prove unfounded 
he would ask authority to protect our seamen and people on 
the high seas. Even yet, however, he had not determined 
upon actual war. 

Germany persisted in her piratical course, and several viola¬ 
tions of American rights occurred, but for a time nothing took 
place that the President thought it wise to consider an “overt 
act.” On February 26, six days before the end 
Neutrality.” session, the President appeared before Con¬ 

gress and announced that he desired that the United 
States should assume a position of “armed neutrality.” He 
said that he believed that he already had power to authorize 
the arming of merchantmen, but he expressed a wish that 
Congress would specifically authorize him to do so and thus 
support his action. Even as he was speaking, word reached 
the capital that a submarine had murdered on the high seas 
two American women. On March 1 a despatch from Zim- 
mermann which had come into the hands of our secret service 
was published throughout the country, and revealed the fact 
that Germany was endeavoring to persuade Mexico 
Overtures to to attack the United States. Germany promised 
japan° and Mexico “general financial support,” while to Mexico 
was assigned the simple task of reconquering “the 
lost territory in New Mexico, Texas, and Arizona” ! The Presi¬ 
dent of Mexico was also to persuade Japan to make peace with 
Germany and declare war on the United States. Some paci¬ 
fists and pro-Germans denied the authenticity of this despatch, 
but Zimmermann admitted having transmitted it. The most 
skeptical Americans were at last convinced that the war lords 
would stop at nothing, no matter how treacherous or dastardly. 


THE “NEW FREEDOM” 


421 


A great patriotic uprising occurred. A resolution granting the 
President what he asked for passed the House by an enormous 
majority, but in the Senate a little knot designated 
Filibuster* 6 by the President as “wilful men,” among whom 
were Stone of Missouri and La Follette of Wis¬ 
consin, started a filibuster against the measure, and the session 
closed before a vote could be taken. 

Thus ended the first administration of Woodrow Wilson, 
with the country irresistibly drawn into the bloody maelstrom 
of the greatest war in history. 

The events leading up to our entering the conflict will doubt¬ 
less long continue to be a subject of controversy. President 
Wilson’s course in international affairs will be bitterly criticised 
and as warmly defended. His admirers justify his policy by 
such arguments as that for two years he kept the United States 
out of the war, and that he waited until the people were ready 
to back up a vigorous course. His critics point out that he 
got into the conflict in the end, and deny that he prepared the 
country either mentally or materially for war. 

Students of history will not fail to see a close parallel between 
Wilson’s policy in 1914-16 and that of Jefferson and Madison 
in the period preceding the War of 1812. In each instance a 
great world war was raging; in each instance America’s rights 
as a neutral were trampled upon. In each instance our govern¬ 
ment protested but for a long time did not go beyond pro¬ 
test. And in each instance the United States was finally drawn 
into the struggle unprepared. Once again America had been 
forewarned but had failed to forearm. 


CHAPTER XXI 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


The submarine dangers proved so great that most American 
ship-owners refused to send their vessels to Europe unless the 
government would furnish guns and trained men to operate 
them. President Wilson had already asserted a 
Ships h Amed. belief that he had the power to arm merchantmen, 
and, despite the failure of the bill expressly grant¬ 
ing him that authority, he issued orders a few days after his 
second inauguration that naval guns should be mounted on 
the ships. Regular naval officers and men were put in charge 
of the guns, with orders to fire at submarines on sight. This 
policy was fully justified by the German declaration that the 
U-boats would torpedo without warning vessels entering the 
“war zone.” 

The filibuster in the Senate had resulted in the failure of 
needed appropriation bills, and the President, therefore, sum¬ 
moned the new Congress to meet in special session on April 16. 

But in the middle of March it became known that 
submarines had sunk three of our ships without 
warning, causing the death of three Americans. 
The President realized that his “armed neutrality” policy did 
not meet the needs of the situation, and he therefore con¬ 
voked Congress to meet two weeks earlier in order “to con¬ 
sider grave matters of international policy.” 

At the moment the President issued the new call, the country 
was again threatened with a great railroad strike. The Adam¬ 
son law, passed the previous September, was supposed to go 
into effect on January i, 1917, but a federal district 
Troubles llway court held it unconstitutional. The railroads en¬ 
tered into an agreement with the attorney-general 
to continue on the old basis but to give the men the back pay 
due them in case the Supreme Court upheld the law. The 

422 


'‘Armed 
Neutrality 
a Failure. 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 423 


men were dissatisfied, and on March 15, in the midst of the 
crisis with Germany, the brotherhoods called a nation-wide 
strike to begin on the 17th, but consented to postpone it until 
the 19th. On that day the managers, following an appeal to 
their patriotism, yielded, and on the same day the Supreme 
Court, by a vote of 5 to 4, upheld the act. Later in the year 
the men began an agitation for radical increases in their pay 
and again were victorious. 

In the new House of Representatives the two great parties 
were so evenly matched that doubt existed as to which would 
be able to organize that body and elect the Speaker. But a 
Democrats f ee ^ n g developed that it would be better for the 
Organize the legislative and executive branches to be in accord 
politically. Some independents and a few Repub¬ 
licans threw their votes to Champ Clark, and he was re-elected 
Speaker over Mann of Illinois. In the executive session of the 
Senate, which had met after the inauguration, the rules of that 
body had been modified, and a system of closure of debate 
had been adopted in order to prevent future filibustering. The 
ease with which a few senators could block legislation in that 
body had been a great evil, and a change in rules had long 
been agitated. Most of the heads of committees in both 
houses continued to be Southerners. 

The final crisis with Germany had come. Pacifists and pro- 
Germans made a last effort. They flooded Congress and the 
President with telegrams and letters advocating a policy of 
submission, and thousands hurried to Washington 
Com£ nS1S in person to present their views. But America’s 
patience was at last exhausted. The great mass of 
intelligent people saw that the time for words was past, the 
time for action come. A great surge of feeling swept over the 
land, bearing down all opposition, and bands of militant “Pil¬ 
grims of Patriotism” visited the capital to demand that the 
nation should vindicate its rights and those of civilization. 

By evening of the day of meeting Congress was ready to 
listen to the President, and he appeared before a joint session 
and delivered a momentous message. He said that submarine 


4 2 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

warfare had proved so destructive and unrestrained that it had 
become “a warfare against mankind.” Armed neutrality, he 
confessed, was “impractical” and “ineffectual”; he 
Message. War therefore asked Congress to declare that the recent 
course of the German Government constituted war 
against the United States, and to take the necessary steps to 
employ all our resources to force the German Government to 
terms and end the conflict. This would involve, he said, the 
closest possible co-operation with the other nations at war with 
Germany, and the extension of liberal financial credits to those 
countries. The material resources of the country must be or¬ 
ganized and mobilized, the navy must be strengthened, espe¬ 
cially with the best means for dealing with submarines; and he 
recommended that to the armed forces already authorized an 
immediate addition should be made of at least 500,000 men, 
“chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service.” 

He asserted that we had “no quarrel with the German peo¬ 
ple,” but only with their despotic government. This govern¬ 
ment, the Prussian autocracy, “was not and never could be 
Autocracy our friend.” From the very outset of the war it 
the Enemy, had “filled our unsuspecting communities and even 
our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues 
everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our 
peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. 
Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before 
the war began.” “This natural foe to liberty” must be beaten, 
and “the world must be made safe for democracy.” 

“There are, it may be,” he said in conclusion, “many months 
of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to 
lead this great peaceful people into war, into the most terrible 
and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in 
the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and 
we shall fight for the things which we have always carried near¬ 
est our hearts—for democracy, for the right of those who sub¬ 
mit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for 
the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion 
of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


425 


War 

Declared, 
April 6, 1917. 


and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. 
To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, 
everything that we are and everything that we have, with the 
pride of those who know that the day has come when America 
is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the prin¬ 
ciples that gave her birth and happiness, and the peace which 
she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other.” 

Even while President Wilson was on his way to address 
Congress, word was being passed about Washington that the 
American armed merchantman Aztec had been sunk without 
warning, with probable loss of life, and this new 
example of German “frightfulness” helped to em¬ 
phasize the demand for war. A resolution recog¬ 
nizing a state of war, authorizing the President to employ the 
entire naval and military forces against the Imperial German 
Government, and pledging all the resources of the country to 
bring the conflict to a successful termination, was introduced in 
both houses. In the Senate it was opposed by such men as 
Stone and La Follette, but it was passed by a vote of 82 to 6. 
In the House Kitchin of North Carolina, Democratic floor 
leader, took a prominent part against it, but it passed by a 
vote of 373 to 50. The United States and Germany were 
definitely at war. 

The Central Powers sought to make light of America’s entry 
into the conflict, sneered at the American army and navy, and 
declared that the Allies would be brought to their knees before 
Effect oi the United States would be ready to take an active 
America’s part. In reality, however, America’s decision to 
enter the conflict reverberated around the world. 
It vastly heartened the Allies, put at their service the resources 
of the richest and potentially the most powerful nation on the 
globe, and influenced numerous other nations, among them 
Cuba, China, Brazil, Panama, and Bolivia, either to break diplo¬ 
matic relations with Germany or to declare war upon her. 
And, disguise their opinions as they would, the Germans and 
their allies were unable to view with real equanimity the ad¬ 
hesion of so powerful a country to their foes. 


426 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

When America threw her sword into the scale, the Great War 
had been raging two years and eight months. At the outset 
the Germans had sought to win a speedy decision, but after 
Summary of i n sight of Paris they had been turned 

Preceding back at the Marne by the genius of Joffre, Foch, 
and Gallieni. A later drive for the Channel ports 
had been foiled by the French and British, and the year 1914 
ended in the West with the Germans in possession of almost all 
of Belgium, and an important part of industrial France, but 
balked of their main object. In the meanwhile the Russians had 
inflicted tremendous defeats upon the Austrians in Galicia, but 
they had been hurled out of East Prussia by Von Hindenburg. 

In 1915 the Teutons changed their strategy and made their 
main effort in the East. Accepting the defensive on the west¬ 
ern front, they began under Mackensen and Hindenburg a great 
drive which moved forward triumphantly through 
the spring, summer^ and autumn, and gave them all 
of Poland, Courland, and other Russian provinces 
west of the Dvina River, and rewon most of Galicia. Mean¬ 
while the French and British “ nibbled ” at the German lines 
on the western front and won some minor successes, but ac¬ 
complished nothing decisive. The most promising undertaking 
on the part of the Allies during the year was the attempt to 
open the Dardanelles, capture Constantinople, reduce Turkey, 
and obtain a highway for bringing Russian wheat to Western 
markets and carrying munitions of war to the Muscovites. 
But the attack was conducted in too leisurely a fashion; not 
enough troops were thrown into the enterprise; and finally 
the Allies had to confess failure and withdraw their troops from 
the Gallipoli Peninsula. In the autumn the Teutonic powers 
persuaded Bulgaria to enter the conflict as an ally. Caught 
between two forces, Servia and Montenegro were overrun, and 
dilatory efforts at rescue conducted by Great Britain and 
France through Salonica proved unavailing. In Mesopotamia, 
a British expedition approached Bagdad, but was repulsed by 
overwhelming forces, was forced to retreat, and after a long 
siege was compelled to surrender at Kut-el-Amara. 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


427 


In 1916 the Germans once more turned to the West, resolved 
“to bleed France white” and put her out of the war. In Feb¬ 
ruary they attacked Verdun, and for month after month kept 
battering away at that great fortification. It was 
o^ 115 like the meeting of an irresistible power with an 
immovable body. But the French said, “They 
shall not pass,” and French valor, aided by developments else¬ 
where, foiled the Teutonic efforts. Early in June the rejuve¬ 
nated Russians, under Brusiloff, began a new drive which recov¬ 
ered much Russian territory, reconquered part of Galicia, and 
was finally brought to a standstill only after months of des¬ 
perate fighting. On the 1st of July the new British army began 
its first great effort on the Somme, and there ensued in that 
region a long-continued battle which equalled, if it did not sur¬ 
pass, the titanic conflict at Verdun. The Germans were driven 
slowly back, and were only saved from an extensive retreat by 
the opportune arrival of wet autumn weather. Meanwhile 
the Italians, who had entered the conflict in the spring of 1915, 
had been slowly pushing their way against stupendous natural 
obstacles toward Trent and Trieste, and had absorbed much of 
the Austrian strength. By the end of the summer it seemed 
as if the collapse of the Central Powers might not be far off, 
and the hopes of those who desired this were heightened when 
Roumania threw herself into the conflict. But the failure of the 
Allies to carry out an effective drive northward from Salonica 
gave Falkenhayn and Mackensen an opportunity to overrun 
two-thirds of Roumania and to revive Teutonic hopes. 

In Europe and Asia Minor, therefore, the Central Powers 
still bade defiance to their foes, and could point to large con¬ 
quests of territory as proof of the fact that they “had won the 

„ , war.” But their commerce had long since been 
The Balance. „ , , . , . . . . . 

swept from the high seas, and each day that passed 

Germany was losing in foreign trade more than the price of a 

Lusitania. All of Germany’s colonies had been overrun, with 

the exception of a small stretch of German East Africa. Arabia 

was in revolt against Turkey. The British were once more in 

the ascendant in Mesopotamia, and early in 1917 they recap- 


428 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


tured Kut-el-Amara and soon after took Bagdad. In May, 
1916, the German High Seas Fleet had ventured to challenge 
British supremacy in the North Sea, but after the greatest 
engagement in naval history it had stolen back to port in the 
night. Though proclaiming a “victory,” the German above¬ 
water navy never again ventured to try conclusions with its 
enemies. But the German U-boats waged incessant and de¬ 
structive warfare against Allied merchant shipping, and even 
before the announcement of unlimited warfare had sunk sev¬ 
eral millions of tons, mostly of vessels flying the British flag. 

At the moment that America entered the war two circum¬ 
stances combined to raise Teutonic hopes. In March a sud¬ 
den uprising in Russia resulted in the dethronement of the 
The Russian Czar an d setting up of a revolutionary govern- 
Revolution, ment. In some Allied countries this revolution 
ar * IQI7 ‘ W as greeted with joy, but men of insight foresaw 
that not improbably it would paralyze Russian military efforts, 
and so the result proved. In July Kerensky, the minister of 
war, succeeded in galvanizing the Russian army into making 
an attack which temporarily proved successful, but defeat soon 
followed; the army became completely demoralized, German 
secret agents succeeded in confusing Russian counsels, the vast 
empire broke up into fragments, and Bolshevism rose amid the 
ruins. The collapse of Russia freed the Central Powers from 
the necessity of maintaining great armies along the eastern 
front, and enabled them to devote their main attention to the 
western and Italian fronts. As many months must elapse 
before the United States could supply an army to fill the va¬ 
cancy left by Russian faltering, the military situation from the 
Allied point of view was most serious. 

But the Germans pinned their main hopes upon the U- 
boats. Never before had the world witnessed such a carnival 
of destruction upon the high seas. Ships were sent 
down by the hundreds, and the waters around Great 
Britain and off the coast of western France were 
filled with floating wreckage. In a single week of April, 1917, 
perhaps the blackest week of all modern history, the submarines 


A Black 
Period. 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 429 

sank nearly fifty vessels of more than 1,600 tons, and many 
smaller ones. The Germans boasted that in three months 
they would reduce the British to submission, and it was evident 
to all who had eyes to see that unless some means could be 
found of checking this warfare, Great Britain, dependent upon 
the outside world for most of her food supply, would indeed be 
forced to accept any terms that the war lords might dictate. 
She might even be compelled to surrender her fleet to the 
victors. With it the war lords could sweep the seas and reduce 
all the world, America included, to a state of vassalage. 

It was clear that the United States must play a large part 
in the war in order to secure victory. It was equally clear 
that we were almost totally unprepared for the task. Let us 
America’s ^ rst consider the army. The appropriations for the 
Military Un- War Department for the fiscal year 1915 had been 
$150,000,000, and for the year 1916 $203,000,000, 
and the last sum was about $30,000,000 in excess of the whole 
sum expended by the German Empire in 1913 upon its army 
of about 800,000 men, well armed, well officered, and well 
equipped with all the latest military devices. Yet our regular 
army on April 1, 1917, numbered less than 128,000 officers and 
men, and some thousands of these had enlisted during the last 
few months. The National Guard in federal service numbered 
about 80,000 men. Although part of the Guard and much of 
the regular army had been on the Mexican border, little or no 
effort had been made to train either officers or men in the meth¬ 
ods of the new warfare. In the new Springfield rifle, adopted in 
1903, we had perhaps the best military rifle in the world, but 
we had only about 600,000. Pains had not been taken to pro¬ 
vide the necessary machinery for turning the rifles out in vast 
quantities, and we were ultimately forced to supply many of 
our troops with a British model rifle, rechambered to carry the 
Springfield cartridge. The first few months of the Great War 
had shown the vital importance of motor-trucks in the new 
warfare, yet our army had only a few motor-trucks. It had 
shown the vital need of great numbers of machine-guns, but 
we had only a few machine-guns. The aeroplane is an Amerb 


430 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

can invention, and in 1908 our army had begun experimenting 
with such craft, but the work had not been pushed vigorously, 
and when we declared war we had not a single aeroplane fit to 
meet German planes in battle in the skies. The new warfare 
was largely a war of artillery, yet we had not a single really 
up-to-date field-piece. Worst of all, the War Department had 
made no plans as to what type of motor-trucks, machine-guns, 
aeroplanes, and artillery should be adopted, and many precious 
months were spent in planning and experimenting before even 
construction could begin. 

The great immediate need was for weapons with which to 
fight the submarine, and happily the navy, though its man¬ 
agement has been both criticised and defended, was at least 
more forehanded than the army. Since 1912 our navy had 
_ fallen in relative strength until it was much below 
that of Germany, but it contained eleven completed 
dreadnoughts, and more than a score of pre-dreadnought battle¬ 
ships, though it did not contain a single battle-cruiser, a type 
of ship that had been found to be of immense value during the 
war. Luckily Great Britain was amply supplied with dread¬ 
noughts, battle-cruisers, and other large vessels, and our great¬ 
est contribution to Allied success on the sea took the form of 
lighter ships. Of these our destroyers, of which we had more 
than fifty completed and others in the process of construction, 
proved to be of greatest value, and they were supplemented by 
light cruisers and great numbers of yachts and submarine- 
chasers, which were soon put into commission. 

Comparatively few Americans had any definite conception 
of the difficulties of creating a modern military machine. 
Talk about a million men springing to arms overnight had 
lulled many into a feeling of false security, while 
Deluskms. others had the cheerful notion that American in¬ 
ventive genius, if confronted by a crisis, would 
speedily perfect weapons with which to defeat our enemies. A 
Naval Consulting Board composed of inventors and men of 
science had been formed before the war began, and for months 
the newspapers were filled with speculations concerning the ex- 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


43i 


periments which Edison and other men of genius were conduct¬ 
ing in secrecy; more than once the country was heartened by 
vague announcements that wonderful weapons of warfare had 
been evolved. Gradually, however, the belief that some way 
would be found of “inventing” us out of the war evaporated, 
and the stern fact came home to the people that the conflict 
could be won only by lavish expenditure of blood and treasure, 
properly organized and directed. Not a single new American 
invention that was revolutionary in character played a consid¬ 
erable part in ending the war. The only new inventions of 
large importance that contributed to that end were the tank 
and the depth bomb, both of which were produced by our sup¬ 
posedly less nimble-witted cousins, the British. 

It was clear that we were confronted with the greatest task 
of improvisation in all our history, and that to get ready it 
would be necessary to pour out money in floods hitherto un¬ 
dreamed of. Yet there was much for which to be 
Our Shield, grateful. Thanks to the Allied armies and the 
British navy, we could carry out our preparations 
practically unmolested by the enemy. It would not be neces¬ 
sary for us to sacrifice our regular army, as the British had been 
compelled to sacrifice theirs, in order to gain time in which to 
train a new one. Furthermore, our allies gladly supplied hun¬ 
dreds of experienced officers to teach our officers and men the 
new warfare. Yet we must not be too dilatory, for, as was 
well said, “time and Von Hindenburg waited for no man,” 
and the disastrous results of failure on the part of the Allies 
to take sufficiently into account the time element in warfare— 
more important than ever before—had repeatedly been sadly 
revealed. 

The German hope that the United States would not take an 
active part in the war was soon dispelled. Congress speedily 
appropriated (April 27) the immense sum of $7,000,000,000, 
and authorized the secretary of the treasury to advance loans 
to nations at war with our enemies. In accordance with the 
President’s wishes, a selective service bill was introduced in 
Congress. It met with considerable opposition not only from 


432 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

pacifists and pro-Germans, but also from patriotic men who 
preferred depending entirely on the volunteer system. Even 
The Speaker Clark bitterly opposed it, declaring that in 

Conscription his State, Missouri, “conscript” was considered the 
same as “convict.” But volunteering was slow, 
there was need of raising men rapidly, and a belief that conscrip¬ 
tion was the fairest way of doing it created so strong a public 
sentiment in behalf of the measure that in the middle of May it 
passed both houses by great majorities. It authorized the Presi¬ 
dent to raise the regular army to the maximum number provided 
by the act of June, 1916, and to draft into the service members 
of the National Guard and of the National Guard Reserves, 
and it required men between the ages of twenty-one and thirty, 
inclusive, to register. From those thus registered the President 
was empowered to call out 500,000 men, and then an additional 
500,000. The raising of still larger forces was subsequently 
authorized, and the age limit was extended to forty-five years. 
The total number of men registered exceeded 24,000,000. Ulti¬ 
mately about 4,000,000 men served in the American army, and 
about 800,000 more in the navy, the marine corps, and other 
services. 

To supply the officers required for this great expansion of 
the army many men were commissioned from the ranks or from 
civil life, but the chief dependence was placed upon officers’ 
Officers’ training camps. These were opened in many parts 
Training of the country, and were conducted upon a plan used 
by General Leonard Wood at Plattsburg in 1915. 
Both England and France sent over some of their ablest officers 
to assist in the training process. Considering the shortness of 
the time available, the plan worked well. In all, 96,000 officers, 
about two-thirds of the line officers, were graduates of these 
camps. Like most of our war effort, however, it was improv¬ 
isation, and justifiable only on grounds of sheer necessity. 

One section of the original draft law was inserted against the 
wishes of the administration. Even before the break with 
Germany Colonel Roosevelt had applied to the secretary of 
war for permission, in the event of hostilities, to raise a divi- 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


433 


sion of volunteers, and he later offered to raise two, or possi¬ 
bly four. He did not ask chief command but expressed a 
willingness to go as a junior brigadier. The spec- 
Roos^dt s tacular success of the Rough Riders, enthusiasm 
for Roosevelt personally, and other considerations 
caused more than 300,000 hardy spirits—more than the number 
of men then in the regular army and the National Guard com¬ 
bined—to offer their services. When the proposal came before 
Congress many Democrats opposed the plan, and friends of 
the plan charged that these opponents feared that the enter¬ 
prise would be “carried through in characteristic Rooseveltian 
fashion,” and would have unfavorable results in the presidential 
election in 1920. Other Democrats, however, heartily supported 
the plan, and there was finally incorporated into the bill a sec¬ 
tion authorizing the President to raise not to exceed four divi¬ 
sions of volunteers, none of the men to be under twenty-five 
years of age. Supporters of the plan urged that it would result 
in the raising of a powerful fighting force, and that the appear¬ 
ance in France of the most famous of living Americans would 
greatly hearten the Allied world. But Secretary Baker ob¬ 
jected to the proposal from the first, and President Wilson, 
alleging military reasons, announced that he would not make 
use of the volunteer forces for the present at least. 

It was vitally important that we should increase our mer¬ 
chant marine. Fortunately there were in ports of the United 
States about ninety German merchant vessels of a total ton¬ 
nage of over 600,000, and these vessels, together with 
German and a few interned warships, were seized. As Austria- 
Ships ian Hungary speedily broke off diplomatic relations 
(April 8), 14 Austrian ships, having a gross tonnage 
of 67,807, were taken over. The machinery of nearly all the 
German ships had been badly damaged by their crews, who 
supposed that thereby they had put the ships out of commis¬ 
sion for many months. But by skilful use of the new method 
of electric welding, American mechanics put the ships into 
working order in astonishingly short time. Most of the vessels 
were rechristened. Thus the Vaterland, the biggest ship afloat, 


434 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

became the Leviathan , while others were named after Schurz, 
Steuben, Sigel, and other Germans who had played noble 
parts in American history. Subsequently these ships carried 
many hundreds of thousands of men to France. 

The construction of merchant ships did not proceed so 
smoothly. Back in September, 1916, Congress had created a 
Shipping Board of five members to regulate the rates and prac¬ 
tices of water-carriers in foreign commerce, or in 
of h Sh?p S eStl ° n interstate commerce on the high seas or on the 
Great Lakes. Our entry into the war brought to 
this board new and vastly important duties, among these being 
the building of ships. For this purpose the board organized 
an Emergency Fleet Corporation, with a capital of $50,000,000, 
all subscribed by the government, while Congress appropriated 
vast sums for its use. The Shipping Board commandeered all 
ships being built in American yards, and a vast programme of 
new construction was undertaken. The need of ships was so 
vital that plans for great numbers of wooden ships were made. 
Major-General George Goethals, builder of the Panama Canal, 
became general manager of the Emergency Fleet Corporation, 
and the public expected ship construction to move forward 
rapidly. But shipyards and ways were lacking, the supply of 
skilled workmen was limited, strikes and other troubles were 
frequent, and optimistic forecasts, issued by Chairman Denman 
of the Shipping Board, were not only not realized but even 
the completion of the ships commandeered was delayed. Gen¬ 
eral Goethals opposed the building of wooden ships, and became 
involved in a controversy with Denman which resulted in the 
retirement (August, 1917) of both men. 

It was important to be constructing merchant ships, but the 
war on the sea could not be won merely by setting up new 
targets for German torpedoes. The really effective policy was 
to fight the submarines. Shortly before we entered 
Sims" Admiral the war, Vice-Admiral Sims was sent to England to 
arrange co-operation between our navy and those 
of our allies. Sims was a highly talented officer who had done 
a great deal to make the American navy efficient. When still 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


435 


a lieutenant, he became convinced that the shooting of our naval 
gunners was poor, and that new methods ought to be adopted. 
His superiors ignored his recommendations, and it was only 
when he wrote to President Roosevelt in person that he was 
given an opportunity to prove his contentions. Having shown 
that he was right, he was put in charge of effecting reforms in 
gunnery, and ultimately became known as “ the Father of Target 
Practice.” In 1910, in a speech in the Guildhall in London, 
Sims had declared: “I believe that if the time ever comes when 
the British Empire is menaced by an external enemy, you may 
count upon every man, every drop of blood, every ship, and 
every dollar of your kindred across the sea.” For this speech 
he was reprimanded by the home authorities, but a day came 
when he was able to remind the British and his own people of 
his prediction. Admiral Sims held command of our naval 
forces operating abroad in Atlantic waters throughout the war, 
and co-operated with our allies in a manner that won their 
regard and admiration. 

The work of patrolling a large part of the Atlantic was soon 
taken over by our navy, thereby releasing British vessels for 
use in the North Sea and other waters close at home. Early in 
. . May a considerable number of destroyers were sent 

Destroyers in to British waters, and arrived at Queenstown in 
' such good trim that they were able to set to work 
as soon as they had taken on fuel. Later their number was 
considerably augmented, and many cruisers, converted yachts, 
submarine-chasers, and a few battleships were sent abroad. 
Hydroplanes and dirigible balloons were also provided in course 
of time. Even in the autumn of 1918, however, our vessels 
engaged in anti-submarine work in European waters amounted 
to only about three per cent of the total Allied effort. 

Meanwhile American armed merchantmen had continued to 
make voyages through the war zone. On April 19, 1917, a gun 
crew on the merchant steamer Mongolia fired the first American 
shot of the war against a submarine, and, it was believed, seri¬ 
ously damaged or destroyed the U-boat. Similar duels, mostly 
at long range, occurred from time to time, in some of which the 


436 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

American vessels were sunk, while in others they drove off or 
sank their assailants. The U-boat captains speedily discovered 
that it was hazardous to attack armed American 
U-Boats. the merchantmen with gun-fire, and after a few months 
such conflicts became less common. This was 
partly due to the fact that the Allies wisely adopted a policy 
of gathering merchantmen into fleets convoyed by war-ships. 

The Entente Allies had planned an early renewal of the 
offensives which they had been forced to discontinue by the 
approach of winter. The Russian revolution did much to dis- 
Hindenburg’s arran g e plan, but the French and British per- 
Strategic severed in the undertaking. The British successes 
along the Somme in the preceding year had left the 
Germans in so perilous a position that early in February, 1917, 
Von Hindenburg, who had taken over the command in the 
West, began a great strategic retreat from the Somme region, 
and fell back to what became known as the Hindenburg Line, 
running from Lens through St. Quentin and La Fere to the 
Aisne River near Soissons. The retreat was managed with 
skill, and the French and British, hampered by the muddy, 
shell-torn terrain of two former campaigns, and by German 
destruction of the roads, were unable to inflict heavy losses on 
the retiring foe. By this withdrawal the Germans gave up 
over a thousand square miles of French soil, but they reduced 
it practically to a desert by destroying the towns and villages, 
filling up or polluting the wells, and even cutting down the 
vines and fruit-trees. 

This prudent retreat was a play for time, for the Germans 
knew that it would take the British and French a long while 
to build roads up to the new line, bring up artillery, shells, and 
British and other supplies, and make the necessary approaches. 
Offensive, The British and French persevered, however, in 
I 9 I 7- the plan of undertaking the offensive. On April 

9 the British began a great “push” against the point where 
the new line joined the old, namely, about Lens and Arras. 
The attack was preceded by a stupendous bombardment, and 
the assaulting forces were aided by low-flying aeroplanes and 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 437 

tanks. The Canadian troops won immortal glory by carrying 
Vimy Ridge, the chief buttress of the German line in that 
sector, and many other positions were taken elsewhere. German 
counter-attacks were hurled back with great slaughter, and in a 
few days the British were astride the Hindenburg Line, which 
the Germans had boasted was invulnerable, and had forced the 
defenders back upon a reserve line some distance in the rear. 
In a week’s time the British captured more territory and more 
guns than in the whole of the previous year’s offensive. On 
April 16 General Nivelle, who had succeeded General Joffre as 
commander-in-chief of the French armies, began a great drive 
against the German line along the Aisne on a front of twenty 
miles between Rheims and Soissons. The attack won much 
ground, and resulted in the capture of many guns and prisoners, 
but the French losses were heavy, and after some days the 
French Government called a halt. General Nivelle was re¬ 
lieved of command and was succeeded by General Petain, one 
of the heroes of Verdun, while General Foch became chief-of- 
staff. The slackening of the French attack enabled the Ger¬ 
mans to concentrate before the British and to bring them to 
a standstill. In June the British launched a furious attack 
against Messines Ridge east of Ypres, and they continued bat¬ 
tering their way slowly forward in this sector until the approach 
of winter once more made operations on a great scale impossible. 
The failure of the April drive, together with the course of events 
in Russia, cast a cloud of gloom over France. “Defeatism,” 
instigated by German gold, reared its head and threatened to 
undermine French morale. During the remainder of the year 
the French undertook no great offensive, though they managed 
to wrest the Chemin des Dames ridge from the Germans and 
to threaten Laon. The Russian collapse had frustrated all 
hope of decisive victory in 1917, and France and the other 
Allied countries felt that the German hosts could not be over¬ 
come until a great American army was in the field. 

In April British and French commissions arrived in America 
to arrange plans of co-operation against the common foe. The 
British commission was headed by Foreign Secretary Balfour, 


438 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


that of the French by ex-Premier Viviani and the immortal 
General Joffre. The French commission also included the Mar- 
French and Chambrun, a lineal descendant of Lafayette. 

British Memories of the days when France had stretched 
Missions. ou j. a helping hand to the weak republic in the 
West arose in every mind and helped to arouse a fervor 
of enthusiasm wherever the French commission went, while 
patriots rejoiced that the two great branches of the Anglo- 
Saxon race, enemies in the long ago, were now fighting shoulder 
to shoulder for civilization against a common foe. The com¬ 
missions laid the foundation for effective co-operation between 
the United States and the other enemies of Germany. They 
were later followed by missions from Russia, Italy, Belgium, 
Roumania, and Japan. 

France had grown war-weary and her statesmen and military 
men were anxious to do something that would restore the faith 
of the French people in ultimate victory. General Joffre and 
French piea co ^ ea g ues > therefore, urgently requested that 
that Troops American troops should be sent to France as soon 
as possible, as concrete evidence that American aid 
would be forthcoming. We had no troops that were ready to 
enter the firing line, but for the sake of the moral influence, 
announcement was made that a force would be sent over as 
soon as possible. 

To command this force the President selected Major-General 
John J. Pershing, the man who had led the expedition into 
Mexico after Villa. General Pershing had seen active service 
Major- against the Apaches, in the Santiago campaign, 
Pershing an< ^ l ater in the Philippines, particularly against 
the Moros. As a military observer he had been 
attached to one of the Japanese armies in the Japanese-Russian 
War and had there witnessed modern warfare on a large scale. 
His work in the Philippines was of so high a character that 
President Roosevelt, a keen judge of men, promoted him from 
captain to brigadier-general, jumping him over the heads of 
862 other officers. 

On June 8 General Pershing and his staff landed at Liverpool, 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


439 


and after a few days in England passed over to Paris. In both 
England and France he was greeted with great enthusiasm, 
but he and those with him soon settled down to the 
Division stupendous task of arranging for America’s partici- 
France! n P at ion in the war on a grand scale. In the middle 
of June an American division, which included some 
marines, set sail for France. On the way over the transports 
were attacked by submarines, but the convoying war-ships drove 
off the enemy, and the troops reached France without the loss 
of a man. They were greeted with indescribable enthusiasm 
by the French people. On the 4th of July a battalion paraded 
through the streets of Paris amid a demonstration perhaps 
never surpassed in the history of that famous capital. Many of 
the men in the division were, however, new recruits, and months 
of weary work lay ahead of the units before they were privi¬ 
leged to take part in an actual battle. 

The Germans had boasted that their U-boats would make 
the transportation of American troops to France practically 
impossible, and much uneasiness existed in the United States 
Convoying * est t ^ ie boast might be made good. Every effort 
the Troop- was made by both the American and British navies 
to protect the troop-ships. They were convoyed 
all the way over by war-ships, and as they drew near European 
shores, where the danger was greatest, they were surrounded by 
destroyers and other anti-submarine craft, while hydroplanes 
and balloons kept a careful watch from aloft. These tactics 
were successful beyond what even optimists had hoped. In all, 
only four transports were sunk, while two others were tor¬ 
pedoed but were able to make port. Most of these vessels were 
attacked on the homeward voyage, when less care was taken to 
safeguard them. Only 396 men were lost at sea, an infinitesimal 
loss considering that over 2,000,000 were carried over. 

Of the regular naval vessels, the cruiser San Diego and the 
destroyer Jacob Jones were sunk by the enemy, the 
Navai C Losses. f° rmer by striking a mine laid by a German sub¬ 
marine off the Long Island coast. Another de¬ 
stroyer, the Cassin, was hit by a torpedo but managed to make 


American 


440 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

port, while a few minor craft were sunk. That these losses 
were so small was partly due to the fact that the German sub¬ 
marines concentrated almost all their efforts against merchant 
vessels. 

Throughout the war by fat the greater part of the anti¬ 
submarine work continued to be performed by the British, 
but the American navy co-operated effectively. In all, our 
ships were credited with certainly destroying one 
Services 11 submarine and possibly destroying or damaging 
about two dozen others. Furthermore, our navy, 
with some British assistance, laid a great mine barrage from 
the Norwegian coast to the Orkney Islands, thereby rendering 
it increasingly difficult and dangerous for the German sub¬ 
marines to reach the high seas. 

When the United States entered the war, the submarine 
campaign was at its height. Ships were being sunk in such 
appalling numbers that when Admiral Sims arrived in London 
The he found many Britons who secretly feared that the 

Submarines war was lost. But the adoption of the convoy 
system and increased use of depth bombs and other 
devices proved effective, and gradually the peril diminished. 
As the destruction of vessels decreased the rate of construction 
increased, until finally, in May, 1918, tonnage constructed by the 
Allies surpassed the tonnage sunk by the enemy. This favor¬ 
able showing was due in no small measure to the activity of 
American shipyards, which had been put under the energetic 
direction of Charles M. Schwab. Many disappointments had 
been experienced in our shipbuilding campaign, but our efforts 
at last bore fruit. By the autumn of 1918 American yards 
were delivering more ships than were British yards. 

The task of mobilizing the country’s resources for the war 
was one of the greatest that had ever faced a nation. It would 
have been difficult in any circumstances, and it was rendered 
doubly so by reason of the fact that comparatively 
xJk Upend ° US tittle of a practical nature had been done before our 
entry. As a result everything had to be impro¬ 
vised in haste and at enormous cost, in order to get American 
troops to the front in time to play their part. 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 441 

The country displayed commendable eagerness to assist in 
the great work, and willingly co-operated with the government. 
Congress appropriated money in sums hitherto undreamed of, 
and enacted many sweeping war measures, including 
PutsitV 011 the Selective Draft Act, an Espionage Act, a Food 
the Wheel . 0 anc * Fuel Act, a War Risk Insurance Act, and a 
Daylight-saving Law. The people subscribed hun¬ 
dreds of millions of dollars for the Red Cross, the Y. M. C. A., 
the Knights of Columbus, the Salvation Army, and other 
agencies doing volunteer war work. Thousands of business 
men of large experience dropped their private enterprises and 
offered their services free of charge or for a nominal wage to 
their country. 

Yet for reasons upon which men are not yet agreed some 
aspects of our war preparations moved forward slowly, and in 
consequence there was much dissatisfaction and criticism. 

Toward the end of 1917 a majority of the Senate 
Shortcomings committee on military affairs, after investigating 
Department t ^ e alleged shortcomings of the War Department, 
reported that they had discovered many instances 
of mismanagement, such as failure to provide blankets, uni¬ 
forms, arms, and adequate hospital facilities. The leadership 
in the investigation was taken by Senator Chamberlain of Ore¬ 
gon, a member of President Wilson’s own party. An insistent 
demand was made by many newspapers, and by such men as 
Colonel Roosevelt, that our war activities must be speeded up. 
Responsibility for alleged shortcomings was placed in large 
measure on Secretary of War Baker and certain bureaucrats 
in his department, but many people felt that the ultimate re¬ 
sponsibility rested on the shoulders of the President. In 
January, 1918, Secretary Baker defended his department in 
glowing terms, but Senator Chamberlain and other members of 
the committee and a considerable section of the general public 
declined to accept his picture of conditions and insisted that it 
created a wrong impression. In a speech delivered in New 
York City Senator Chamberlain declared that the military 
establishment had “almost stopped functioning. Why? Be¬ 
cause of inefficiency in every bureau and every department of 


442 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

the Government of the United States.’’ This speech moved 
President Wilson to issue a counter-statement defending Baker 
as a capable administrator and denouncing Chamberlain’s re¬ 
marks as “an astonishing and unjustifiable distortion of the 
truth.” 

Senator Chamberlain, in a subsequent speech (January 4, 
1918), admitted that much had been accomplished, but he 
charged that the United States Army was almost wholly with- 
Senator out 0r( ^ nance > was insufficiently supplied with rifles, 
Chamberlain’s that shortage of clothing and inadequate hospital 
facilities had caused unnecessary deaths in the 
army cantonments, and that our whole war effort was lagging. 
Next day Surgeon-General Gorgas, before the Senate committee 
on military affairs, confirmed some of Chamberlain’s charges 
regarding inadequate hospital equipment. A few days later 
Senator Hitchcock, like Chamberlain a Democrat, severely at¬ 
tacked the administration for short-sightedness and failure to 
prepare for war activities. He painted a gloomy picture of the 
existing situation and insisted that in many matters America’s 
preparations were far behind schedule. 

To remedy the evils he believed existed, Senator Chamber- 
lain introduced two bills, one to create a new department of 
munitions and another to establish a war cabinet to direct war 
War activities. The Republicans and a few Democratic 

Activities ^ senators supported these measures, but President 
Wilson and Secretary Baker bitterly opposed them, 
and they failed. However, the President recognized that 
something must be done, and he procured the introduction and 
passage of what was known as the Overman Bill, authorizing 
him to reorganize our war activities. Furthermore, he appointed 
Edward R. Stettinius, an able business man, as surveyor-gen¬ 
eral of army purchases, and also brought General Goethals back 
into responsible service. 

The airplane situation was one of the matters that caused 
deepest concern among Americans anxious to win the war. 
In July, 1917, the government had formulated a plan for the 
building of 22,000 airplanes. The plan appealed to the imag¬ 
ination of the country, and before the public mind arose a 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 443 

picture of vast fleets of planes darkening the sky and carrying 
destruction to the heart of Germany. Some persons declared 
that airplanes were the weapon with which to win 
Programme! 6 the war, and another slogan was added to the 
many already in existence. Congress unanimously 
voted $640,000,000 for the aerial service, and subsequently 
increased this sum. It was confidently asserted that by the 
opening of the campaign of 1918 thousands of American planes 
would be at the front. 

Some experts advocated that we proceed at once to manufac¬ 
ture the best types of planes already in existence, but the War 
Department followed a policy of having some planes built in 
The France, and of seeking to evolve a new type for 

“Liberty construction in America. Experts were set to work 

evolving a new aircraft engine which ultimately 
became known as the “Liberty Motor.” In September, 1917, 
Secretary of War Baker issued an optimistic statement declar¬ 
ing that the new engine “had passed the final test” and that 
“in power, speed, serviceability, and minimum weight the 
new engine invites comparison with the best the European war 
has produced.” Later developments showed, however, that 
in reality the motor was still in an experimental stage, and many 
months elapsed before its defects were corrected and it was 
really ready for war service. 

Meanwhile America’s airplane programme halted, and a seri¬ 
ous feature of the situation was that the Germans, stimulated 
by the news of our aircraft efforts, largely increased their pro¬ 
duction of planes. A great outcry arose in America. 
Investigadon. Gutzon Borglum, a well-known sculptor, was per¬ 
mitted by President Wilson to make an investiga¬ 
tion of the aircraft situation, and he brought in a pessimistic 
report in which he attributed the delay in airplane production 
to gross mismanagement and even treachery. At the Presi¬ 
dent’s request ex-Justice Hughes, his late opponent, made a 
more exhaustive investigation, which showed that there had 
been some mismanagement, but the Hughes report was much 
less sensational in its charges. 

The aerial service was reorganized, and ultimately, after 


444 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Ultimate 

Progress. 


many discouraging delays, the production of the Liberty Motor 
proceeded rapidly, and the motor proved to be of value, especially 
for training and bombing planes. However, pro¬ 
duction of both engines and planes in this country 
was so much delayed from various causes that 
most of the aircraft actually used by American flyers at the 
front came from French sources. 

Fortunately the training of American aviators proceeded 
more satisfactorily. With the aid of foreign instructors, over 
8,000 men graduated from elementary flying courses, and about 
half that number from advanced courses. More than 5,000 
pilots and observers were sent overseas, and a considerable 
number saw active service. 

It early became clear that America could render much aid 
by furnishing larger supplies of food to the Allies. The cry of 
“Food will win the war!” was raised. Like most other slogans 
this cry was not literally true, but food would be- 
Quesdon^ yond question help to win the war, and without it 
the war would be lost. The need of the Allies was 
very great, and at the time the United States entered the con¬ 
flict the whole world’s food reserve was very low. Even in the 
United States the reserve stock of wheat was said to be propor¬ 
tionately lower than at any other time in our history. 

The food campaign took two chief forms: conservation of the 
existing supply and increased production. A great campaign, 
partly governmental, partly voluntary, was launched to save 
such things as sugar, meat, flour, and fats. The 
and increased general public co-operated with astonishing cheer- 
Production. fulness and loyalty in carrying out a system of 
rationing whereby immense quantities of foods 
needed overseas were saved. Another campaign for increased 
production was conducted with equal energy and resourceful¬ 
ness. Farmers were encouraged to produce more grain and 
vegetables, and to raise more cattle and hogs; great emphasis 
was laid on the importance of good seed; everybody was urged 
to cultivate a “war garden”; canning clubs were organized; 
md in a really remarkable manner the public generally and the 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 445 


A Bad 

Railway 

Situation. 


farmers in particular rallied to the call. In order to stimulate 
the raising of wheat, a minimum price of $2.20 a bushel was 
fixed by the government for No. 1 northern spring wheat at 
the principal interior markets, with a system of differentials 
between zones and different grades. This and other price¬ 
fixing on other articles was done under authority conferred by 
the Food and Fuel Control Act of August 10, 1917, which gave 
the government sweeping powers over the sale and distribution 
of foods and fuels. Under the act President Wilson called to 
the post of federal food administrator Herbert C. Hoover, 
whose services as head of Belgian relief had already won him 
international fame. 

The railway situation in the United States had long been bad. 
Railway magnates had too often been interested in manipulating 
the stocks and bonds of their roads in such ways as to fleece 
the general public and even their own stockholders, 
while their attitude toward the public was often 
the reverse of obliging. In consequence, a feeling 
of hostility had developed toward the roads, and this was some¬ 
times translated into restrictive legislation that fixed passenger 
and freight rates at so low a figure that the roads were unable 
out of their receipts to make needed repairs and extensions. 
Furthermore, the roads for a long time had found it difficult to 
borrow sufficient money for this purpose. Their equipment had 
deteriorated in consequence. The situation grew worse after 
the United States entered the war, and there was great conges¬ 
tion of freight and inability of the roads to perform the trans¬ 
portation work of the country. 

The traffic congestion ultimately became so great that, on 
December 26, 1917, the federal government abruptly assumed 
full control of the railroads under an act of August 29, 1916, 
which authorized such a step in time of war. Over 
Government 4©o separate corporations, 650,000 shareholders, 
Control. 260,000 miles of road, property valued at $17,500,- 
000,000, and about 1,600,000 employees were af¬ 
fected by this order. To manage the roads, the President desig¬ 
nated Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo as director-general of 


446 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

railroads. The property rights of stockholders and others were 
guaranteed, and in a message to Congress, January 4, 1918, the 
President recommended as a basis of compensation the average 
net income of the three years ending June 30, 1917, which, 
according to the returns of the Interstate Commerce Commis¬ 
sion, was $1,049,974,977. Legislation for managing and financ¬ 
ing the railroads and compensating the owners was passed by 
Congress. 

Various steps were taken to render the railroads more effi¬ 
cient. Unnecessary trains were taken off, competition between 
different lines was reduced, and the most direct lines were used 
in transporting freight, irrespective of the ownership 
Deficit* °f the lines. The experiment proved less success¬ 
ful, however, than had been hoped. Wages were 
greatly increased, and from this and other causes the cost of 
operating the roads rose to unheard of heights. Passenger and 
freight rates were raised, but, though the roads did an enormous 
business, receipts lacked much of meeting expenditures, and it 
was necessary for the government to expend hundreds of millions 
of dollars to meet the deficit. Thus the general public was 
forced to pay out of both pockets. Out of one they paid the in¬ 
creased price of passenger and freight rates; out of the other 
they paid taxes to be used in meeting the extraordinary railroad 
expenses. 

The seizure of the railroads was in large measure due to an 
alarming shortage in the supply of coal. Toward the middle 
of January, 1918, in the midst of one of the coldest periods the 
country had ever experienced, the shortage became 
Shortage. s0 serious that Fuel Administrator Garfield, with 
the approval of President Wilson, ordered a general 
shut-down of industry throughout the United States east of the 
Mississippi for five successive days, and the limitation of the 
working week to five days during the nine weeks following. 
Exceptions were made for industries engaged in war work. 
This drastic order resulted in the loss of hundreds of millions 
of dollars to manufacturers and other business men, but bore 
hardest, of course, upon the working class, several million of 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


447 


whom were rendered temporarily idle. The five days passed, 
and for several Mondays the “heatless” order was carried out; 
much fuel was thereby saved, and the coming of milder weather 
also helped to relieve the situation, so that the order was sus¬ 
pended before nine weeks had elapsed. 

One of the great problems which faced the government was 
that of finance. It was clear that the war would be enormously 
costly, for not only must we spend vast sums upon our own 
preparations but it was vital that we should advance 
of 1 Finance!° n mon ey to our associates in the contest. New taxes 
were imposed, but it was clear that most of the 
money must be obtained by loans. Congress authorized the 
issuance of certificates of indebtedness, war-saving certificates 
(better known as thrift stamps), and government bonds. Certif¬ 
icates of indebtedness were intended to run for only a few 
months and bore interest at comparatively low rates. Large 
sums were temporarily obtained by this means, and over $800,- 
000,000 was realized from the sale of thrift stamps. But by 
far the greatest amount of money was obtained through the 
sale of bonds. 

In all, five loans were floated and sold before the signing of 
the peace treaty. The first four were known as Liberty Loans; 
the last, which was floated after the armistice was signed, was 
called the Victory Loan. The bonds of the First 
Liberty Loan. Liberty Loan were announced on May 14, 1917. 

They were dated June 15 of that year, and were to 
bear 3 per cent interest from that date, payable semi-annu¬ 
ally. They were to mature 30 years later but were made 
redeemable at the end of 15 years. These bonds were made 
exempt both as to principal and interest from all taxation except 
inheritance taxes. Holders were accorded the privilege of con¬ 
verting them into bonds bearing a higher rate of interest that 
might be issued subsequently. The bonds were issued in de¬ 
nominations as low as $100 for registered bonds, and $50 for 
coupon bonds. A partial-payment scheme was adopted, and 
other devices were used to encourage small investors to sub¬ 
scribe. When the lists were closed, it was found that over 


448 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


4,000,000 persons had bought bonds, and that the subscriptions 
totalled $3,035,226,850, which was 50 per cent more than the 
amount offered. Allotments were made in full to those who 
had subscribed $10,000 or less. Those subscribing for larger 
amounts were allotted from 60 to 20 per cent of their subscrip¬ 
tions. 

A second loan of $3,000,000,000 was offered on the 1st of 
the following October. The rate was fixed at 4 per cent, and 
the bonds were made payable in 25 years, but the government 
might at its option redeem them in 10 years. They 
Liberty C Loan. were a ^ s0 made convertible into subsequent issues 
bearing a higher rate of interest, but they were not 
exempt from graduated income taxes and excess profits and war 
profits taxes levied by the federal government. Almost 10,- 
000,000 persons subscribed a total of $4,617,532,300. This was 
an excess of 54 per cent, but the government accepted one half 
of the excess. 

A third Liberty Loan of $3,000,000,000 was offered on April 
6, 1918, and the selling campaign closed on May 4. The rate 
of interest was fixed at 4^ per cent, with about the same exemp¬ 
tions and privileges as was the case with the second 
Loar? Llberty issue except that the bonds were not made con¬ 
vertible into later issues. The date of maturity 
was fixed at September, 1928. The campaign took place in the 
dark days of the German drive in Picardy and Flanders, and 
the result was again a tremendous success. There were over 
18,000,000 subscriptions for a total of $4,176,516,850, an over¬ 
subscription of nearly 40 per cent. 

The fourth Liberty Loan was floated in the fall of 1918 in the 
midst of Allied victories. The offering was for the enormous 
sum of $6,000,000,000, the rate was fixed at 4^ per cent, and 
the bonds were made payable on October 15, 1938, 
Liberty Loan. but were redeemable five years earlier. The patri¬ 
otic spirit of the nation was so fully aroused that 
there were over 21,000,000 subscriptions for a total of $6,989,- 
047,000, making the loan the greatest financial operation in the 
history of any nation. 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


449 


Soon after the fourth Liberty Loan was closed the Teutonic 
collapse took place, but expenses continued to be so enormous 
that a fifth loan, known as the Victory Loan, became necessary. 

The sum asked for was $4,500,000,000. The bonds 
Loan VlCt0ry were issued for the short term of four years, with 
the privilege to pay in three, and the interest rate 
was fixed at 4^ per cent for partially tax-exempt bonds, which 
were convertible into 3^ bonds wholly exempt from all except 
estate and inheritance taxes. By this time war enthusiasm had 
largely abated, yet there were 12,000,000 subscriptions for a 
total of $5,249,908,300. 

The wonderful success of these loans was in large measure 
due to the patriotism of the people. Although the bonds were 
generally considered to be a safe investment, the interest return 
The Bonds offered was comparatively low, and beyond ques- 
Faii below tion a very large majority of the subscriptions were 
made with the prime object of helping to win the 
war rather than to obtain a large financial return. In fact, the 
bonds soon fell below par; by the spring of 1920 those of some 
issues were quoted below 85. Because of their special income- 
tax-exemption features, those of the first loan, although for a 
lower rate of interest, held their own better than any of the other 
issues except the Victory bonds. The decline in the price of 
bonds was in large measure due to the fact that many people 
bought bonds and then found it necessary to dispose of them, 
even at a sacrifice. It was greatly to the credit of Americans 
that when bonds of old issues were selling much below par, they 
were willing to buy new bonds at par. 

It was felt, however, that posterity ought not to be made to 
bear the entire financial burden of the conflict, so an elaborate 
system of war taxation was adopted. The first measure of 
this sort was the so-called War Revenue Act ap- 
Taxationl proved by the President on October 3, 1917. In¬ 
creased income taxes and internal duties, new excise 
taxes, and a heavy excess-profit tax of from 20 to 60 per cent 
formed the chief bases of the new act. The individual income 
tax, which had been increased in September, 1916, was amended 


450 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

so that single persons with a net income of over $1,000 must 
pay 2 per cent on all beyond that sum, while all married per¬ 
sons having net incomes of $2,000 must pay an excess beyond 
that sum, provided, however, that an exemption was allowed 
for each dependent child under eighteen, and for other depen¬ 
dents physically or mentally defective. A graduated surtax 
rising from 1 to 50 per cent on large incomes was added to the 
existing rates. It was estimated that the act would produce a 
revenue of $2,500,000,000 during the fiscal year 1918. 

After our declaration of war with Germany, Austria-Hungary 
severed diplomatic relations with the United States, but formal 
hostilities did not immediately follow. Many Americans urged 
War Declared we s ^ ou ^ a ^ s0 declare war against the Dual 
on Austria- Monarchy, but the President and a majority of 
Hungary. Congress thought otherwise. One of the reasons 
advanced for not doing so was that there were many hundreds 
of thousands of Austro-Hungarian subjects in the United States 
and that a declaration of war against their country would tend 
to make them more dangerous. But the great victory of the 
Austrians and Germans over the Italians in the fall of 1917 
created a new situation. The United States hastened to send 
money and supplies to the hard-pressed Italians, and the gov¬ 
ernment also prepared to send troops, who would, of course, 
fight Austrian soldiers. It was also felt that a formal declara¬ 
tion of war would help to improve Italian morale. At the 
request of the President, Congress, therefore, declared in the 
middle of December that a state of war existed with Austria- 
Hungary. Among the grievances specified against the Dual 
Monarchy were the meddling of former Ambassador Dumba 
with our domestic affairs, and the sinking of American vessels 
by Austrian submarines. 

The United States was never, however, formally at war with 
Turkey and Bulgaria, Germany’s other allies. Diplomatic re¬ 
lations with Turkey had already been broken, but those with 
Bulgaria were continued throughout the conflict. 

It was, of course, necessary for the American authorities to 
keep close watch on the immense numbers of enemy aliens resi- 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


45i 


Enemy 

Aliens. 


dent in the United States. Acts of Congress required that 
Germans and Austro-Hungarians must register as enemy aliens 
and carry certificates of identification. They were 
forbidden to go near army camps, navy-yards, and 
other military and naval establishments without 
special permits; they were not permitted to reside in, or visit, 
certain districts. These provisions at first only applied to 
men, but it was soon discovered that women subjects of enemy 
countries were, if anything, more dangerous than the men, 
and by a bill approved by the President the provisions of the 
espionage act were extended to them. The registration re¬ 
vealed the fact that there were about 500,000 German “enemy 
aliens,” and between 3,000,000 and 4,000,000 Austro-Hungarian 
enemy aliens in the United States. In addition, there were 
some Bulgarians and Turks, to say nothing of millions of nat¬ 
uralized citizens from the Central Powers, and millions more 
of their descendants. There had been much uneasiness lest 
trouble might be caused by this population, particularly by the 
German alien enemies. Germans in Germany had even boasted 
that the United States dare not go to war because to do so 
would provoke a civil conflict at home. 

Beyond question there were many disloyal utterances, and 
some actual damage was done by German spies and sympa¬ 
thizers in the way of blowing up munition plants and causing 
“accidents” of one sort or another. Still there were 
Spies and ° fewer such outrages than many people had expected. 
Sympathizers ^ act > there were not so many after we entered the 
war as there had been before. That this was so 
was due largely to the effective work of the federal secret ser¬ 
vice, which nipped in the bud many dangerous plots of which 
the general public remained in ignorance. 

Altogether it was fqund necessary to arrest about 6,000 per¬ 
sons under personal warrants. Many of these per- 
ArrSts. r ° f sons were arrested on suspicion rather than be¬ 
cause actual proof had been obtained that they were 
dangerous. Some were ultimately released from internment 
camps on parole. In the way of criminal prosecutions, 1,532 


452 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

persons were arrested under the Espionage Act, which pro¬ 
hibited disloyal utterances, enemy propaganda, etc. Sixty- 
five persons were arrested for making threats against the Presi¬ 
dent, io for committing sabotage, and 908 indictments were 
returned under the penal code relating to conspiracy, most of 
these being against Industrial Workers of the World. 

There were thousands more enemy aliens, and even some 
citizens of the United States who secretly sympathized with 
the Central Powers, but when the final test came it is to the 
credit of citizens of German and Austro-Hungarian origin that 
the vast majority, whatever their sympathies had been before 
the United States entered the war, whole-heartedly decided 
that America was their country, and gave her their loyal sup¬ 
port. Hundreds of thousands fought valiantly in battle, and 
many laid down their lives in the contest. 

The entrance of the United States into the war caused a 
split in the Socialist party. Some leaders, such as Charles 
Edward Russell and John Spargo, believed that Germany must 
be beaten, and supported the war. Others opposed 
Attitude the war, and some seemed really to sympathize 
toward the w ^h Germany. At a meeting in St. Louis on 
April 14, 1917, Socialist delegates addressed an 
open letter to the Socialists in other belligerent countries, to 
the effect “that the people of the United States have been 
forced by their ruling class into this world cataclysm, as you 
have been heretofore by your own rulers.” They pledged 
themselves to make any sacrifice that might be necessary “to 
force our masters to conclude a speedy peace.” Many So¬ 
cialists disavowed the statement, but some persisted in their 
unpatriotic course. A few, including Eugene V. Debs, several 
times candidate for the presidency on the Socialist ticket, and 
Victor Berger, former congressman from Milwaukee, were con¬ 
victed and sentenced to prison for seditious utterances. Berger 
was re-elected to Congress in November, 1918, shortly before 
his conviction, but was not permitted to take his seat. In 
December, 1919, while out on bail he was again elected. 

A set of men who caused the United States more serious 


AMERICA ENTERS THE GREAT WAR 


453 


trouble were the Industrial Workers of the World, who had 
their counterpart in the European Syndicalists. The ideas of 
the Industrial Workers of the World were to the 
industrial last degree anarchical. They advocated that work- 
thew e orld. f ers * orce tJie owners of factories to turn their pos¬ 
sessions over to the employees. To bring about 
that object they favored strikes and all manner of damage to 
property—in short, what is known as “sabotage.” This word 
is said to have been derived from the custom of French Syn¬ 
dicalists of throwing their wooden shoes, or sabots, into ma¬ 
chinery in order to injure it. A favorite form of sabotage in 
the United States was the putting of emery dust or carborundum 
into the bearings of machinery. Some of the I. W. W.’s were 
really in German pay, and did all they could to hamper Ameri¬ 
can war efforts. They put bombs in munition factories, injured 
machinery, incited strikes, especially among shipbuilders, and 
set fire to forests, grain elevators, and crops. Many of the 
I. W. W.’s were arrested, and some, including one of their chief 
leaders, William D. Haywood, were sentenced to the peni¬ 
tentiary. Others, of foreign origin, were interned as dangerous 
to the peace and safety of the country. After the armistice 
was signed, many foreign I. W. W.’s and other radicals, includ¬ 
ing Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman, were arrested 
and deported. 


CHAPTER XXII 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


Teutonic 

Peace 

Efforts. 


The collapse of Russia and the defeat of Italy created a 
situation of which the Central Powers sought to take full ad¬ 
vantage by launching a new peace offensive, the success of 
which would leave them victors in the war. They 
redoubled their efforts to negotiate a separate 
peace with Russia, and at the same time endeavored 
to detach other belligerents from the alliance against them. 
During the lull in military operations in the course of the win¬ 
ter, repeated speeches were made by the governmental heads of 
the chief warring powers on the subject of peace and peace 
terms. In March, 1918, Russia, which was then under the 
control of the Bolsheviki, definitely withdrew from the war and 
accepted the humiliating treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Russia’s 
treachery forced Roumania to accept harsh terms, but all the 
other peace efforts failed. 

Even while talking peace the Germans were boasting that 
in the spring they would launch a resistless offensive on the 
western front. In Allied countries some military observers 
supposed that these announcements were designed 
to hearten the people at home and to terrify France 
and Great Britain into making peace, or that they 
were intended to cover a drive against Italy or Salonica. Com¬ 
paratively few people believed that the Germans would so 
openly advertise their purpose. 

Yet the war lords meant what they said. The collapse of 
Russia had enabled them to transfer hundreds of thousands 
of men and thousands of pieces of artillery to the western front, 
and to divert thither shells and other munitions that otherwise 
must have been used against the Muscovites. German indus¬ 
tries were combed of every man who could be spared, and the 

454 


German 

Boasts. 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


455 


war lords “robbed the cradle and the grave” to obtain the 
human material with which to make the final supreme effort. 

Thanks to these preparations, they succeeded in 
ration^ epa massing on the western front forces about 20 per cent 
superior in fighting men to the armies of France and 
Great Britain. As yet the American forces in France were 
negligible, and the war lords hoped to win before we could 
turn the scale. Like a pugilist in the prize-ring, Germany 
realized that the time had come when she must win or admit 
defeat. Therefore, she made a final effort to score a knockout. 

Every preparation which Teutonic military ingenuity could 
suggest was made. The best men in the German army were 
put into special units and were carefully drilled as shock troops. 

Tactics which had succeeded in Italy and before 
New Tactics. Riga were to be tried out on a grand scale. The 
blow was to be the heaviest delivered in all history. 
The Kaiser himself assumed nominal command and announced 
after the conflict had begun that the supreme moment was at 
hand. 

At five o’clock on the morning of March 21, German artil¬ 
lery, aided by some Austrian guns, began a terrific bombard¬ 
ment on a front of about sixty miles, in the region between 
The Blow Arras and La Fere. Long-range guns shelled roads 
Falls, March and concentration points as far back as twenty- 
eight miles behind the lines, while thousands of 
medium and lighter pieces poured millions of projectiles into 
the British trenches and battery positions, drenching them with 
clouds of poison gas. - After several hours of this hurricane fire 
the German storm troops moved forward under cover of a mist 
to the attack, taking with them great numbers of mobile trench 
mortars that could be pushed forward by hand. Thus began 
one of the great epic conflicts of history. 

The British had expected to be attacked, but they were not 
prepared for a storm so heavy as that which burst upon them. 
General von Ludendorff had assembled about a hundred divi¬ 
sions, or approximately a million men, and he launched this 
great force, like a gigantic spear, full at the breast of his en- 


456 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

emy. As one division was exhausted another moved forward to 
take its place. The outnumbered British fought gallantly, but 
A German ^ ne was broken in many places, and they were 

Tactical forced backward. The Fifth British Army was 
practically cut to pieces. For a time a gap was 
opened, but the determined efforts of Brigadier-General Carey, 
who hastily organized a scratch force, which included some 
Americans, closed the gap and saved the situation. In a little 
more than a week, however, the Germans retook practically all 
the ground lost in the battle of the Somme, and in the “ strate¬ 
gic retreat ” of 1917; they claimed to have captured 90,000 
prisoners and 1,300 cannon, and they were within a few miles 
of the vitally important town of Amiens. But in front of 
Arras and along Vimy Ridge General Byng’s Third Army had 
held firm, containing the German flood on the north, while 
French reserves poured up on the south and with machine-guns 
and 75’s inflicted frightful losses on the Germans, who had 
advanced beyond the protecting fire of their own artillery. 

During those fateful days the whole world watched the con¬ 
flict with a tensity of suspense probably never before equalled 
in human annals. The Germans had neglected nothing to 
make this “Kaiser’s Battle” spectacular and terri- 
Guns Super " hie. I n the hope of helping to break French morale 
they began on March 23 to bombard Paris with 
super-guns, firing from the almost incredible distance of seventy- 
eight miles, while their aeroplanes made raid after raid upon 
the city, dropping many bombs and sometimes descending so 
low as to rake the streets with machine-guns. But the shells 
from the long-range cannon were comparatively small, did not 
contain a large bursting charge, and though they killed over 
200 civilians, they did comparatively little damage. Because 
of the bombs and shells, and fear of the Germans taking the 
city, almost a million people left Paris and took refuge in prov¬ 
inces more remote from the seat of war. 

By the early days of April the lines seemed once more to be 
becoming stabilized, but the Teutonic storm had not yet spent 
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457 


in the region of Armentieres and the La Bassee Canal. They 
broke through at a point where the line was held by a Portu¬ 
guese division and drove another great wedge into 
Situatkm. ate the Allied front, taking many more prisoners and 
• guns. By April 12 the situation had become so 
desperate that General Haig issued a proclamation in which he 
told his men that the enemy were seeking “to separate us from 
the French, to take the Channel ports, and to destroy the Brit¬ 
ish army.” “Victory,” he said, “will belong to the side which 
holds out the longest. . . . Every position must be held to 
the last man. There must be no retirement. With our backs 
to the wall, and believing in the justice of our cause, each one 
of us must fight to the end. The safety of our homes and the 
freedom of mankind depend alike upon the conduct of each 
one of us at this critical moment.” 

Extending their attack still further north, the Germans re¬ 
captured Messines Ridge and all ground gained by the British 
in 1917 in their Flanders offensive. They took Kemmel Hill 
and other strong points. Ypres itself was in 
French Valor danger, no one could say where the flood would go, 
Drive the kut the dogged fighting qualities of the British sol¬ 
diers and the opportune arrival of strong French 
reinforcements once more saved the situation. Repeated Ger¬ 
man assaults were repulsed with stupendous slaughter, and 
again the battle died down. 

The Teutons had won two great tactical victories. They 
had taken more than 100,000 prisoners, great numbers of can¬ 
non, many tanks, millions of shells, and immense quantities of 
other booty, and they had overrun great stretches 
Victories but territory. They had brought the Allied cause 
Defeat CgiC to disaster, and yet they had met a 

strategic defeat. They had not divided the British 
and French armies. They had not hurled the former back in 
irretrievable rout and disorder upon the Channel ports. They 
had not won the decision they set out to win. They had lost 
time, and time was everything. Other crises were to develop 
in the next few months, but never again so grave a one as in 


458 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

those weeks of March and April, when British and French valor 
saved the world in Picardy and Flanders. 

Happily the great offensive had some good results. For one 
thing, it resulted in unity of Allied command. Since the begin¬ 
ning of the war, disaster after disaster had befallen the Allied 
Unity of armies because there was no one man to make de- 
Command cisions. Divided counsels had resulted, and though 
the final decision might be right, it was often de¬ 
layed until it was too late. Long before this time Kaiser Wil¬ 
helm is reported to have said to King Constantine of Greece: 
“1 shall beat them, for they have no united command.” After 
the Italian disaster a Supreme War Council had been set up at 
Versailles, but “it was only a body which sought unity of effort 
through the compromises of conferences.” Hitherto interna¬ 
tional jealousies had prevented the consummation which all 
clear-sighted men realized was desirable, but in the presence of 
this supreme crisis selfish thoughts were put aside, and on 
March 26, at a meeting at Doullens of French and British rep¬ 
resentatives, it was agreed that General Ferdinand Foch should 
Be given authority to co-ordinate “the action of the Allied 
armies on the west front.” The agreement was signed by Lord 
Milner on behalf of Great Britain and by Premier Clemenceau 
on behalf of France. Subsequently Foch’s power was extended 
to include all fronts. His appointment was generally acclaimed 
in Allied countries, and its wisdom was fully proved by later 
events. 

The moment when Foch took command was a critical one, 
but he was a man made for crises. A scholar and a keen stu¬ 
dent of military science, he was also a man of action. Before 
the war, as an instructor at the Ecole de Guerre, 
Foch. nand he constantly declared: “Battles are won or lost 
in the minds of those who fight them. No battle is 
lost until it is believed to be so.” At the first battle of the Marne 
he had commanded the army to whose lot it fell to meet the 
German effort to break through the French centre. On the 
decisive day, though hard pressed, he threw forward the im¬ 
mortal Forty-second Division, broke the German line, and 
helped win the victory. Later in the year he co-ordinated the 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


459 


Pershing’s 

Offer. 


French and British forces that fought the first battle of Flanders, 
and held back the Germans from the Channel ports. He was 
now condemned temporarily to the defensive, but he had often 
said in the past that “to make war is to attack,” and those 
who knew him best predicted that when the hour came, he 
would strike hard and resistlessly. In General Petain he had 
an admirable lieutenant, while to Premier Clemenceau, “the 
Tiger” and crusader for humanity, fell the work of managing 
civil affairs and keeping up the courage of the people—tasks 
which, despite his seventy-eight years, he performed like a hero 
out of Plutarch. 

On March 28 General Pershing went to Foch’s headquarters 
and said to him: “I come to say to you that the American 
people would hold it a great honor for our troops were they en¬ 
gaged in the present battle. I ask it of you in my 
name and in that of the American people. There is 
at this moment no other question than that of fight¬ 
ing. Infantry, artillery, aviation—all that we have are yours 
to dispose of as you will. Others are coming which are as nu¬ 
merous as will be necessary. I have come to say to you that 
the American people would be proud to be engaged in the 
greatest battle in history.” 

Another result of the offensive was that it showed the Allied 
peoples the impossibility of peace by compromise. Some men 
had begun to hope that Germany would be amenable to reason. 
Peace The idea that the German people were not back of 

Delusions the war had taken fast hold in some circles. But 
Dissipated. even d re amers were forced to realize that the Ger¬ 
mans were mad with the lust of power, and that the downfall 
of Russia and their victories in the west had revived their hope 
that they could dictate a conqueror’s terms to a vanquished 
world. Furthermore, many Americans, including some in high 
position, hugged the vain delusion that Germany would be so 
deeply impressed by our preparations—by our vast loans, by 
our aeroplane and shipping programmes, by our military prepa¬ 
rations—that she would beg for peace without our being ac¬ 
tually forced to fight. We were to march in procession around 
Jericho, sound the trumpets, and the walls would fall flat. The 


4 6o the united states in our own times 

thing was attempted. The march was made. The trumpets 
were sounded. But the walls obstinately refused to crumble. 
Instead of easy-bought victory, the vital question was, Could 
hard-pressed France and Britain hold back the German horde 
until America was ready to do her part ? Plans for peace were 
reluctantly tucked away in pigeonholes. With all the people 
of Germany deliriously applauding victory, even the most op¬ 
timistic dreamer saw at last that “nothing could unsaddle the 
men who rode her war-horses, except the thrust of steel.” Words 
counted for nothing; the sword must decide. 

General Pershing, with a spirit that did him honor, offered all 
he had. But as yet he had little. On April i less than 370,000 
men, of whom about half were non-combatants, had reached 
Europe. Only four divisions—about 108,000 men, 
Yet C Ready 0t combatants and otherwise—had had experience in 
the trenches, and some professional observers 
doubted whether even the most seasoned of these, the First, 
was ready “to be thrown into the vortex of a violent battle.” 
Only the First, in fact, was at once sent to the active front, 
being placed opposite the apex of the German salient close to 
Montdidier. Two other divisions were practically formed but 
had not yet received their artillery. This artillery must come 
from French arsenals, as must also aeroplanes, tanks, and most 
or all of the machine-guns. Over-optimistic officials and press 
agents had informed the world that by April 1 America would 
fill the air with a fleet of aeroplanes that would darken the sky. 
But not a single fighting plane had yet been delivered. 

In almost every particular the United States was far behind 
her schedule. For various reasons, there were not in France 
the number of divisions which, in the words of Lloyd George, 
“every one had confidently expected would be 
there.” But fortunately, in training-camps at home, 
there were a million and a half men, and men were 
sorely needed. They were not thoroughly trained. 
To organize them into a separate army would take 
many months. Generals Foch and Petain had for some time 
been urging that the Americans should be incorporated with the 


Americans to 
be Brigaded 
with the 
British and 
the French. 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


461 

French and British armies, but hitherto the Americans had in¬ 
sisted upon acting independently. Now it became clear that 
as parts of a new machine they would be too late. As new cogs 
in an old machine they might perform wonders. Lloyd George 
and Clemenceau submitted to Secretary Baker and to President 
Wilson a plan for brigading the Americans with the British and 
French. Acceptance meant sacrifice of American pride, but it 
was not a time to think of pride. In the words of Lloyd George: 
“President Wilson assented to the proposal without any hesi¬ 
tation.” 

Then began the greatest long-distance troop movement in the 
history of mankind. America had not the ships with which to 
transport so many men. Great Britain threw her commerce 
to the winds, drew in her ships from all the seven 
Movement°° P seas > and built a bridge of boats across the Atlantic. 

American vessels, especially the former German 
liners, did their part. The French were able to do a little. 
The British and American navies undertook the work of pro¬ 
tecting the transports against the under-water wasps. In April 
120,072 men embarked for France; in May 247,714; in June, 
280,434; in July, 311,359; in August, 286,375; in September, 
259,670; in October, 184,063; in November, 12,124. In all, 
more than 2,000,000 soldiers were transported through the war 
zone, with a loss of only 396 men from submarine activities. 
It was a record of which both navies had good reason to be 
proud, and it gave the lie to German boasts that they would 
prevent our men from reaching France. Of those transported, 
49 per cent were carried in British ships, 45 per cent by American 
ships, and the remainder by French and Italian ships, and by 
Russian ships under British control. 

The troops landed in both France and Great Britain, and the 
people of these countries had concrete evidence of the American 
wm “invasion,” for Americans in uniform were every- 

Americans where. Their coming worked wonders in keeping up 
British and French morale, and yet one vital ques¬ 
tion had not been definitely answered. It was, Will the Ameri¬ 
cans fight? Hitherto only the French and the British—includ- 


462 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


ing colonials—had shown themselves able to meet the Germans 
on equal terms. There were pessimists in both France and 
England who feared lest the newcomers, most of them com¬ 
paratively fresh from civil life, would not measure up to the 
bloody work. Up to June there had been no conclusive test. 
On quiet sectors the Americans had acquitted themselves with 
credit; and on May 28, in a local counter-offensive, the First 
Division, commanded by Major-General Robert L. Bullard, 
retook the town of Cantigny in gallant fashion. But no Ameri¬ 
can division had yet attempted the supreme task of stopping a 
determined German “drive.” 

On the day before the American exploit at Cantigny, Luden- 
dorff began a third offensive. Once more the German purpose 
was carefully concealed, and the surprise was complete. French 
A New and British forces were sent reeling back from the 
German Chemin des Dames. The Germans crossed the 
Vesle and the Ourcq. They took Soissons and 
Fere-en-Tardenois and scores of smaller places. They captured 
hundreds of guns and many thousands of prisoners. And they 
came flooding down once more into the valley of the Marne. 
Foch needed troops badly. Both he and Pershing felt that the 
time had come to test the real mettle of the men from beyond 
the seas. The Americans were eager to go in. For months 
they had been waiting impatiently, like eager hounds straining 
on the leash. 

Two American divisions, the Second, under Major-General 
Omar Bundy, and the Third, under Major-General Joseph 
Dickman, were rushed by trains and motor-trucks to the region 
The of Chateau-Thierry on the Marne—the point where 

Americans the Germans were nearest Paris. The Second was 
one of the first four divisions in France, and it had 
had trench experience. The Third had arrived more recently, 
had not yet received its artillery, and was to have gone to a 
quiet sector under the support of French guns, when the change 
of plan placed it in the path of the enemy. One of the brigades 
of the Second was composed of splendidly drilled, straight¬ 
shooting marines, under Brigadier-General Harbord. All the 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


463 

other units of both divisions were regular troops, though a great 
majority of the men had volunteered since the war began. The 
motorized machine-gun battalion of the Third was sent at once 
to the firing line; the other units of the two divisions were put 
in position to support the French troops ahead, though the 5th 
machine-gun battalion and some of the marines were sent almost 
at once into the fight. The sight of so many thousands of Ameri¬ 
cans rushing to meet the enemy vastly heartened the civilian 
population, including the crowds of fleeing refugees, and word 
that the “Sammies” were “going in” stiffened the whole French 
battle line. 

The American machine-gunners and some units of infantry 
were soon sent to the firing line, and with their aid the French 
held back the enemy until the early morning of June 4, when 
the Second Division took over a twelve-mile front 
Beiieau qUeS ’ on both sides of # the Paris road. Not content with 
Vaux d> and merely holding, the marines, aided by some regulars, 
retook the village of Bouresques and Belleau Wood, 
waging for days a bitter battle with German machine-gunners 
for the last. In it they captured 700 Germans, and by 
their valor so impressed the French that the name of the 
wood was changed to “ Bois des marines.” Meanwhile machine- 
gunners from the Third were helping to hold back the enemy in. 
the western outskirts of Chateau-Thierry, and units from that 
division were used to replace worn-out units of the Second. On 
July 1 the 3d Brigade of the Second Division, under Brigadier- 
General Lewis, recaptured the village of Vaux in a most work¬ 
manlike manner, taking 500 prisoners. Elsewhere on the 
western front more and more Americans were going into the 
trenches. At Cantigny on June 20 the First Division made 
another advance, while still farther north (July 4) American in¬ 
fantry brigaded with the British Army aided Australians to 
perform a notable exploit at Hamel. 

After Cantigny and Chateau-Thierry there could no longer 
be doubt that Americans would fight, and fight well. The last 
doubts of the Allies disappeared; French and British spirits 
soared skyward. In Paris and London startling stories were 


464 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The 

Americans 
Will Fight. 


told of American valor, of their accuracy of aim, of the panther- 
ish fury with which the men went into action, resolved to slay 
or be slain. It was hinted that they did not bother 
to take prisoners, and it was reported that the Aus¬ 
tralians, who were notorious for not being too gentle 
in their methods, conceded that Americans were good soldiers 
but a “bit rough”! No one any longer doubted that, given 
adequate training and equipment, the Americans would fight 
as well as any troops in the war. Even the Germans, who had 
invariably made fight of American fighting qualities, were find¬ 
ing out their mistake, and the discovery was disquieting. 

The claim sometimes made that the Americans in the Chateau- 
Thierry region saved Paris is, however, much too sweeping. It 
would be more correct to say that they helped to save Paris. 
They stood across the Paris road, but the Germans made no 
really powerful effort at this time to advance farther in this 
region. Farther northward French troops, by employing a new 
“yielding defense,” baffled all German efforts to widen the 
salient, and, particularly in the region of Compiegne, beat back 
their assaults with tremendous slaughter. These were the con¬ 
flicts that really brought the drive to an end. 

Thus far the moral, rather than the material, results of our 
participation had been most important. But 300,000 Ameri¬ 
cans were landing in France a month, and the time was near 
when we could strike really weighty blows. Only 
a fraction of the Americans in France were yet on 
the battle fine, but already the “rifle strength” of 
the Allies on the western front had passed that of 
the Teutons. The Allied total on July 1, accord¬ 
ing to figures compiled by the Allies, was 1,556,000; of the 
Teutons, including a few Austrians, 1,412,000. The evil con¬ 
sequences of putting the best German soldiers into select organ¬ 
izations of “storm troops” were beginning to appear. The 
“storm troops” had suffered immense losses, and the fighting 
quality of the ordinary divisions, which had been robbed of 
their best fighting material, was greatly lowered. By the time 
that the Allies took the offensive the German army, though 


Allied Rifle 
Strength 
Passes that 
of the 
Teutons. 




CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


465 

still powerful, was in the condition of a fighter who after vainly 
striving to knock out his antagonist finds his own strength 
badly depleted. 

Furthermore, the submarine situation was greatly improved, 

and glorious events had just taken place on the Italian front. 

It had been practically a foregone conclusion that at some time 

An Italian t ^ ie Teutons would launch another “drive” in an 

Victory and attempt to capture Venice and overrun the Lom- 
Its Effects. , . . . * , 

bard plain. If such an attack succeeded, it would 

practically put Italy out of the war. In view of what had hap¬ 
pened in the previous autumn, Allied leaders could not but feel 
anxious. Foch had not only to hold back the enemy in France 
but also to keep in mind the possibility of being obliged to 
furnish men to succor the Italians. But considerable French 
and British forces, and even a few Americans, were now on the 
Italian front, while the spirit of Italy had rallied magnificently 
to meet the crisis. On the 15 th of June the long-impending 
blow fell. On that day the Austrians launched a great offensive 
along a hundred-mile front from the mountains to the sea. In 
some places they forced their way over the Piave, but the 
Italians, French, and British met them with high determination, 
torrential rains raised the river in their rear, and they were 
beaten back with great slaughter. The victors took thousands 
of prisoners, many guns, and much other booty. The failure 
of the Austrian offensive lifted a great load from Foch’s shoul¬ 
ders. The Italian front was safe. He could safely throw all 
his resources in France against Ludendorff. There can be no 
doubt that military historians will say that this Austrian defeat 
marked the beginning of the end. 

The great immediate question was, Will the Germans attack 
again? It was clear that they must either go forward or go 
back, for the great salients they had driven into the Allied lines, 
The Germans d 101 ^* 1 dangerous to the Allies, were also perilous 
Prepare a to themselves. But to retreat would be a confes- 
Friedensturm. g j on £ 0 own people and to the world that their 

great offensive had met defeat. For political reasons, if no 
other, a new effort must be made. And, still keeping to the 


466 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

policy of holding up a will-o’-the-wisp to hearten their people, 
the war lords named the new drive a “ Friedensturm” that is a 
“storm to bring peace.” 

Some military critics on the Allied side assumed that the 

blow would be delivered against the British. But the British 

had made good their losses in men and material, and had built 

They Select s0 man y ^ nes °f defense that the prospect in that 

the Rheims quarter was not promising. The sector chosen by 
Salient 

the Germans was the Rheims salient, and they 
planned to attack on both sides of Rheims, from Chateau- 
Thierry on the Marne almost to the Argonne Forest. Their 
immediate objectives were Rheims, the so-called “Mountain of 
Rheims,” Epernay, and Chalons. Success might have been 
followed by a drive on Paris. This time they failed to conceal 
their intentions, and some days before the attack came the 
Allied leaders had divined the German plan. Careful prepara¬ 
tions were made, and not only were great numbers of French 
and some Italians concentrated in the threatened sectors, but 
about 300,000 Americans were on the Marne front or in im¬ 
mediate support. 

On the night of July 14 a raiding party of five Frenchmen 
under a lieutenant named Balestier penetrated the German 
lines and captured prisoners from whom it was ascertained 
that the drive would begin next morning. An hour 
Checked^ before midnight the Allied artillery opened a furi¬ 
ous bombardment, which decimated many of the 
waiting German units and otherwise played havoc with German 
plans. The Germans, too, were prodigal with shells, but when 
the infantry attacked they met a hot reception. East of Rheims 
General Gouraud’s army, which included the famous American 
“Rainbow Division,” yielded the front line according to plan, 
and then stopped the drive almost immediately, though only 
after desperate fighting. To the southwest of Rheims French 
and Italian forces had to cede some ground, but gave up noth¬ 
ing vital. Farther south half a dozen German divisions forced 
their way over the Marne. In front of the French the assailants 
made good their foothold. The American forces in this region 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


467 

belonged to the Third and Twenty-eighth Divisions. Both 
fought well, though the Third played the larger part. Its artil¬ 
lerymen and riflemen slaughtered the Germans by hundreds as 
they sought to cross the river, and one regiment, the 38th, 
under Colonel McAlexander, won immortal glory by holding 
its position, though surrounded on three sides. It practically 
annihilated the 6th German Grenadier Regiment, and took 400 
prisoners. In some other places the defenders temporarily were 
driven back from the river, but the Americans counter-attacked, 
and by noon next day there were no living Germans except 
prisoners on the south side of the Marne west of Jaulgonne. 
The Americans had not only repulsed the assailants but had 
taken over 600 prisoners—news that greatly heartened defend¬ 
ers in other sectors. In some places along the battle front the 
Germans continued to make efforts to press forward, but by 
the end of the third day of battle it was clear that the German 
drive had failed. 

For months the Allied leaders had eagerly looked forward 
to the time when they could snatch the initiative away from 
the enemy. Foch’s hour had struck. The Austrian sword no 
longer hung threateningly over Italy, while from 
Opportunity, overseas was pouring an inexhaustible reserve of 
hardy fighters. Furthermore, Foch had a surprise 
ready for the enemy. In the preceding November the British 
had won a striking victory before Cambrai by using tanks. 
The Allied General Staff decided that the tanks were the long- 
awaited solution for breaking through the German lines. They 
decided to build vast fleets of them, especially light, swift tanks, 
which would be less easily hit by shells than the bigger kind. 
Some of the new tanks were ready when the Germans launched 
their March offensive, yet, in spite of the critical moment, Foch 
refused to use them and thus reveal his hand. Now, however, 
he had great numbers of tanks, both of the heavier sort and of 
the lighter variety, called “whippets” by the British and “mos¬ 
quitoes” by the French. In the words of General Malleterre: 
“On July 18 General Foch was ready, with his tanks, his cannon, 
his shells, his Americans. Then began the battle of liberation.” 


468 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


With Petain and Pershing, Foch arranged a great counter¬ 
blow at the Marne salient. Two powerful armies under Gen¬ 
erals Mangin and Degoutte were secretly assembled on the 
west side of the salient, and with these armies were 
Blow CoUnter ~ two American divisions, the First and the Second. 

At dawn of the 18th, without a preliminary bom¬ 
bardment, these armies, aided by French tanks, suddenly 
dashed forward behind a rolling barrage. The Germans were 
completely surprised. Thousands of prisoners and many guns 
were taken. By nightfall the invaders had been swept back 
several miles. Caught at a disadvantage, the German High 
Command threw in hosts of reserves, but in vain. The Allies, 
including more Americans and even some British, attacked the 
salient from three sides. The Germans fought stubbornly, but 
day after day they were forced back. Soissons and Fere-en- 
Tardenois were retaken, and the invaders were driven over the 
Ourcq and then over the Vesle. More than 30,000 Germans, 
700 cannons, and vast quantities of war material had been cap¬ 
tured. The First and Second American Divisions alone took 
7,000 prisoners and over 100 guns. 

“To make war is to attack,” Foch had always contended. 
He lived up to his maxim now. Hardly were the Crown Prince’s 
forces back over the Vesle, when British and French forces, 
under Haig, launched (August 8) a new offensive 
Vktory? reat against the point of the salient projecting toward 
Amiens. Great numbers of tanks were used, and 
with comparatively small losses the Allies won a great victory. 
In his book on the war Ludendorff calls this “ Germany’s Black 
Day.” In less than a week more than 40,000 Germans and 
several hundred guns were taken. The victors pushed forward 
relentlessly after the enemy. 

Meanwhile other strokes were preparing, for Foch was deter¬ 
mined not to give the enemy breathing time. His system dif¬ 
fered from that of Ludendorff. Ludendorff’s plan was to 
gather all available resources for a stupendous, smashing blow. 
His system had won victories, but it had a weakness in 
that several weeks were required to prepare a new blow, and 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


469 

in the interval his enemy had opportunity to recuperate. 
Foch, like a skilled boxer, struck now here, now there, and the 
Germans were kept constantly on the run. The 
Strategy. war had become one of movement, and Foch was 
resolved to harry his enemies to the utmost be¬ 
fore they could return to their intrenched lines. Though 
making no promises and even deprecating high hopes, he was 
striving for a final decision. 

Late in August the British under Byng smashed through the 
Hindenburg Line, southeast of Arras, while in the same period 
General Mangin swept the Germans out of high ground north 
of the Aisne. Early in September the British under 
Driven Back Horne broke the famous Drocourt-Queant switch 
busline. ^ ne on a front of six miles. Up in Flanders the 
Germans evacuated the Lys salient, closely followed 
and harassed by the Allies. All along the battle front, from 
Verdun to the sea, the Allies were pressing the enemy hard, 
and in most of these movements Americans took part. By 
the middle of September the Germans were once more vir¬ 
tually back in the old Hindenburg Line, from which they had 
launched their great offensive in the spring. But in two 
months they had lost nearly 200,000 prisoners, immense numbers 
in killed and wounded, over 2,000 pieces of artillery, and vast 
quantities of supplies. Furthermore, the Hindenburg Line 
east of Arras and the switch line behind it were already breached. 
The great question was, Could the Germans hold the Hinden¬ 
burg Line until winter gave them respite ? If they could, they 
might still obtain favorable terms from a war-weary world. 

Meanwhile General Pershing had been organizing an army 
under his own immediate command. Long ago it had been 
settled that our first independent effort should be made against 
the St. Mihiel salient, which projected southeast 
Erase ^tb? of Verdun like an arrow pointed at the heart of 

iaiient hieI France. To erase it was a necessary preliminary 

to a more ambitious effort. General Pershing gath¬ 
ered a force of about 600,000 men, mostly Americans but in¬ 
cluding some French. The French and British lent many guns, 


470 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


A New 

American 

Objective. 


airplanes, and tanks. On the night of September n a tre- 
mendous bombardment was opened upon the salient, which 
the Germans were beginning to evacuate. In the early morning 
the infantry and tanks “went over the top.” Twenty-seven 
hours later the salient was only a memory. Sixteen thousand 
prisoners, 443 guns, much war material, and valuable territory 
were taken. Our total casualties were only 7,000. In the words 
of Pershing: “The Allies found they had a formidable army to 
aid them, and the enemy learned finally that he had one to 
reckon with.” 

The victory also enabled our forces to threaten Metz and 
the rich Briey iron-fields, from which Germany drew most of 
her all-essential iron ore. But for the moment these were not 
the American objectives. On the very day after 
the reduction of the salient artillery and fresh 
troops began moving toward the line between the 
Meuse River and the western edge of the Argonne Forest. 
The immediate object of attack would be the German zone of 
defense in this region, but twenty-five miles to the northward, 
at Mezieres and Sedan, lay the main enemy artery of com¬ 
munication between Germany and Belgium and northern France. 
This was Pershing’s real goal. 

But Foch, the master of all Allied forces, did not confine his 
plans to the western front. On September 19 General Allenby 
began an offensive which speedily resulted in the practical 
annihilation of the Turkish army in Palestine. 
Great byS Furthermore, his victorious forces pushed forward, 
Palestine 11 an d th e middle of October cut the Berlin to 
Bagdad Railway near Aleppo, thus isolating the 
Turkish forces in Mesopotamia and compelling their ultimate 
surrender. Allenby’s spectacular blow practically put Turkey 
out of the war. 

Almost simultaneously the Allied army at Saloni- 
ca, under General Franchet d’Esperey, began (Sep¬ 
tember 14) an offensive northward from Salonica. 
In a few days the lines of the enemy were broken, and Bul¬ 
garia, threatened with annihilation, signed an armistice which 


Bulgaria 

Beaten. 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


47i 


was practically a surrender at discretion. This great victory 
insured the early capitulation of Turkey. It enabled the Ser¬ 
bians to return to their homeland, and it made certain, barring 
an early peace, the re-entry of Roumania into the war and an 
invasion of Austria-Hungary from the south and southeast. 

The news from the Balkans and Palestine sounded the death- 
knell to Teutonic hopes. The whole Teutonic edifice was col¬ 
lapsing like a house of cards. Many hundreds of thousands of 
seasoned Allied troops would be freed for operations 
Seethe against Austria-Hungary and Germany, while an 
the Wali° n en dl e ss stream of Americans continued to pour 
across the Atlantic. The U-boat campaign was 
breaking down, Allied construction of ships had passed sub¬ 
marine destruction, and it was clear that the U-boats could not 
win the war. A speedy peace was the only way whereby the 
Teutons could save anything from the wreck. Already, on 
September 15, the Austro-Hungarian Government, with the 
secret approval of Germany, had asked for a preliminary and 
‘‘non-binding” discussion of war aims with a view to the pos¬ 
sible calling of a peace conference. Happily the Allies avoided 
the trap. 

In the last days of September the Allies began the epic 
struggle that will probably be known as the battle of the Hin- 
denburg Line. An American army, aided by French forces on 
Battle of the * ts ^ e & an a drive down the Meuse Valley, 

Hmdenburg while far to the northwest in Flanders British, Bel¬ 
gians, and French struck in the region of Ypres. 
Both drives made valuable gains, and since the first was mainly 
an American venture, more space will be given it in subsequent 
pages. A little later the French, aided by some Americans, 
assailed the enemy defenses before Rheims, while the British 
struck squarely at the Hindenburg Line in the region of St. 
Quentin and Cambrai. Of all the great hammer-strokes that 
won the war this was the mightiest, and participating in it were 
American divisions, notably the Twenty-seventh New York 
and the “Wildcat Division,” the latter largely composed of 
straight-shooting Southern mountaineers, under Major-General 


472 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

Lewis. The blow broke the Hindenburg Line on a wide front, 
and, for the first time since the beginning of trench warfare in 
the West, the Allies were through the maze of defenses and were 
fighting in the open. In all these operations great numbers of 
prisoners and guns were taken, while the Germans were forced 
to sacrifice immense quantities of supplies. By the end of the 
third week in October the Hindenburg Line had passed into 
history, the Germans had evacuated the Belgian coast, and their 
government was seeking an armistice. But while the negotia¬ 
tions were proceeding, the Allies continued to push ahead, and 
victories were becoming as monotonous as defeats had once been. 

Let us now return to Pershing’s army. The task set the 

Americans was an appalling one. They must make a direct 

frontal attack in rough, difficult country upon line after line 

The American care ^ u ^y prepared intrenchments, and, as the 

Drive down holding of these lines was absolutely vital to the 
tlic Meuse 

safety of most of their army, the Germans might 
be depended upon to defend them with the courage of despair. 
On the night of September 25 the Americans quietly took the 
place of French troops on the sector. Next day they charged 
through the barbed-wire entanglements and the sea of shell- 
craters across No Man’s Land and mastered all the first-line 
defenses. The assault was continued on the next two days, 
against increasing resistance, and gains of from three to seven 
miles were made, while 10,000 prisoners were taken. Mean¬ 
while French forces on the other side of the Argonne Forest 
made good progress. 

Thus began the bloodiest battle in American history, a con¬ 
flict somewhat resembling that in the Wilderness fifty-three 
years before, but on a larger scale and more prolonged. The 
enemy speedily flung reserve divisions into the fray, 
Battle kf tCSt and Pershing did likewise. By the 4th of October 
History an the American artillery had been brought up, and 
the infantry again surged forward. Bitter fighting 
took place all along the line, and not least of all in the gloomy 
recesses of the almost impenetrable Argonne Forest. The 
German machine-gunners fought for every foot of ground, and 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


473 


exacted a heavy toll of the assailants, most of whom were 
taking part in their first great battle. But by October io the 
Americans, with French assistance, had cleared the forest. 
The great obstacle was now the second zone of German defense, 
the Kriemhilde Line, but with dogged determination the Ameri¬ 
cans slowly battered their way forward through this line. 
Every day thousands upon thousands fell, and the whole battle 
zone was an inferno of machine-guns, shells, and deadly gas, 
but Pershing was determined to play his part in the great drama, 
and sent division after division, some of them without any 
fighting experience, into the maw of war. To do so was the 
truest mercy, for the German reserves were rapidly becoming 
exhausted, each victory made the next easier, the end of the 
war was in sight, and a quick push and a strong push would be 
infinitely cheaper in blood than a long-drawn-out conflict. 

On November i the final advance was begun. After heavy 
fighting the Germans were flung back, and on the 6th the 
Rainbow Division reached a point on the Meuse opposite 
Sedan. In the words of Pershing: “ The strategical 
Reached! g oa l which was our highest hope was gained. We 
had cut the enemy’s main line of communications, 
and nothing but surrender or an armistice could save his army 
from complete disaster.” Between September 26 and Novem¬ 
ber 6 the American army in the Meuse-Argonne battle had 
beaten 40 German divisions, most of which, however, were far 
below normal strength, had taken 26,059 prisoners, and 468 
guns. Its own losses had, however, been enormous, exceeding 
100,000 men killed, wounded, or missing. 

During the whole war the American losses in killed, wounded, 
missing, and dead of disease, numbered 302,612. The total 
number of dead was 77,118, including 34,248 killed and 13,700 
mortally wounded. The Americans captured about 44,000 
prisoners and 1,400 guns, howitzers, and trench mortars. The 
French and British losses, even for 1918, were much heavier, 
and they captured several times as many prisoners and guns. 
During 1918 the British alone captured on the west front 
201,000 prisoners and 2,850 guns. 


474 


THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


It will no doubt be the final verdict of history that the 
American army played the decisive part in the final campaign, 
though its part in the actual fighting was smaller than that 
. . , of France or Great Britain. American food and 

America s . 

Part in the money were also vital factors in the fortunate out¬ 
come. Comparisons with commonplace things are 
sometimes illuminating. America played the part of a strong 
man who, in passing down the street, sees half a dozen men 
struggling to put a heavy piano into a van. The weight prom¬ 
ises to be a little too much for them, but with the aid of the 
newcomer the piano is lifted in. Perhaps the volunteer does 
not lift so hard as do the others, certainly he is not so badly 
exhausted, yet his aid was essential to the performance of the 
task. 

The work done by our forces in the field is all the more 
creditable to them because America was not yet really ready. 
Many divisions were thrown into the vortex of battle before 
they had finished their training, and for artillery, 
airplanes, and tanks our armies were largely (in the 
matter of tanks wholly) dependent upon the French 
and British. At the moment the armistice was 
signed America’s prodigious effort in the making of 
war material was just beginning to bear fruit in a large way, 
and had the contest lasted until the spring of 1919 there would 
have been no lack of equipment. As it was, American pluck 
and determination to win triumphed over all obstacles and 
achieved victory, though at bloody cost. Some military critics 
assert that American losses were double what they would have 
been had the armies been better equipped and the men and 
officers thoroughly trained. 

By the end of the first week in November the cause of the 
Central Powers was absolutely hopeless. Bulgaria 
Situation of was out of the war; Turkey was negotiating for sur- 
Powers ntral ren der; parts of Austria-Hungary were virtually in 
revolt. A sudden Italian offensive resulted in the 
absolute ruin of the Austro-Hungarian army and the capture 
of 300,000 prisoners and 5,000 guns. The French, British, 


America’s 
War Effort 
Just 

Beginning 
to Bear 
Fruit. 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


475 


Belgians, and Americans were pressing relentlessly after the 
remnants of Ludendorff’s beaten army, the “rifle strength” of 
which had been reduced to less than 900,000 men. Foch was on 
the point of launching in Lorraine a new offensive, which would 
doubtless have gone through the German lines like water through 
a sieve. An attempt to send out the German High Seas Fleet 
had provoked a mutiny. Furthermore, the German “home 
front” had broken down. 

Before the end of September the Germans had realized that 
they must make peace. Prince Maximilian of Baden succeeded 
Count von Hertling as imperial chancellor. In a few days he 
Germany transmitted (October 4) through the Swiss Govern- 
Asks for ment a request that President Wilson should invite 

P6EC6 

all the belligerents to send plenipotentiaries for the 
purpose of opening peace negotiations. The note added that 
Germany accepted “as a basis for peace negotiations” the pro¬ 
gramme set forth by President Wilson in a speech he had made 
to Congress on January 8, 1918, and in later pronouncements, 
especially in a speech made on September 27. In his speech of 
January 8 Wilson had set forth fourteen points he considered 
essential to peace. In general, these points summarized the 
terms Allied statesmen were demanding, but added some 
others. They included a stipulation for “open covenants of 
peace openly arrived at” and no secret diplomacy in future; 
freedom of the seas in both peace and war; reduction of arma¬ 
ments; impartial adjustment of colonial claims, with due regard 
to the interests of the native inhabitants; evacua- 
Pofnts OUrteen tion of all territory conquered by the Central Pow¬ 
ers, with reparation and restoration for Belgium, 
France, Serbia, etc.; Alsace and Lorraine to be given to France; 
readjustment of the frontiers of Italy along lines of nationality; 
the peoples of Austria-Hungary to be given opportunity for 
autonomous development; the Dardanelles to be opened per¬ 
manently as a free passage to the commerce of the world, and 
the subject peoples in the Turkish Empire to be given an 
opportunity for autonomous development; an independent 
Poland; and the formation of a general association of nations 


Changes in 

German 

Government. 


476 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

to safeguard the political independence and territorial integrity 
of great and small states alike. In his speech of September 27 
the President had dwelt in more general terms upon what he 
considered the essentials of a just peace and had declared that 
no peace could be made “by any kind of bargain or com¬ 
promise with the Governments of the Central Empires. . . . 
They have convinced us that they are without honor and do 
not intend justice. They observe no covenants, accept no 
principles but force and their own interest.” To avoid further 
bloodshed, the German Government also asked for an imme¬ 
diate armistice. 

A few days later the imperial chancellor announced changes 
in the German system of government, and an effort was made 
to convince the world that there had been a real transforma¬ 
tion. The changes were designed to satisfy home 
demands and to persuade the world that the war 
lords were no longer all-powerful. The world, how¬ 
ever, displayed some skepticism as to whether the revolution 
had been as thorough-going as Prince Max pretended. 

In reply President Wilson queried (October 8) whether ac¬ 
ceptance of his peace terms meant that Germany’s “object in 
entering into discussions would be only to agree upon the prac¬ 
tical details of their application?” He also in¬ 
quired “whether the imperial chancellor is speak¬ 
ing merely for the military authorities of the em¬ 
pire who have so far conducted the war.” He further 
informed Germany that he would not propose a cessation of 
arms to the governments with whom the United States was 
associated so long as the armies of Germany were upon their 
soil. 

The German Government responded that it accepted the 
President’s peace programme, and added that both it and 
Austria-Hungary were ready to evacuate occupied 
R<xponse^ an territory. It also stated that the existing govern¬ 
ment had been “formed by conferences and in agree¬ 
ment with the great majority of the Reichstag,” and that the 
chancellor, “supported in all his actions by the will of this 


American 

Reply. 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


477 

majority, speaks in the name of the General Government and 
of the German people.” 

These interchanges aroused profound interest throughout the 
world. In Berlin the people shouted “Peace at last,” and even 
strangers, meeting on the streets, would kiss one another and 
shout peace congratulations. In the outside world wide differ¬ 
ences of opinion developed. In some circles it was believed 
that, realizing she was beaten, Germany was seeking to avoid 
the consequences of defeat. Many people feared that the Presi¬ 
dent, in his enthusiasm for peace, would be too lenient. The 
almost universal opinion was that if the Germans desired an 
armistice they should make a proposition to Field Marshal 
Foch. A strong sentiment developed that the only terms 
granted should be “Unconditional Surrender.” Fresh devas¬ 
tations in France and Belgium and new submarine atrocities 
served to increase the demand for rigorous dealing. 

In a note of October 14 the President stated that the condi¬ 
tions of an armistice must be left to the military authorities. 
He also quoted from a speech in which he had laid down, as one 
of the terms of peace, “the destruction of every 
a Matter for arbitrary power anywhere that can separately, 
Authorities^ secret ly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of 
the world; or, if it cannot be presently destroyed, 
at least its reduction to virtual impotency.” He had referred, 
of course, to the Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs, and he now 
stated that the passage quoted constituted “a condition prece¬ 
dent to peace, if peace is to come by the act of the German 
people themselves.” 

A week previously Austria-Hungary had made a similar pro¬ 
posal for an armistice and peace negotiations. The President 
replied (October 19) that many things had happened since he 
laid down his fourteen points, and that the principle of “au¬ 
tonomy” for the Czecho-Slovaks and other subject peoples 
could no longer serve as a basis of peace. The inference was 
that only complete independence for these peoples would now 
suffice. 

In a third note, dated October 20, the German Gov*«unent 


478 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


defended its military and naval forces against charges of in¬ 
humanity brought in the President’s preceding communication, 
and continued to insist that a real change in govern- 
GemSnNote. ment had taken place, and that the offer of peace 
and of an armistice had come from a government 
“free from any arbitrary and irresponsible influence,” and 
“supported by the approval of an overwhelming majority of 
the German people.” 

In a third answer (October 23) the President reiteiated that 
the granting of an armistice lay within the province of the 
military authorities, and he bluntly pointed out reasons why 
Wilson extraordinary safeguards must be demanded. He 
Demands declared “that the nations of the world do not and 
Safeguards. cannot trust the word of those who have hitherto 
been the masters of German policy.” He added that if the 
United States “must deal with the military masters and the 
monarchical autocrats of Germany, or if it is likely to have to 
deal with them later in regard to the international obligations 
of the German Empire, it must demand, not peace negotiations, 
but surrender.” 

Meanwhile the Allied armies had pressed onward, and every 
day the military situation from the Teutonic point of view had 
grown more desperate. Field-Marshal von Hindenburg him- 
Hindenburg se ^ rea hzed the necessity of peace, and supported 
Ann* n t' ^e attem P t t0 secure an armistice. A session of 

the German war cabinet and of the crown council 
took place in which the Kaiser and the Crown Prince partici¬ 
pated. General Ludendorff resigned, and on October 27 the 
German Government once more informed President Wilson 
that it represented the people and that the military powers 
were subject to its authority. It closed by saying that it 
awaited proposals for an armistice. 

In the meantime the Allies had conferred with each other 
regarding the terms of the armistice, and an agreement was 
reached. On November 5 the President transmitted a final 
note in which he stated that the Allies took exception to some 
of the principles enunciated by him. For example, they must 


CAMPAIGNS OF 1918 


479 


reserve to themselves complete freedom as to the subject of 

“the freedom of the seas.” They would also insist that the 

Important stipulation that “invaded territories must be re- 

Aliied stored as well as evacuated” must be interpreted 

Amendments. ... ... 

to mean that compensation will be made by Ger¬ 
many for all damage done to the civilian population of the 
Allies and their property by the aggression of Germany by 
land, by sea, and from the air.” This last reservation was 
very sweeping and was susceptible of very broad interpreta¬ 
tion. The President closed by saying that on application to 
Foch the Germans could secure the terms of armistice. 

The Teutons were beaten. They had struck for “world 
power or downfall” and had achieved the latter. Austria, her 
army overwhelmed, had already signed an armistice in the 
field on November 3. On the morning of Novem- 
fheTmns entS ^ er 8 German representatives appeared at Foch’s 
headquarters, which were in a railway train near 
Rethondes, and the field-marshal whose genius had, in four 
months, transformed defeat into overwhelming victory, gave 
them the terms of the armistice. The Germans had been pre¬ 
pared by semiofficial communications for the stipulations as a 
whole, but the concrete demands seemed to bring to them for 
the first time the full realization of the extent of German 
defeat. 

The terms were severe, but not too severe. They included 
the immediate evacuation of all invaded territory, the sur¬ 
render of 5,000 cannons, 25,000 machine guns, 1,700 airplanes, 
all the German submarines, and practically all the 
Armistice, the fighting forces of the German above-water navy. 
November n, ^11 0 f Germany west of the Rhine was to be occu¬ 
pied by Allied troops, who were also to hold bridge¬ 
heads at Mayence, Coblenz, and Cologne. A neutral zone ten 
kilometers wide was to be drawn on the right bank of the 
Rhine. A German courier carried the terms to the German 
headquarters at Spa. A revolution had already broken out 
in Germany. The Kaiser abdicated (November 10), and he 
and the Crown Prince fled to Holland. At five o’clock a. m., 


4 8o the united states in our own times 


Paris time, on November n the armistice was signed, to take 
effect at eleven o’clock a. m. that day. The Allied armies con¬ 
tinued to fight up to the last minute of time. The Great War, 
the most stupendous in history, was over. 

As rapidly as possible the German forces were withdrawn 
from France and Belgium. Allied troops followed them as 
far as the Rhine. There were some delays in fulfilling other 
terms of the armistice, but all the essential ones, 
the Terms. together with some subsequently imposed, were 
ultimately complied with. The submarines were 
surrendered at intervals, and on November 21 the main force 
of the German High Seas Fleet sailed over the North Sea and 
surrendered to Admiral Beatty and the Allied armada off the 
Firth of Forth. Included in that armada were some American 
battleships. A surrender on so gigantic a scale had never 
before occurred in naval history. “Der Tag ” had come, but 
the day brought no satisfaction to those who had toasted it. 


CHAPTER XXIII 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 

Six days before the end of hostilities the congressional elec¬ 
tions took place in the United States. The campaign had been 
one of the quietest in recent history, for a deadly plague of in- 
Political fluenza had, to a large extent, prevented public 

Campaign in meetings, and, furthermore, a strong desire existed 
America. . . . .... . . 

to avoid awakening party animosities lest they in¬ 
terfere with the prosecution of the war. President Wilson him¬ 
self had deprecated political discussion and had declared that 
“politics is adjourned.” There was, however, a decided current 
of opposition to the party in power, and the Republican man¬ 
agers quietly made the most of it. Republican speakers and 
writers contended that their party had been more energetic 
in carrying on the war than had the Democrats. They criti¬ 
cised the alleged incompetence of the party in power, empha¬ 
sized its failure to prepare for the conflict, and referred sarcas¬ 
tically to the Democratic slogan of 1916, “He kept us out of 
war.” On October 24 President Wilson precipitated a more 
active contest by issuing an appeal to the country asking that 
if it approved his “leadership” and wished him to continue to 
be its “unembarrassed spokesman” it should return “a Demo¬ 
cratic majority to both the Senate and the House of Representa¬ 
tives.” He declared that the election of a Republican majority 
in either house would be interpreted abroad as a “repudia¬ 
tion of my leadership.” He admitted that the Republicans 
had been pro-war, but asserted that they were anti-administra¬ 
tion and wished to take control away from him. Many 
Democratic speakers and newspapers contended that a Re¬ 
publican victory would encourage the Germans and would 
prolong the war. Ex-Presidents Roosevelt and Taft, who were 
now reconciled, issued a joint statement appealing to the coun¬ 
try to elect a Republican Congress, while Republican speakers 

481 


482 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

and newspapers insisted that the Germans would derive cold 
comfort from the success of a party of which Colonel Roosevelt 
was the main leader. The truth was that, thanks to Foch’s 
soldiers, the German fighting power was at its last gasp and the 
result of an American election could have no influence upon 
the outcome of the struggle. 

Speedy victory in the war was now a certainty, and victory 
in war almost invariably results in political victory for the 
party in power. But conditions were peculiar, and, rightly or 
wrongly, the majority of Americans were dissatis- 
Virtoty UbUcan with Democratic rule. The elections resulted 
in a sweeping Republican victory. Out of thirty- 
one governors elected twenty-one were Republicans. The 
considerable Democratic majority in the Senate was trans¬ 
formed into a Republican majority of two. The Republicans 
won a majority in the House of over forty. Meyer London, 
the Socialist representative in the old House, lost his seat, but 
in Milwaukee Victor Berger, who was under indictment for 
sedition, was elected. 

For six years the Democrats had controlled the government, 
and Wilson’s wishes and policies had prevailed. After March 
4, 1919, the Wilsonian predominance would be at an end, and 
Democratic Republican majorities in Congress, it was 

Predominance certain that the next two years would witness bit¬ 
ter struggles between the executive and legislative 
branches. There would be searching investigations into the 
management of the war, and the Republicans would participate 
in the handling of the after-the-war problems. 

The war had proved to be expensive beyond all precedent. 
By April, 1919, the government in two years had expended 
$30,700,000,000, which was about $4,000,000,000 in excess of 
the expenditures of the national government from 
pendifures. Washington’s day down to 1917, including all civil 
expenses and the cost of all our other wars. For 
a period of two years disbursements averaged $1,500,000 an 
hour. In fact, even since the signing of the armistice the gov¬ 
ernment had spent more than it had expended in the Civil 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 


483 

War. Eight billion eight hundred and fifty million dollars had 
been advanced to our Allies, and further loans were subse¬ 
quently made; part, though probably not all, of the loans 
will doubtless be repaid. Great expenses still loomed ahead, 
and a tax bill designed to raise $6,000,000,000 the first year 
had just been passed. 

The economic condition of almost the whole world was bad. 
Some of the European belligerents had gone into debt to the 
extent of half their national wealth. It was certain that for 
many generations their people would stagger under 
in Ferment, stupendous financial burdens. In fact, repudiation 
seemed certain in some cases, and the Bolshevist 
government in Russia had already taken that method of escap¬ 
ing irksome obligations. The debt of the United States, though 
enormous, could be paid, though it would require skilful man¬ 
agement. But the immediate financial future of the country 
gave thoughtful men much anxiety. Prices were high beyond 
all precedent, as were also wages. The whole business of the 
country was on stilts. It was doubtful whether it could be 
lowered to a normal level without a catastrophe. The sudden 
ending of the conflict had found the country as unprepared 
for peace as the beginning had found it unprepared for war. 
The closing of munition plants threw millions temporarily out 
of work, and the return of discharged soldiers increased the labor 
problem. The railroad situation was very bad, and, though 
passenger and freight rates had been largely increased and busi¬ 
ness had been exceptionally good, the cost of operation exceeded 
the receipts by hundreds of millions of dollars. Never since 
the Civil War had the United States faced so many difficult 
problems of readjustment. 

On November 18 it was officially announced that President 
Wilson would himself attend the peace conference, which was 
„ 7M . ^ to meet at Paris. The announcement created much 

to the Peace discussion. Some critics asserted that it would be 
Conference, jjlegal for him to leave the country, and in both 
houses of Congress Republicans introduced resolutions to the 
effect that the office of President would be vacated during his 


484 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

absence. As a matter of fact, neither the Constitution nor 
the laws limit the President in this matter, and, though a sort 
of tradition had arisen that the President should not leave the 
country, it had not always been observed. President Roose¬ 
velt visited the Panama Canal during his administration, 
though, to be sure, he went on an American war-ship and while 
in the Canal Zone was on American territory. President Taft, 
however, in his administration held a meeting with President 
Diaz on Mexican soil. President Wilson continued to be chief 
executive while abroad, but during his absence, in obedience to 
a request on his part, Vice-President Marshall presided over 
the cabinet meetings. Mr. Marshall did not, however, attempt 
to exercise any other functions of the presidential office. 

On November 29 it was announced that the representatives 
of the United States at the conference would be the President 
himself, Secretary of State Lansing, Henry White, former am¬ 
bassador to France, Colonel Edward M. House, and 
Defegation^ an General Tasker H. Bliss. Opponents of the ad¬ 
ministration criticised the make-up of the commis¬ 
sion, alleging that some prominent Republicans should have 
been given places on it, for, though White was a member of that 
party, he was not high in its councils. Some members of the 
Senate were also inclined to feel that that body, which is a 
part of the treaty-making power, should have been represented. 

The peace commission and a large corps of expert advisers 
sailed from New York on December 4, on board the George 
Washington, a former German liner, and reached Brest nine 
days later. In France, and also in Italy and Eng- 
Europe. in land, both of which he visited before the confer¬ 
ence assembled, President Wilson was accorded a 
popular reception rarely equalled in its enthusiasm, the homage 
paid him being partly personal, partly a tribute to America. 
During these visits he had an opportunity to meet and confer 
with the statesmen of the three countries concerning the work 
ahead. 

Perhaps never before, and certainly not since the Congress of 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 


485 

Vienna, had there been a peace conference that was confronted 
by so many complex problems. There was the question of the 
Complexity ^ uture peace of the world, that of reparation for 
Problems i n j ur i es done, new boundaries to be fixed, new na¬ 
tions claiming independence and recognition, pun¬ 
ishment of the guilty—all complicated questions regarding 
which there were certain to be grave differences even between 
the victors. 

The victors proceeded on the assumption that the vanquished 
should have no part in formulating the terms of peace. In 
fact, representatives of the vanquished were not even allowed 
Victors Draw to come to Par * s until t ^ ie terms were ready. The 
Terms rea l work of drawing up the terms was chiefly done 

by the representatives of Great Britain, France, the 
United States, Italy, and, to a lesser degree, Japan. The 
weaker nations were allowed little real participation except in 
matters directly affecting them, but all, great and small alike, 
were accorded an opportunity to pass upon the completed 
work. 

The first great question to which the conference turned its 
attention was that of inventing some means for preventing 
future wars. The subject was one to which many men in all 
civilized countries had devoted much attention. 
The plan finally adopted may be said in a sense to 
have had its origin in the League to Enforce Peace, 
a body formally organized in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, 
in June, 1915, with William H. Taft as president. The pro¬ 
gramme of the league had been approved by statesmen in most 
of the warring nations, and President Wilson, in particular, had 
become an ardent advocate of the general idea. It was largely 
through his insistent advocacy that the matter was taken up 
by the conference before what many considered the more im¬ 
mediately pressing problem of bringing the existing war to an 
end was solved. The attitude of other members of the con¬ 
ference varied from enthusiastic support through various 
shades of doubt to open hostility. Most seem to have been 


The 

Prevention 
of War. 


486 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


The League 
of Nations 
Covenant. 


somewhat skeptical as to the success of any plan that might 
be adopted, but even many of the skeptics were willing that the 
experiment should be made. 

After months of discussion and amendment the conference 
finally adopted a “covenant” based upon a plan submitted by 
General Smuts, the representative of South Africa. The cov¬ 
enant provided for the creation of a league of nations, 
the main object of which was “ to secure international 
peace and security by the acceptance of obligations 
not to resort to war.” The machinery of the league was to 
consist of an assembly, a council, and a permanent secretariat. 
The assembly was to consist of representatives of members of 
the league and was to meet at stated intervals, or from time to 
time at the seat of the league, or at such other place as might 
be decided upon. It was to deal with any matter within the 
sphere of action of the league or affecting the peace of the 
world. With a single exception, each power was to have one 
vote in the assembly, and could not have more than three repre¬ 
sentatives, but five of the British colonies were given member¬ 
ship, so that the British Empire, as a whole, had six votes. 

The council was to consist of representatives of the United 
States, the British Empire, France, Italy, and Japan, together 
with four other members of the league. These four were to 
The Council chosen from time to time by the assembly at 
its discretion. With the approval of the assembly, 
the council might name additional members of the league, whose 
representatives should be members of the council. The council 
was to meet as occasion might require, and at least once a year. 
At its meetings it might consider any matter within the sphere 
of action of the league or affecting the peace of the world. At 
meetings of the council each member of the league represented 
on the council should have only one vote, irrespective of the size 
or power of the member. Any member of the league not rep¬ 
resented on the council should be invited to send a represen¬ 
tative to sit as a member during the consideration of matters 
especially affecting its interests. 

A permanent secretariat was to be established at the seat of 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 


The 

Secretariat 


487 

the league, and was to consist of a secretary-general and such 
secretaries and staff as might be required. The 
first secretary-general was to be named by the 
peace conference. Thereafter he was to be ap¬ 
pointed by the council with the approval of a majority of the 
assembly. 

The covenant recognized the importance of reducing national 
armaments, and provided that the council should take account 
of the geographical situation and circumstances of each state, 
and formulate plans for such reduction for the con- 
Amaments° f sideration and action of the several governments. 

Such plans were to be subject to the reconsidera¬ 
tion of the council each year. The members of the league un¬ 
dertook to give full and frank information as to the scale of their 
military and naval preparations. 

Members of the league undertook to respect and preserve 
as against external aggression the territorial 
integrity and political independence of all the 
members. 

Any war or threat of war, whether or not it immediately 
affected members of the league, was to be considered a matter 
of concern to the whole body, and the league was to take any 
step deemed wise to safeguard the integrity of the 
Preventing na ti 0 ns. In case such an emergency should arise, 
the secretary-general, on the request of any member 
of the league, could forthwith summon a meeting of the coun¬ 
cil. Any member of the league should have the right to bring 
to the attention of the assembly or the council any circumstance 
which should threaten to destroy either the peace or the good 
understanding of the nations. 

All members of the league should agree that in case of a mis¬ 
understanding likely to lead to a rupture they would submit 
the matter either to arbitration or to an inquiry by the council, 
and in no case resort to war until three months after 
the award by the arbitrators or the report by the 
council. The members agreed, furthermore, that whenever 
any dispute should arise which they might recognize as suitable 


Mutual 
Guarantee of 
Territories. 


Arbitration. 


488 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Permanent 
Court of 
Arbitration. 


for submission to arbitration, and which could not be satisfac¬ 
torily settled by diplomacy, they would submit the whole sub¬ 
ject to arbitration. 

The council should formulate and submit to the members 
of the league plans for the establishment of a 
permanent court of international justice, which 
should be competent to hear and determine any 
dispute of international character. 

In case any member of the league should resort to war in 
disregard of its covenants, it should, ipso facto , be deemed to 
have committed an act of war against all other members of 
the league, which should undertake immediately 
Boycott ° naI t0 bring it to terms by cutting off all relations, finan¬ 
cially and otherwise, with the offending state. It 
should also be the duty of the council in such case to recommend 
to the governments concerned what forces of the league should 
be contributed to be used to protect the league’s covenants. 

In case of a dispute between a member of the league and a 
state not belonging to the league, or between states neither of 
them members of the league, the state or states not members 
States the league should be invited to accept the obliga- 

Outsidethe tion of membership in the league for the purpose 
of such dispute upon such conditions as the council 
might deem just. In case a state so invited should refuse, the 
council might take such measures and make such recommenda¬ 
tions as would prevent hostilities and would result in the peace¬ 
ful settlement of the dispute. 

One article of the covenant established a system of manda¬ 
tories for the conquered German colonies. Another 
and n Labor. eS bound the members of the league to secure fair con¬ 
ditions of labor for men, women, and children. 

Still another article, adopted to conciliate opposition in the 
United States, was to the effect that nothing in the 
Doctrfne! 106 covenant should “affect the validity of international 
treaties of arbitration or regional understandings 
like the Monroe Doctrine for securing the maintenance of 
peace.” 


fHE PEACE CONFERENCE 


Fiume 

Dispute. 


489 

Amendments to the covenant were to take effect when rati¬ 
fied by all the members of the league whose representatives 
composed the council, and by a majority of the members of 
Amendments league whose representatives composed the as¬ 
sembly. No such amendment should bind any 
member of the league which refused to accept such amendment, 
but in case of refusal it should cease to be a member of the 
league. 

In settling the terms of peace grave differences inevitably 
developed between the victors. One of the most serious arose 
over the disposition of the port of Fiume on the eastern Adriatic. 

The Italian delegates claimed that under the prin¬ 
ciple of self-determination Fiume must be assigned 
to Italy because most of the inhabitants were 
Italians. The Jugo-Slavs insisted, however, that the whole 
region about Fiume must belong to them, because a majority 
of the people outside the city were of their race, and also be¬ 
cause they needed the city as a convenient outlet upon the 
Adriatic. President Wilson strongly opposed the Italian claims, 
and a quarrel developed which resulted in the temporary with¬ 
drawal of the Italian delegates from the conference. Presently 
the Italian poet and patriot, Gabriel d’Annunzio, with a force 
of volunteers, seized Fiume in Garibaldian fashion and held 
it for Italy. Thereafter the dispute dragged along for many 
months. 

Another serious controversy arose over the disposition of the 
peninsula of Shantung, which had been redeemed from German 
rule by Japanese and British forces in 1914. China claimed 
that, as the original owner, Shantung should im- 
Disputef mediately be handed back to her, but Japan de¬ 
murred. Ultimately the conference, partly because 
of secret treaties made during the war, accepted the Japanese 
view. Japan was to restore the peninsula at some future time 
to China, but she was to obtain railroads and other concessions, 
including the right to make a settlement at Tsing-Tao, south 
of Kiao-Chau. In many quarters the feeling existed that Japan 
had been too grasping, and that her policy with regard to 


490 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Shantung afforded new evidence of her intention of transform¬ 
ing China into a vassal state. 

The completion of the treaty required so much time that it 
was not until May 7 that the document was delivered to the 
German delegates, who had been summoned to Paris for that 
purpose. Its terms aroused great opposition in 
Accepts. 3 " Germany, and a cry was raised that the treaty 
went beyond the “fourteen points” and the other 
principles which, according to the agreement at the time of the 
armistice, were to form the basis for negotiations. However, 
the world knew that the terms were less severe than those 
which Germany would have imposed upon her enemies had she 
been victorious, and little heed was paid to German outcries 
regarding “a peace of violence.” The conference consented to 
modify some of the terms, and then insisted that Germany 
take the irreducible minimum. Rather than endure invasion, 
the German National Assembly at last voted to accept. 

The treaty is a document of about 80,000 words, but in this 
book we need consider only the broader outlines. Germany 
gave up her claims to all her colonies, ceded Alsace-Lorraine to 
France and a small district to Belgium, and on her 
eastern border resigned much territory to the re¬ 
created state of Poland. The port of Dantzig was 
internationalized, while plebiscites were to be held in certain 
Prussian districts to decide whether they would remain part of 
Germany or would join Poland. Plebiscites for a similar pur¬ 
pose were also to be held in districts of Schleswig to decide 
whether the people wished to be reunited to Denmark. As 
part compensation to France for the damage wrought to her 
mines, the Sarre Basin, with its rich coal and iron mines, was 
to be at the service of France for fifteen years, under inter¬ 
national rule, after which the inhabitants were to decide upon 
their political future. 

The German army must be reduced to 100,000 men, including 
officers, and conscription was to be abolished. In a region ex¬ 
tending to fifty kilometers east of the Rhine all importation, 
exportation, and nearly all production of war material was to 


The 

Territorial 

Terms. 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 


491 


be stopped. One object of this stipulation was to safeguard 
France against a future German invasion. The fortifications 
of Heligoland must be destroyed, and the German 
Terms! 7 navy was to be reduced to six battleships, six 
light cruisers, and twelve torpedo-boats. Its per¬ 
sonnel must not exceed 15,000 men, and it must have no 
submarines. Germany was forbidden to build forts controlling 
the Baltic and must open the Kiel Canal to all nations. 

Germany accepted responsibility for damage done to the 
Allied nations and their peoples, and agreed to reimburse all 
damage done to civilians. She must within two years make 
an initial payment of 20,000,000,000 marks, about 
Indemnities. S5,ooo,ooo,ooo, and must issue bonds to secure sub¬ 
sequent payments. She must make good illegal 
damage done to merchant shipping by submarines by turning 
over a large part of her merchant fleet and building new ves¬ 
sels. She must devote her economic resources to rebuilding 
the devastated regions in France, Belgium, and elsewhere. 
She also agreed to the trial of the former Kaiser and other 
Germans for offenses against international morality and the 
laws of war. Holland, however, subsequently declined to give 
up the Kaiser, while the German Government, on the plea that 
public sentiment would not permit the surrender of the alleged 
offenders, obtained the concession that the accused should be 
tried before a German federal court at Leipsic. 

By treaties later concluded Bulgaria was forced to cede ter¬ 
ritory and to pay an indemnity, while Austria-Hungary was 
broken up. Parts of the Dual Empire were ceded to Italy, 
Roumania, and Poland; Czecho-Slovakia and Hun¬ 
gary became independent republics; the territory 
inhabited chiefly by Jugo-Slavs was.combined with 
Serbia and Montenegro into a Greater Serbia. Of 
Austria there remained only a small state, of a few 
thousand square miles, whose 5,000,000 or 6,000,000 people 
were chiefly of German blood and whose form of government 
was republican. In the negotiations regarding Turkey the 
United States did not directly participate. The terms finally 


Settlement 
with Austria- 
Hungary, 
Bulgaria, and 
Turkey. 


492 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


handed to the Turkish representatives in May, 1920, reduced 
the Sultan’s domains to Constantinople and to part of Asia 
Minor, and an international force is to be kept permanently 
in the former. The Dardanelles and the Bosporus are neu¬ 
tralized and passage through them is made free to all nations. 
Arabia is to be independent; Mesopotamia and Palestine are 
to be under British rule; Thrace and the region about Smyrna 
under that of Greece; while France and Italy were given 
spheres of influence in Syria and Anatolia, respectively. The 
mandate over Armenia was offered to the United States. 
President Wilson had said at Paris that the offer would be 
accepted, but in this, as in some other matters, he promised 
more than he could perform. A commission sent out by him 
to Armenia estimated that acceptance would necessitate the 
use of 59,000 troops as a police force and that five years’ oc¬ 
cupation would cost $756,000,000. Congress considered that 
these and other objections outweighed humanitarian arguments, 
and voted to reject the mandate. 

Unfortunately the conclusion of the treaties did not bring 
peace and prosperity to the world. At the time of the signing 
of the German treaty a score of other wars, or conflicts amount¬ 
ing to a state of war, were still raging. Poland, for 
example, was fighting the Ukrainians, the Ru- 
thenians, the Germans, the Jugo-Slavs, and the Rus¬ 
sian Bolsheviki. Poland, Ukrainia, Finland, and other por¬ 
tions of the old Russian Empire had set up as independent states, 
while in what remained a bitter struggle was being fought out 
between the Bolaheviki and their enemies. 

The programme of Bolshevism gave the whole world reason 
for apprehension. The movement failed in Germany and in 
Austria, but it was dreaded even in the Allied countries. During 
The part of the peace conference the danger that Bol- 

Menace of shevism would sweep over much of western Europe 

Bolshevism. . . . , 

caused more concern than the question of settling the 
treaty of peace. In Italy, France, and even England economic 
conditions were such that there was real danger that there 
might be a social revolution, but all these countries, for the 


The War 
Fever Still 
Rages. 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 


493 


time being at least, escaped the menace, partly, it is believed, 
because of financial assistance rendered by the United States. 

In the United States there was never any real danger that 
such a movement would succeed, and yet attempts were actu¬ 
ally made. The most serious effort was made in the city of 
Seattle, but its courageous mayor acted so vigor- 
United States, ous ty as speedily to suppress the agitation. Other 
manifestations of a revolutionary spirit took the 
form of attempts to murder a number of public men by means 
of bombs. Several persons were killed or injured by the ex¬ 
plosions, but among them there was no one of prominence. 
Toward the end of 1919 the Department of Justice made public 
the fact that a conspiracy had actually been formed to over¬ 
turn the government and set up one on the Bolshevist model, 
but the conspirators were chiefly foreigners and the movement 
had no chance of success. A campaign to rid the country of 
undesirable aliens resulted in the deportation of many of the 
worst leaders. 

Meanwhile an animated debate was taking place in the 
United States over the league of nations. Practically all 
Americans were eager to prevent war in the future, but many 
Contest over doubted whether the league would secure that de- 
the League sirable result. The issue was also confused by po¬ 
litical considerations. Many Democrats forthwith 
declared themselves favorable to the league without having 
actually studied the covenant. Many Republicans took an 
exactly contrary course. However, some Democrats opposed 
the league, while a number of Republicans, the most notable of 
whom was ex-President Taft, ardently favored it. Those who 
opposed the league made much of the fact that it would in¬ 
volve us in European affairs and meant throwing away forever 
Washington’s advice against entangling alliances. Many men 
did not oppose the general idea of a league, but criticised various 
features of the one proposed. Amendments adopted by the 
peace conference removed some of these objections. The most 
notable of these amendments was the one affirming the con¬ 
tinued validity of the Monroe Doctrine. 


494 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

To be ratified by the United States the treaty must receive 
the votes of two-thirds of the senators voting upon it. A 
majority of the senators were Republicans, and feeling in the 
Senate against Wilson had come to be very bitter. 
Wilson s a contest between the President and a majority 
of the Senate ensued, the leadership in the Senate 
being taken by Senator Lodge of Massachusetts, chairman of 
the committee on foreign relations. Early in September, 1919, 
President Wilson set out on a tour of the country for the pur¬ 
pose of rallying public sentiment in favor of the League with¬ 
out amendments. He spoke to large crowds, but a number of 
senators, including Johnson and Borah, who opposed the 
League altogether, followed a few days behind him, speaking 
at the same places, and they also were greeted by large crowds. 
On his way back from the Pacific coast the President had an 
apoplectic stroke and was forced to give up the rest of his tour. 
For several months he was confined to the White House and 
was able to see only a few persons and to consider only ex¬ 
tremely important public questions. Meanwhile the mass of 
the people were kept in ignorance of his exact condition. 

For many weeks the struggle over the treaty dragged along 
in the Senate. All amendments to the League of Nations 
Covenant were voted down, but the committee of the whole 
adopted fourteen “reservations” limiting America’s 
FaUs Treaty liability under the Covenant. President Wilson 
strongly opposed the reservations, and a situation 
developed which resulted (November, 1919) in the defeat of the 
treaty by a vote of 55 to 39. Four Democrats voted for rati¬ 
fication with reservations and 13 Republicans against ratifica¬ 
tion. The special session of Congress then adjourned. Each 
side to the controversy sought to throw the blame for the 
failure upon the other. Meanwhile the United States continued 
to be technically at war with Germany. 

When Congress met in December the treaty was 
Artid| I x° Ver again submitted to the Senate, and a new struggle 
ensued. As in the special session, the main battle 
raged over the reservation to Article X of the Covenant. This 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 


495 


article bound members of the League “to respect and pre¬ 
serve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and 
existing political independence of all members of the League. ,, 
On March 15, 1920, after days of debate, the Senate, by a 
vote of 56 to 26, voted the following reservation to Article X: 

The United States assumes no obligation to employ its military 
or naval forces, its resources or any form of economic discrimina¬ 
tion to preserve the territorial integrity or political independence 
of any other country, or to interfere in controversies between na¬ 
tions—whether members of the League or not—under Article X, 
or to employ the military or naval forces of the United States under 
any article of the treaty for any purpose unless in any particular case 
the Congress, in the exercise of full liberty of action, shall by act or 
joint resolution so declare. 

Supporters of the reservation contended that it did little 
more than reaffirm the Constitution of the United States, 
which reserves to Congress the right “to declare war.” But 
. President Wilson took the view that Article X must 
FaTis'Agam. not be touched. Of a similar reservation adopted 
the previous autumn he had declared that it was 
a “ knife-thrust at the heart of the covenant,” and he now re¬ 
iterated the view that any reservation which sought “ to deprive 
the League of Nations of the force of Article X cuts at the 
very heart and life of the covenant itself.” In a letter addressed 
to his party on January 8, 1920, he said that, if the treaty could 
not be adopted as it stood, it should be submitted to a solemn 
referendum at the coming election. Not all Democrats took 
this view. William Jennings Bryan, for example, declared in 
favor of compromise, and many Democratic senators refused 
to support the Wilsonian stand. Fourteen joined the Re¬ 
publicans in adopting the reservation, and 23 voted for the 
ratification of the treaty with reservations, of which there 
were 15 in all. The final vote on ratification (March 19, 1920), 
counting pairs, stood: for ratification, 34 Republicans, 23 
Democrats; against ratification, 15 Republicans, 24 Democrats. 
The vote for ratification lacked seven of the necessary majority, 
and thus the treaty again failed. A joint resolution declaring 


496 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

the war at an end passed both houses in April and May but 
was vetoed by the President. 

In February a great political sensation was created by the 
resignation from the cabinet of Secretary of State Lansing under 
circumstances that were equivalent to his abrupt dismissal. 
_ . .. President Wilson, in letters to Lansing, seemed to 

of Secretary base his action mainly upon the fact that during 
his illness Lansing “had frequently called the 
heads of the executive departments of the government into 
conference,” intimating that he regarded such proceeding as 
unconstitutional. It was believed by many people, however, 
that Lansing’s disapproval of some features of the peace treaty 
was the real reason for his fall. Lansing defended his course 
regarding the cabinet meetings in forceful terms and by a ma¬ 
jority of the press was thought to have the better of the con¬ 
troversy. He was succeeded by Bainbridge Colby, of New 
York, a former Progressive. The incident served to emphasize 
the fact that for months the President had been too ill to give 
much attention to public business, and the question was seri¬ 
ously raised as to when a President’s “inability to discharge the 
powers and duties” of the presidential office should devolve 
the same upon the Vice-President. Fortunately considerable 
improvement in President Wilson’s health prevented the matter 
from reaching a crisis. 

At the same time that the official summary of the treaty had 
been issued by the peace conference the following statement 
had been made public: 


In addition to the securities afforded in the Treaty of Peace, 
the President of the United States has pledged himself to propose 
to the Senate of the United States, and the Prime Minister of Great 
Britain has pledged himself to propose to the Parlia- 
France . t0 ment of Great Britain, an engagement, subject to the 
approval of the Council of the League of Nations, to 
come immediately to the assistance of France in case of unpro¬ 
voked attack by Germany. 


This agreement was designed to assure the French of future 
protection against a German attempt at revenge, and to induce 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 


497 


protection against a German attempt at revenge, and to induce 
them to forego demands for a more radical peace. Great Britain 
ratified the agreement almost immediately, but in America it 
was viewed with little favor, and the Senate refused to accept 
it. The President’s enemies asserted that in this, as in some 
other matters, he promised too much. In France a feeling pre¬ 
vailed that she had been left in the lurch, and this feeling was 
accentuated by the failure of Germany to carry out some of 
the terms of peace. 

Meanwhile hectic conditions prevailed in the United States. 
Shortage of commodities of many kinds had soon stimulated 
industry and solved the problem of unemployment, but prices 
Labor soared to heights hitherto undreamed of, profiteers 

Troubles and reaped a rich harvest at the public expense, and 
o eermg. t k ere was g reat unrest among laborers. Increased 
prices provoked demands for increased wages and vice versa, 
and no one could say when this pyramiding would end. Great 
strikes among steel-workers, bituminous-coal miners, and rail¬ 
way men deranged industry and threatened the welfare of the 
nation. It was clear that the question of industrial peace was 
one of the most serious that confronted the country. Our in¬ 
dustrial society had become so complicated, and the parts so 
interdependent that it was possible for a comparatively small 
minority of workers to bring want and misery to millions. 

An act of 1918 had provided that the railroads must be re¬ 
turned to the owners twenty-one months after the end of the 
war. Some people wished to make government operation per¬ 
manent, and Director-General McAdoo asked to 
have the period lengthened in order to give the plan 
a more thorough test. But Congress refused to do 
so, and also turned a deaf ear toward the so-called “Plumb 
plan,” under which railway employees would have been given 
a share in the management of the roads. In February, 1920, 
Congress passed the Esch-Cummins Act, the most comprehen¬ 
sive piece of railway legislation ever enacted in the United 
States. The act repealed the Sherman Anti-Trust Law, as re- 


The Esch- 
Cummins 
Act. 


498 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

gards railways, and the anti-pooling section of the Interstate 
Commerce Act. Instead of railroad competition being abso¬ 
lutely required as formerly, co-operation and consolidation were, 
in some respects, encouraged; competition was to be between 
systems rather than between individual roads. The Interstate 
Commerce Commission was given greatly enlarged powers over 
railroad finance, and a new Railroad Labor Board was created 
to adjust labor disputes. For a period of six months after their 
return to private management the roads were guaranteed oper¬ 
ating income equal to their compensation under government 
control. For a period of two years they were to be permitted 
a net return of per cent plus yi per cent for betterments on 
the value of railroad property. One-half of the earnings in ex¬ 
cess of 6 per cent net income was to be paid to the government 
to be used as a general railroad contingent fund, and Congress 
appropriated a revolving fund of $300,000,000 to aid the car¬ 
riers in financing their requirements during the transition pe¬ 
riod immediately following the relinquishment of federal 
control. 

On March 1, 1920, the railroads were returned to their own¬ 
ers. Some months later the Railroad Labor Board granted 
large increases in pay to the employees, while the Interstate 
Commerce Commission permitted the carriers to 
raise their rates in order to earn the money with 
which to meet the increased pay-roll. The value 
of the railroads was estimated by the Commission 
at $18,900,000,000. The railroads claimed a deficit 
of $206,000,000 during the six-months guarantee period, and 
this deficit was made good by the government. The deficit 
under government operation was variously estimated at from 
less than one to almost two billions of dollars. Despite later 
cuts in wages and in rates, transportation costs continued to 
be very high and occasioned wide-spread complaint, especially 
among farmers. The Esch-Cummins Act and its application 
were severely criticised, and by many people it was believed 
that in both war and peace some of the railroads had manipu- 


The Roads 
Returned 
to Private 
Manage¬ 
ment. 


THE PEACE CONFERENCE 


499 


lated figures in such a way as to take advantage of the govern¬ 
ment and people. Senator La Follette, one of the severest of 
the critics, insisted that the valuation of the railroads set by 
the commission was $7,000,000,000 too high, and he insisted 
that shippers, and hence the general public, ought not to be 
compelled to supply dividends on this vast excess value. 


CHAPTER XXIV 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 


In the contest over the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles 
both Republicans and Democrats had not been unmindful of 
the approaching presidential election. At the beginning of 
1919 it was generally regarded as almost certain 
Roosevelt. that the Republican leader in that campaign would 
again be Theodore Roosevelt. After the Repub¬ 
lican-Progressive merger in 1916 he had become increasingly 
influential in the councils of the reunited party, and to him the 
leaders turned more than to any other man. But his once ro¬ 
bust health had been undermined by tropical fever contracted 
on a trip through the Brazilian wilderness, and on January 6, 
1919, the world received the hard-to-believe news that the man 
who beyond all other men of his generation had “ embodied 
Life to the utmost” had “dropped beyond sight into the Eternal 
Silence.” 

Roosevelt’s death left the field open to all who cared to enter 
it. Of those who did so the most prominent were General 
Leonard Wood of New Hampshire, Senator Hiram Johnson of 
California, Governor Frank O. Lowden of Illinois, 
Candidates. Herbert G. Hoover of California, and Senator 
Warren G. Harding of Ohio. General Wood was 
regarded by many as in a sense the political heir of his old 
associate in the Rough Riders, and in the primaries conducted 
in many States he obtained more delegates than did any other 
candidate, with Senator Johnson, the Progressive vice-presi¬ 
dential candidate in 1912, his nearest competitor. Governor 
Lowden secured most of the delegates in his own great State 
and also a considerable number from other States. Herbert 
Hoover’s incomparable services for humanity as a relief ad¬ 
ministrator during and after the war won him the enthusiastic 

5 °° 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 501 

support of many independently inclined persons in both parties, 
but his supporters generally lacked political experience and 
displayed little skill in translating their support into delegates. 
In a primary in his own State Senator Harding won a small 
plurality over Wood, but he had little support among the Re¬ 
publican rank and file in other States, though he had many 
powerful friends among the party leaders. It was generally 
considered desirable that the nominee should be a man accept¬ 
able to as many elements of the party as possible, yet Repub¬ 
lican confidence in the outcome of the election was so great 
that Senator Boies Penrose, Republican boss of Pennsylvania, 
declared that “any good Republican can be nominated for 
President and can defeat any Democrat.” 

The Republican convention met in Chicago on June 8. The 
leaders desired to make the fight upon the Democratic record, 
and the platform adopted declared: “The outstanding features 
of the Democratic Administration have been com- 
Platform? n plete unpreparedness for war and complete unpre¬ 
paredness for peace. Inexcusable failure to make 
timely preparation is the chief indictment against the Demo¬ 
cratic Administration in the conduct of the war. Had not our 
associates protected us, both by sea and land, during the first 
twelve months of our participation and furnished us to the 
very day of the armistice with munitions, planes, and artillery, 
this failure would have been punished by disaster. It directly 
resulted in unnecessary losses to our gallant troops, in the im- 
perilment of victory itself, and in enormous waste of public 
funds literally poured into the breach created by gross neglect. 
To-day it is reflected in our huge tax burden and in the high 
cost of living.” 

Upon other questions the platform reaffirmed the party’s 
faith in a protective tariff, declared in favor of a privately 
owned merchant marine, and opposed government 
issued eagUC ownership and operation, or employee operation 
of the railroads. Inasmuch as a considerable 
number of Republicans were known to be favorable to the 
League of Nations, this subject was handled somewhat gingerly. 


502 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

The platform stated that “the Republican party stands for 
agreement among the nations to preserve the peace of the world,” 
but declared that the League of Nations Covenant contained 
stipulations “not only intolerable for an independent people 
but certain to produce the injustice, hostility, and controversy 
among nations which it is proposed to prevent.” President 
Wilson’s course in demanding that the Covenant should be 
ratified without amendment was criticised, and the platform 
pledged the party, if victorious, to make “such agreement with 
the other nations of the world as shall meet the full duty of 
America to civilization and humanity in accordance with Ameri¬ 
can ideals and without surrendering the right of the American 
people to exercise its judgment and its power in favor of jus¬ 
tice and peace.” 

On the first ballot General Wood received 287^ votes, Gov¬ 
ernor Lowden 211^, Senator Johnson 133^, Senator Harding 
63 with the rest of the 984 delegates scattering their support 
among several other candidates. On subsequent 
Coofidge. and ballots the first three aspirants increased their votes 
slightly beyond their initial strength, but revela¬ 
tions of immense sums spent by overzealous supporters of Wood 
and Lowden to promote their candidacies in the pre-convention 
campaign had diminished their availability, while Senator John¬ 
son was regarded as too radical to be supported by the more con¬ 
servative elements. After a three days’ deadlock certain lead¬ 
ers effected a combination in favor of Senator Harding, and he 
was nominated on the tenth ballot. As the candidate for Vice- 
President the convention then selected Governor Calvin Coolidge 
of Massachusetts. 

Senator Harding was a native of Ohio, having been born at 
Corsica in that State in 1865. He became a printer’s devil in 
Marion when still a boy, and subsequently rose to be the pros¬ 
perous publisher of a newspaper in that town. He 
Career . 2 S served for a time in the State Senate, was elected 
lieutenant-governor in 1904, was unsuccessful in a 
race for governor in 1910, but was elected United States senator 
in 1914. His name had not been prominently associated with 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 503 

any great public measures, and to the general public he was 
comparatively unknown, but he was genial and urbane and was 
popular with his party associates. He disclaimed any title to 
greatness, saying that if he possessed any particular ability it 
was that of helping people “to march in step.” 

The Democratic national convention met in San Francisco 
on June 28. Among the active or receptive candidates were 
Attorney-General A. Mitchell Palmer of Pennsylvania, Gover¬ 
nor Alfred E. Smith of New York, ex-Secretary of 
Aspirants. 10 the Treasury McAdoo of New York, Vice-President 
Marshall of Indiana, and Governor James M. Cox 
of Ohio. Most of these men had not made an active canvass 
for delegates, an exception being Attorney-General Palmer, who 
had conducted a vigorous pre-convention campaign. McAdoo 
disclaimed being a candidate at all, but he received consider¬ 
able support, being especially popular with railway men. Be¬ 
cause of his relationship with President Wilson he was some¬ 
times referred to as the “ Son-in-Law Candidate,” and in the 
existing state of opinion toward the President this was an asset 
of doubtful value. 

On the first ballot McAdoo led with 266 votes; Palmer had 
256, Cox 134, and Smith 109, with the remainder of the 1,094 
scattered among many other candidates. On the 
Roosevelt. twelfth ballot Cox sprang into the lead, and on the 
forty-fourth ballot he was nominated. For the vice¬ 
presidency the convention selected Franklin D. Roosevelt of 
New York, assistant secretary of the navy. 

The Democratic platform hailed “with patriotic pride the 
great achievements for the country and the world” wrought by 
the Democratic Administration of President Wilson. It praised 
the Administration’s management of the war, ex- 
Piatform. tlC tolled the federal reserve system and other Demo¬ 
cratic accomplishments, reaffirmed the party’s stand 
on the tariff and other issues, denounced the course of the Re¬ 
publican Congress, and held the Republican party responsible 
for the failure to restore peace and peace conditions in Europe. 
It declared “the League of Nations ... the surest, if not the 


5o 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

only, practicable means of maintaining the permanent peace of 
the world and terminating the insufferable burden of great 
military and naval establishments.” It favored “ the immediate 
ratification of the treaty without reservations which would im¬ 
pair its essential integrity,” but did not “oppose the acceptance 
of any reservations making clearer or more specific the obliga¬ 
tions of the United States to the League Associates.” 

A new Farmer-Labor party nominated for the presidency 
Parley Parks Christensen of Utah, but this party 
Parties. cut little figure in the campaign. The Socialist 
party, for the fifth time, nominated Eugene V. Debs, 
who was serving a ten-year sentence for violation of the Espi¬ 
onage Act. 

Early in the year President Wilson had asked for a “great 
and solemn referendum” upon the question of entering the 
League of Nations. Many other Democratic leaders felt that 
in this issue lay their best prospect of success. 
TaSic? atlC During the campaign, therefore, the Democrats de¬ 
fended their record while in power, but laid great¬ 
est stress upon the League of Nations. Dire predictions were 
uttered as to what would befall the world in case the United 
States refused to ratify the Covenant. Senator Lodge and other 
opponents of the League were pictured as conspirators against 
humanity. Considerable emphasis was also laid upon the fact 
that a number of prominent Republicans had favored entering 
the League. 

This fact proved rather embarrassing to the Republican lead¬ 
ers and caused them to handle the League issue very carefully. 
Senator Harding made it plain that he would oppose our enter¬ 
ing the existing League, but said that he would en- 
Tactics! Can deavor to effect some new association of nations, a 
proposal that was characterized by his opponents 
as wholly impractical. The Republicans devoted compara¬ 
tively little attention to the League, being determined to make 
the Democratic record the main issue. They recalled that in 
1912 one of the Democratic slogans had been “Lower the cost 
of living,” and they insisted that living costs were now the 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 


505 

highest in our history. In 1916, said they, the Democrats had 
urged the re-election of Wilson because “he kept us out of 
war,” but, they emphasized, only till after election. And they 
insisted that Democratic promises in this campaign of making 
all war impossible would prove equally misleading. Great stress 
was laid upon alleged Democratic extravagance. Republican 
orators pointed out that in a little more than two years the 
Democratic administration had paid out more money than was 
expended by the nation from 1775 down to 1917, including the 
cost of all our other wars, great and small. Never before, they 
declared, had the world beheld such an orgy of waste, and they 
described in detail many of the financial scandals of the war. 

The Republican candidate for the most part conducted a 
“front-porch” campaign, though near the end of the contest he 
spoke in a number of cities. His opponent, aware that his 
The Issues c ^ ances were desperate, made long tours over the 
country, visiting, in fact, most of the States. On 
October 3 President Wilson issued an appeal to the country 
asking indorsement of the League of Nations. It proved im¬ 
possible, however, to make this the main issue of the contest. 
Neither did the personality of the candidates figure largely in 
the result. Beyond question the determining factor with the 
great majority of the voters was their attitude toward the 
Wilson Administration. 

Most seasoned political observers predicted a Republican 
victory. It proved to be unusually decisive. The Republican 
national ticket carried every Northern State, and, in addition, 
Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Missouri, 
Landslide . 1 Oklahoma, New Mexico, Arizona, and Tennessee, 
the last mentioned being the first State of the “ solid 
South” that had broken away from its Democratic moorings 
in a presidential election since 1876. Of the electoral votes 
Harding received 404, Cox 127. As the Nineteenth Amendment 
had been proclaimed part of the Constitution in August, women 
for the first time voted in all the States. The total popular 
vote was, therefore, unusually large, being almost 27,000,000. 
Of this number Harding received a plurality of almost 7,000,000. 


506 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

The Socialists polled 915,302 votes, the Farmer-Laborites, 
272,514, the Prohibitionists, 192,438. 

The closing months of Wilson’s administration continued to 
be marked by controversies with Congress. On March 4, 
1921, he gave way to Harding. In his inaugural address the 
new President appealed for an era of good feeling, 
inaugurated, urged a return to “normalcy,” and declared for a 
policy of avoiding entanglement in the affairs of 
the Old World. He expressed a willingness, however, “to asso¬ 
ciate ourselves with the nations of the world, great and small, 
for conference, for counsel, to seek the expressed views of world 
opinion, to recommend a way to approximate disarmament and 
relieve the crushing burdens of military and naval establish¬ 
ments,” but we would enter into no commitments to “subject 
our decisions to any other than our own authority.” 

President Harding’s selection of Charles E. Hughes for sec¬ 
retary of state, and of Herbert C. Hoover for secretary of 
commerce caused wide-spread satisfaction. Among the other 
cabinet appointments were for secretary of the 
Cabinet. treasury, Andrew W. Mellon, a banker and man of 
affairs of Pittsburgh; for secretary of war, ex-Sen- 
ator John W. Weeks of Massachusetts; for secretary of the 
interior, Senator Albert B. Fall of New Mexico; for secretary 
of the navy, Edwin Denby of Michigan; for attorney general, 
Harry M. Daugherty of Ohio. Daugherty’s appointment was 
made in recognition of services rendered in managing Hard¬ 
ing’s campaign for the nomination. Theodore Roosevelt, Jr., 
was made assistant secretary of the navy, a position once held 
by his father. 

The situation that faced the new administration was a seri¬ 
ous one. The process of deflation, signs of which were noticed 
before the end of 1919, continued during 1920, and toward the 

end of that year a real collapse came. By the be- 
A Period ... . 

of Deflation. g mnm g ol 1921 newspapers and magazines were 

publishing articles with such headings as “The 

Stupendous Fall in Prices” and “The Crisis in Money and 

Trade.” The crisis was world-wide and was an inevitable re- 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 


507 


suit of the war, but it was all the greater because of over- 
stimulated hopes and activities in the year following the close 
of hostilities, when prices of many articles attained heights 
that had not been reached during the conflict. Conditions 
were bad enough in the United States, but they were infinitely 
worse in Europe. There the nations that had participated in 
the war were staggering beneath tremendous debts, and all 
were embarrassed by redundant paper currencies. Even the 
British pound sterling dropped far below par; the French franc 
and the Italian lira fell much lower; the German mark soon 
would bring less than a fortieth of its face value; while in Russia 
and some other countries paper money was scarcely worth 
picking up if seen blowing about the streets. During the war 
and for some time thereafter the United States had granted 
enormous credits to European states, and particularly to our 
Allies in the conflict, but these credits could not be continued 
forever, and with their discontinuance an inevitable falling off 
in the demand for American goods took place. This breaking 
down in international exchange was one of the most serious 
factors in the situation. As for the United States, we found 
ourselves in the novel position of holding most of the world’s 
gold supply, of being Europe’s creditor to the extent of fourteen 
or fifteen billion dollars, yet being faced with a period of hard 
tunes. Over nine billions of this debt had been advanced by 
our government; the remainder represented interest and sums 
loaned by American corporations and individuals. Almost 
none of the debt due our government had been paid; in fact, 
we found it necessary to agree that for three years even the in¬ 
terest should be allowed to accumulate. 

In the fall of 1920 the fall in prices had become so serious 
that delegations of farmers and other producers visited Wash¬ 
ington to demand that the government should extend some 
form of special relief. A bill to revive the War 
Measures. Finance Corporation, which had been created to 
facilitate export trade but had now lapsed, passed 
Congress; it was vetoed by President Wilson, but Congress 
passed the measure over his veto. An emergency protective 


508 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


A Special 
Session. 


tariff bill, fathered by Representative Fordney of Michigan, was 
also vetoed by President Wilson on the day before the end of 
his term, and an attempt to override his veto in this case failed 
in the House. 

On call of President Harding the new 67th Congress con¬ 
vened on May n, 1921. In his message, delivered the follow¬ 
ing day, the President asked for retrenchment in 
expenditure, readjustment of tax burdens, the pas¬ 
sage of an emergency-tariff act, reduction of the 
high cost of living and of railway rates and cost of operation, 
and the adoption of a budget system. 

The establishment of a budget system had long been urged 
by many people interested in more economical management of 
the government, and Congress speedily enacted the necessary 
legislation. To the post of director of the budget 
System. dget President Harding appointed Charles G. Dawes, a 
Chicago financier, who as a brigadier-general had 
managed purchasing operations for the American forces in 
France. Among the other measures passed during the special 
session were a tax-reduction act, an anti-beer law, an immigra¬ 
tion-restriction act, a veterans’-bureau act, a packer’s-control 
law, a maternity act, an emergency-tariff act along the lines of 
that vetoed by President Wilson, and a measure authorizing 
the lending by the government of two billion dollars to farmers 
and dealers in farm produce. 

In his first message to Congress President Harding had an¬ 
nounced that “ In the existing League of Nations, world govern¬ 
ing with its super-powers, this Republic will have no part. . . . 

Manifestly the highest purpose of the League of 
Policy!* Nations was defeated in linking it with the treaty 
of peace and making it the enforcing agency of the 
victors of the war.” Americans would, however, applaud the 
aim to associate nations to prevent war and preserve peace. 
In order to establish a state of technical peace without further 
delay he recommended the passage by Congress of a declara¬ 
tory resolution to that effect. 

Such a resolution was carried through Congress and was 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 509 

signed by President Harding on July 2, 1921. Some weeks 
later it was announced that a separate treaty with Ger¬ 
many had been negotiated. In general this treaty 
Ended ar secured to the United States the advantages con¬ 

tained in the Treaty of Versailles but eliminated the 
League of Nations. A similar treaty was signed with Austria. 
In the Senate the treaties were opposed by the Wilson element 
of the Democratic party, but enough Democratic senators joined 
with the Republican majority to secure ratification of both 
pacts. On November 12 President Harding formally declared 
peace with Germany and six days later with Austria. 

On November 12, on the invitation of President Harding, 
there met in Washington a great international conference to 
consider Pacific problems and the limitation of naval arma- 
The ments. Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan, China, 

Washington Belgium, Holland, and Portugal were represented 
Conference. ag we ^ as ^ United States. The American dele¬ 
gation consisted of Secretary of State Hughes, ex-Secretary of 
State Elihu Root, and Senators Lodge and Underwood, the last 
mentioned a Democrat. Among the distinguished foreign rep¬ 
resentatives were Viviani and Briand of France, Balfour of 
Great Britain, Premier Tokugawa and Admiral Kato of Japan. 

The time was opportune for such a meeting. On the pre¬ 
vious day there had been laid in Arlington Cemetery, amid im¬ 
pressive ceremonies, the body of an unknown American soldier 
The brought from the battle-fields of France, and the'ser- 

Moment vices had helped to create a sentiment that proved 

Opportune, exceedingly helpful to the purposes for which the 
conference was called. In his welcoming address President 
Harding reflected that sentiment. The call, he said, was “not 
of the United States of America alone; it is rather the spoken 
word of a war-wearied world, struggling for restoration, hun¬ 
gering and thirsting for better relationship; of humanity cry¬ 
ing for relief and craving assurances of lasting peace.” The 
staggering burden of immense national debts was alone suffi¬ 
cient to render people anxious to escape from the cost of main¬ 
taining such great fleets as were in existence. 


510 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

However, many obstacles lay in the way of success, and com¬ 
paratively few people were confident of a happy outcome. 
That success crowned the efforts of the conference was due in 
statesman g reat measure to the experience, high character, 
ship of courtesy, and statesmanship of Secretary Hughes, 
who was elected permanent chairman. With a 
boldness that almost took the breath of the delegates, he im¬ 
mediately made a concrete proposal that for a period of not 
less than ten years there should be no further construction of 
capital ships, and that the existing navies of Great Britain, the 
United States, and Japan should be greatly reduced by scrap¬ 
ping the older battleships and all the capital ships under con¬ 
struction. 

In the months that the conference remained in session doubt 
and uncertainty frequently hovered over the deliberations, but 
ultimately agreements were reached not only regarding the re- 
Resuits duction of naval armaments, but also regarding 

of the delicate and dangerous Pacific problems that men- 

Conference. ace ^ ^ peace of the world. The chief results of 
the conference may be summarized as follows: (i) A five-power 
naval-limitation treaty providing for a ten years’ naval holi¬ 
day and for the reduction of the navies of Great Britain, the 
United States, Japan, France, and Italy. The ratio of naval 
strength for these powers was fixed at 5-5-3-1.7-1.7 respec¬ 
tively. (2) A five-power treaty prohibiting the use of poison- 
gas in warfare and of the submarine against merchantmen. 
(3) A four-power Pacific treaty replacing the Anglo-Japanese 
alliance, which, some Americans believed, was being used by 
Japan to screen her imperialistic motives in Asia and in the 
Pacific, where her activities were being anxiously watched in 
the United States. Under this treaty the contracting parties. 
Great Britain, France, Japan, and the United States, bound 
themselves to respect each other’s insular possessions in the 
Pacific. (4) A nine-power pact safeguarding Chinese sover¬ 
eignty and the principle of equal opportunity in trade in 
China—that is, John Hay’s policy of “the open door.” (5) A 
separate treaty between China and Japan settling the dan- 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 511 

gerous dispute over Shantung. (6) An agreement between the 
United States and Japan securing American rights in Yap and 
other former German islands over which Japan had been given 
a mandate by the Treaty of Versailles. 

In the Senate some of the treaties were opposed by a few 
Republicans and by a considerable number of Democrats, but 
all were duly ratified after a comparatively short 
Ratified^ contest, though slight changes were made in the 
four-power Pacific pact. The agreements were also 
finally ratified by the other powers concerned, though there was 
discouraging delay on the part of some, especially by Italy and 
France. 

In the summer of 1922 much financial loss to the country 
occurred as a result of wide-spread strikes of railway shopmen 
and coal miners. Despite strikes, business gradually improved, 
but conditions continued unsatisfactory in some 
Reaction^ places and for some classes. Discontent over finan¬ 
cial conditions united with other forms of discon¬ 
tent to bring about a decided political reaction in the elections 
of November, 1922. Most Republicans had expected the usual 
“ off-year ” swing toward the party in opposition, but few were 
prepared for what actually took place. The Democrats car¬ 
ried many States which they had lost by overwhelming majori¬ 
ties two years before. The great Republican majority of 165 
in the House was reduced almost to the vanishing point. The 
only Socialist elected was Victor L. Berger of Milwaukee, a 
former member of the House, who was again elected to that 
body. Berger had been elected in 1918 and again in a special 
election, but had been excluded because he had been convicted 
under the Espionage Act of seditious utterances. As the sen¬ 
tence had been set aside by the Supreme Court, he was per¬ 
mitted to take his seat when the new Congress assembled. 
The “wet” and “dry” issue and the Ku Klux Klan, an organi¬ 
zation that reminded the historian somewhat of the Know 
Nothing movement of the ’5o’s, played a part in election re¬ 
sults in some regions. 

The 67th Congress, before its expiration in March, 1923, 


512 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


passed a number of important acts, including the Fordney- 
McCumber Tariff Bill. This measure provided for very high 
Fordney protection upon a great number of articles, includ- 
McCumber ing wool, sugar, textiles, wheat, dyes, and clothing. 

Treasury officials estimated that the new tariff would 
bring in over $100,000,000 a year more revenue than the sum 
obtained under the Underwood Act. Democratic leaders de¬ 
clared that it would cost consumers more than $3,000,000,000 
a year in increased prices. A special feature of the act was that 
it gave the President power until July 1, 1924, upon recommen¬ 
dation of the Tariff Commission, to raise or lower rates not 
more than 50 per cent. 

President Harding vetoed a Bonus Bill and a bill for increas¬ 
ing pensions, and he failed to obtain the passage of a ship-sub¬ 
sidy measure, for which he earnestly labored. He deemed a 
w . . subsidy necessary to stimulate our merchant ma- 

Merchant- J % J 

Shipping rine, which found itself unable to compete satisfac- 
Probiems. torily with foreign shipping. The nation itself 
owned a great number of merchant ships that had been built 
during the war, and hundreds of these were laid up in harbors, 
deteriorating in value and a charge upon the government. 
Many of these were ultimately sold to private firms or indi¬ 
viduals. On September 12, 1922, the government sold at com¬ 
petitive sale 226 wooden ships for a total sum of $750,000, which 
was about the original cost of one such vessel. These ships had, 
in fact, proved a horrible failure, and the opposition of General 
Goethals to their construction turned out to be fully justified. 

During these years European affairs remained chaotic, but 
the United States persisted in its policy of aloofness. Many 
Americans continued to insist that we should play a more active 
part in overseas questions, and the country was 
Relations. deluged with foreign propaganda urging us to join 
the League of Nations, to cancel the debts owed to 
us by foreign nations, to advance still further sums, to aid or 
oppose the French and Belgian seizure of the Ruhr. Home in¬ 
terests that desired to sell more goods abroad also sought to bring 
about the granting of still further loans to European states. 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 


5i3 


The number of American troops in the occupied part of Ger¬ 
many was gradually decreased, and when France and Belgium, 
in January, 1923, seized the Ruhr valley, President Harding or¬ 
dered home the remainder, slightly over 1,000 in 
of Troops* number. The withdrawal of the troops served to 
call attention to the fact that although the armistice 
provided that the cost of occupation should form a first claim 
upon indemnities exacted from Germany, the United States had 
not received its share of such money and was out the cost of 
maintaining its troops in the occupied zone—a sum amounting 
to about $250,000,000. Negotiations with the Allied govern¬ 
ments concerning this matter proved unsatisfactory and helped 
merely to bring out the selfish policy of some of our former asso¬ 
ciates in the war. 

Almost equally unsatisfactory were negotiations concerning 
debts owed by Allied states to our government. These debts, 
with accrued interest, amounted by 1922 to about $11,000,000,- 
000. Early in that year Congress passed legislation 
Debts. n providing for the appointment of a commission to 
refund or convert this debt. Our debtors advanced 
a great variety of ingenious arguments for our cancelling the 
debts altogether, and some sentiment in favor of the step was 
expressed by certain Americans, notably by sentimentalists and 
by those anxious to sell goods in Europe. But the public gen¬ 
erally favored collecting the debt. Toward the end of 1922 
Great Britain began the payment of interest, and early the fol¬ 
lowing year a British financial mission, headed by Stanley Bald¬ 
win, chancellor of the exchequer, came to the United States and 
negotiated a plan concerning payment of the British debt as a 
whole. The total sum, including accrued interest, amounted 
on December 22, 1922, to $4,604,128,085.74. Of this amount 
$4,128,085.74 was to be paid in cash. For the remainder Brit¬ 
ish bonds were to be issued to the United States, bearing 3 per 
cent interest, payable semiannually, the principal to be paid 
in instalments for sixty-two years, with the privilege of earlier 
payment on any interest date upon ninety days’ notice. It was 
an honorable adjustment in keeping with the best British tra- 


514 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


ditions of honesty in business transactions. Similar under¬ 
standings were reached with certain minor debtors, but nego¬ 
tiations with France and Italy failed. Some Frenchmen said, 
by way of excuse, that France could not repay the United States 
until Germany had been made to pay France. It seems in¬ 
creasingly probable that a large part of the money advanced 
to our associates during the war period will never be recovered. 

On February 24, 1923, President Harding sent to the Senate 
a special message asking its consent to the participation of the 
United States in the International Court of Justice created at 
The Hague by the League of Nations. He made it 
Court. atl ° nal c ^ ear > however, that such a step must not involve 
the United States in any obligations under the 
League of Nations Covenant. The proposal met a cordial re¬ 
ception in many quarters, but was opposed by a number of sena¬ 
tors, including certain so-called “irreconcilable” Republicans. 

In June President Harding, with a large party, set out from 
the capital on a tour through the West and to Alaska. He 
made numerous speeches along the way and while returning 
made a neighborly call at Vancouver, the first in¬ 
stance of an American President visiting Canada. 
The President’s health had not been good when he 
left Washington, and the trip made serious inroads upon his 
strength. At Seattle he became very ill. His speaking en¬ 
gagements were cancelled, and he was taken to San Francisco 
to quarters in the Palace Hotel. The public became aware that 
his condition was grave, that his recovery was doubtful. Pres¬ 
ently, however, the symptoms of disease seemed to be disap¬ 
pearing, and on August 2 the medical specialists who were in 
attendance issued a bulletin assuring the public that the danger 
was practically past. That evening, while his wife was read¬ 
ing aloud to him from a magazine article concerning his course 
as President, a shudder ran through his frame, and he was 
dead. The cause was a sudden apoplectic stroke; death was 
almost instantaneous, and probably painless. 

President Harding was the third President to die in office of 
natural causes, three others having been assassinated. His 


Death of 
Harding. 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 


5i5 


death, following as it did the breakdown of his predecessor, 
Presidential Wilson > turned the attention of the public in a 
Heavy t0 ° tragic wa Y to the fact that the duties and respon¬ 
sibilities of the presidential office had become too 
heavy for one man to bear, and many proposals were made for 
lightening his burdens. In the early days of the Republic, 
though the responsibilities of the office were heavy, the actual 
labor connected with it was comparatively light. But as the 
Republic increased in size and population the President’s duties 
became more and more multifarious and arduous until only a 
man of almost superhuman vitality, such as Roosevelt, could 
perform all the tasks that fell to him and retain his health. 
Even at the irreducible minimum the duties of the office must 
necessarily be a gigantic burden. There are many things that 
cannot be delegated to others. Furthermore, the President is 
usually the titular, and often the real, head of his party; not 
infrequently the strain growing out of political complications 
bears harder upon a President than does the actual conduct of 
the nation’s business. When all is said, however, much could 
undoubtedly be done to lighten his load. Many decisions and 
routine matters could be left to cabinet members or other subor¬ 
dinates. Furthermore, thoughtless persons out of mere curi¬ 
osity take too much of his time; there are too many demands 
upon him for speeches; and some Presidents are inclined to wear 
themselves out by exhausting journeys. Presidents should con¬ 
serve their time and energies, and the public should aid them 
to do so. And it goes without saying that Presidents should 
keep themselves fit by taking sufficient physical exercise. Yet 
Presidents have been subjected to criticism for playing golf or 
tennis, and presidential cruises on the official yacht Mayflower 
have sometimes been called “joy rides.” 

Vice-President Coolidge was at his father’s farm at Plymouth, 
Vermont, when word was brought to him, late at night, that 
Coolidge President Harding was dead. He took the oath of 

Assumes office from his father, who was a notary public, and 

0ffice " issued a statement similar to that given out by 

Roosevelt after McKinley’s death, to the effect that he would 


516 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

continue the policies of his predecessor, and desired those who 
had aided him to remain in office. 

The new President was a native of Vermont and was fifty- 
one years old. He graduated from Amherst College, cum laudc , 
in 1895, and gained distinction in college by winning first place 
in a competition open to students of all colleges 
Characfer^ with an essay on “The Principles for Which the 
Revolution Was Fought.” He began the practice 
of law at Northampton, Massachusetts, in 1897, entered politics, 
and was successively a member of the city council, county clerk, 
State representative, mayor, State senator, president of the 
Senate, lieutenant-governor, and governor in 1919 and 1920. 
As governor, by his firm handling of a police strike in Boston, he 
won national attention, and when in 1920 Republican leaders 
deemed it desirable to nominate an Eastern man for the vice¬ 
presidency, he was chosen. Commentators on his career were 
inclined to emphasize his political “luck,” his practical turn of 
mind, his sense of public duty, and his astonishing taciturnity. 
“He is as silent as a Trappist monk,” wrote one of his friends, 
“but on occasion he speaks more effectively than most men of 
many words. He is as unobtrusive as a second violin in an 
orchestra, but he sees all there is to see and asserts himself 
when necessary. Nobody slaps him on the back, but almost 
everybody likes him. Exuberant flamboyancy subsides, abashed 
in his presence. He never forgets. He keeps his word and ex¬ 
pects other men to keep theirs. Look at him merely in a room 
full of public men and he is the last you would consider as a 
man of destiny. Yet he has run for many offices and never 
been defeated; he has dealt with emergencies and increased his 
fame by his action; he has played to no gallery; yet he fills a 
great place in the popular imagination.” 

The new Executive possessed one advantage over any Vice- 
President who had succeeded a dead chief. At the beginning 
of his presidency Harding had adopted the custom 
innovation. of having the Vice-President attend the cabinet 
meetings. In consequence when suddenly called to 
the presidency Coolidge possessed a better knowledge of the pub- 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 


5i7 


lie business than he could otherwise have had, and he was also 
better acquainted with the characteristics of the cabinet offi¬ 
cers who would be his assistants. 

In Mexico after the overthrow of Carranza in 1920, General 
Obregon obtained control and evolved a condition of compara¬ 
tive peace and order. Villa retired to a large ranch granted to 
him by the government, and in July, 1923, was 
Affairs!* 1 eliminated from the situation by private enemies, 
who shot him from ambush. In the following 
month the United States formally recognized the Obregon gov¬ 
ernment, and diplomatic relations were resumed with Mexico 
after having been broken for more than a decade. Later in 
the year new disorders developed, and the situation became so 
grave that the United States imposed an embargo on the pri¬ 
vate shipment of arms to Mexico and sold to the Obregon gov¬ 
ernment a large quantity of war munitions, including rifles and 
airplanes. 

President Coolidge’s first message to Congress was delivered 
in person and was broadcasted by radio to all parts of the 
United States. In it he took the stand that so far as America 
Coolidge’s was concerne< ^ the League of Nations was a closed 
First incident, but he favored adherence to the World 

Message. Court. Foremost among domestic problems he 

placed the reduction of taxation. For the fiscal year ending 
June 30, 1923, there had been a surplus of $309,000,000, and the 
President estimated the surplus for the current year at $329,- 
000,000. He advocated, therefore, a reduction of the heavy 
burden of taxation, and recommended the adoption of a plan 
that had been formulated by Secretary of the Treasury Mellon. 
For years a powerful effort had been made to grant a soldiers’ 
bonus. Upon this subject he merely said: “I do not favor the 
granting of a bonus.” The bonus issue was much debated in 
Congress and seemed likely to be an issue in the coming presi¬ 
dential campaign. 

It was probable that the League of Nations would also be an 
issue once more. In a radio message to Americans on the eve 
of Armistice Day, in 1923, ex-President Wilson deplored the 


5 i8 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


“shameful fact” of our withdrawal from all “responsible 
part in the administration of peace” into “a sullen and selfish 
isolation . . . manifestly cowardly and dishonor- 
Sue LeagUe able” and declared that opponents of the League 
were flying in the face of Providence itself. Not all 
Democratic leaders, however, wished to make the League a 
leading issue. 

This message proved to be the last ever addressed by Wil¬ 
son to his countrymen. His health had not been good even 
when he first entered the presidency, and he had never really 
recovered from the apoplectic stroke suffered in 
Wibon° f I 9 I 9 - Late January, 1924, he became critically 
ill and on February 3 he died. The passing of 
few men has attracted such world-wide attention, and natu¬ 
rally the event aroused a great diversity of comment upon his 
career. It is yet too soon to pass judgment upon his place 
in history. 

Meanwhile business conditions had been improving. Dur¬ 
ing 1922 stocks and bonds rose far above the low levels to which 
they had fallen in 1920 and 1921, and by 1923, in¬ 
stead of lack of employment, there was an actual 
dearth of workers. Despite disturbed European 
conditions and many unsolved domestic problems, the United 
States seemed to be entering upon a new era of prosperity. 

Of the great occupations that of agriculture proved slowest 
to return to satisfactory financial conditions. Agrarian dis¬ 
content was mainly responsible for the strength developed by 
an organization called the Non-Partisan League, 
Discontent, which gained political control for a time in North 
Dakota and exercised much influence in other 
northwestern States. In the election of 1922 a Farmer-Labor 
party won a victory in Minnesota, electing its candidate, Henry 
Shipstead, to the federal Senate over Senator Kellogg, the Re¬ 
publican nominee. Some months later the venerable Senator 
Nelson of the same State died, and in a special election held to 
choose his successor the Farmer-Laborites again triumphed, 
electing Magnus Johnson, a farmer who held opinions similar 


Better 

Times. 


THE RETURN OF THE REPUBLICANS 519 

to those of Senator La Follette and others of the so-called radi¬ 
cal group in Congress. 

Before President Harding’s death it seemed practically cer¬ 
tain that he would be renominated to succeed himself. Whether 
he would be re-elected was a more doubtful matter, for much 
political discontent existed. Harding’s death and 
Outlook! 1Ca the accession of Coolidge changed the situation 
somewhat. But in his first months in office Coolidge 
made a favorable impression upon the country, and at the be¬ 
ginning of 1924 it seemed probable that he would be nominated 
to succeed himself. Up to that time no other Republican can¬ 
didate had entered the field except Senator Johnson of Cali¬ 
fornia, and his campaign appeared to be making slight head¬ 
way. Among Democrats a feeling existed that they had an 
excellent opportunity to return to power, and a number of 
leaders, among them ex-Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo, 
Senator Underwood, Governor Smith of New York, and Senator 
Ralston of Indiana became active or receptive candidates for 
the Democratic nomination. Great interest existed as to 
whether Henry Ford, the automobile manufacturer of Detroit, 
would attempt to win the presidency, and, if so, with what 
party he would affiliate. In 1918 he had run for the senatorship 
in Michigan on the Democratic ticket, but many observers 
thought he would run for the presidency as an independent. 
He was popular with a large number of the people, though many 
doubted his qualifications for the presidency, nor was his name 
viewed with much favor by the politicians of either party. 
Toward the end of 1923 Ford simplified the situation by de¬ 
claring that he would not be a candidate. He paid a tribute 
to President Coolidge and asked: “Why make a change?” 


CHAPTER XXV 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 

There have been, as Voltaire long ago pointed out, certain 
periods in the history of mankind in which the human spirit 
has risen to unusual heights. In Greece there was the age of 
Pericles, in Rome that of Augustus, in England that of Eliza¬ 
beth, in France that of Louis XIV. There can be little doubt 
that our own generation is living in a period which men in 
future ages will look back upon as marking an epoch of unusual 
interest and brilliance. We have beheld the discovery of ra¬ 
dium and the X-ray; the invention of the telephone and the 
talking-machine, of wireless telegraphy and the moving-picture; 
the application of electricity to rapid transit and to propelling 
machinery; the submarine perfected and the air conquered by 
the airplane; the last great geographical problems solved by 
the discovery of the poles; unexampled expansion in higher 
education and in material wealth; the emancipation of woman; 
and we have experienced the greatest war in history. In nearly 
all the manifestations of this wonderful age America has played 
a part, and in many a leading part. 

Let us consider first America’s material progress. The cen¬ 
sus of 1920 emphasized the fact that the nation had been trans¬ 
formed in 60 years. Its area had increased more than 700,000 
square miles, and its population of 115,000,000, in- 
Popuktion. eluding Alaska and the insular possessions, was more 
than treble the number who had welcomed peace 
at the close of the great civil conflict. The number of inhabi¬ 
tants per square mile in the United States proper had jumped 
from 13 to a fraction over 35, and the centre of population had 
shifted westward from 48 miles east by north of Cincinnati to 
a point in Owen County, Indiana. 

Wealth had multiplied even more rapidly than population. 

520 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


521 


In 1870 the total value of all property approximated $24,000,- 
000,000 (gold); the average per-capita wealth was about $600. 
Wealth. I 9 2 ° the national wealth was estimated at 

$200,000,000,000, or even more, while the per-capita 
wealth was three or four times that of i860. Sight should not 
be lost of the fact that the purchasing power of a dollar had 
greatly declined, but, when all due allowance is made, the fact 
remains that in no other country had there ever been such a 
stupendous heaping up of material possessions. 

The nation had prospered, yet not all its people had pros¬ 
pered. £0ne of the most alarming features of the times was 
the tendency to concentration of wealth in a few hands. In 
America, as in all other countries, there had been 
Distribution, inequality in wealth, but never before such startling 
extremes. When George Washington died, in 1799,, 
he was probably the richest citizen of the republic, yet his 
estate fell below three-quarters of a million. For six decades 
thereafter, though there were many men of wealth, there were 
few men of great wealth. The Civil War produced a consider¬ 
able crop of millionaires, and in the industrial expansion of the 
next half-century vast fortunes sprang up like mushrooms after 
a warm spring rain. 

Since then individual fortunes have been piled up to heights 
hitherto undreamed of, and with a rapidity so marvellous that 
the beholder is reminded of Aladdin’s wonderful lamp. The 
fortune of the richest American of all is variously 
Fortune Cdible estimated, but it is safe to assume that, including 
the vast sums he has given away, he has amassed 
more than $360,000,000, probably much more. The mind can 
scarcely grasp what such a sum means. To acquire it by ordi¬ 
nary means would take a long time. If Adam on the day of 
his creation in the Garden had begun working for some gen¬ 
erous employer at a salary of $200 a day and all expenses, in¬ 
cluding those of his side-partner and the little Cains and Abels, 
if he had lived and worked 300 days in every year until the 
present time, if he had deposited every dollar in some vault 
where neither rust could corrupt nor thieves break through and 


522 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

steal, he would now, after the expiration of 6,000 years of unex¬ 
ampled industry, be worth less than the sum acquired in a single 
lifetime by our fellow citizen of Pocantico and Forest Hill. 

It would be a great mistake to assume that most millionaires 
have misused their wealth. Rockefeller has given away over 
$300,000,000, mostly to higher education; Carnegie built li¬ 
braries and peace temples, established a hero fund 
Benefactions. anc * a fund for pensioning college professors, and 
before his death in 1919 his total benefactions also 
exceeded $300,000,000. Other men of great wealth have given 
immense sums to all manner of good causes and in other ways 
have shown that they regarded themselves only as “stewards” 
of their possessions. Nevertheless, thinking men could not 
but deplore the fact that a few men can amass such incredible 
wealth, while great numbers can scarcely secure a roof to shel¬ 
ter them or clothes to hide their nakedness. • 

Some years before the Civil War the historian Macaulay 
wrote to an American friend regarding American conditions: 
“Your fate I believe to be certain, though it is deferred by a 
physical cause. As long as you have a boundless 
Prediction ? extent of fertile and unoccupied land, your laboring 
population will be far more at ease than the laboring 
population of the Old World. ... [A day will come when] 
wages will be as low and will fluctuate as much with you as with 
us. You will have your Manchesters and Birminghams, and 
in those Manchesters and Birminghams hundreds of thousands 
of artisans will assuredly be sometime out of work. Then your 
institutions will be fairly brought to the test.” 

Before the close of the last century events had already begun 
to justify the great historian’s remarkable prediction. Free 
land, long the great solvent for poverty and social unrest, w r as 
The Test practically exhausted; Chicago and Pittsburgh and 
other industrial centres had surpassed Manchester 
and Birmingham; and, though wages, measured in terms of 
money, were not so low as in England, they fluctuated more, 
the cost of living was higher, and it was by no means uncom¬ 
mon for even millions of artisans to be out of work. Already 







105 Longitude 100 VVe 


Ewan o McYsuto 




M north 
irBismarck' 


f- peye nn> 


Denver 


OklaKo 


170 Long 100 \V. 150 of 140 Gr lit 


/ /«# c s. 

■v, / .y*'**'. 

W_^ccHBVx:ircl. 




iO Uing.\V.l,i8 of Gr, 


OAHU'C^ 


MOLOKAI 


Honolulu 


HAWAIIAN IS. HAWAII 1 
1898 

SCALE OF MUES 

J) 50 lOO 15(1 


GUAM 

1898 


SCALE OF M'LES 


L.L. POATES CO 


105 Longitude 


West 


J U fy 

CLjv_ 


f / 

/ Us? ^ 


1 \ 










































































































A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


523 


American institutions were being subjected to close scrutiny, 
and voices were heard declaring that the old order must give 
way to a new one, evolved to meet the changed conditions of a 
new age. 

In the ’8o’s and ’go’s radicals like Henry George and Henry 
D. Lloyd began to talk of the “plutocracy,” and to cry out 
against the dangers of “wealth against commonwealth.” Grad¬ 
ually discontent spread. For a score of generations 
Battik Anglo-Saxons had been travelling the stony road to 
political equality, and in theory at least the goal 
had been attained. But men were beginning to realize that 
political equality was a poor thing unless through it they could 
obtain something approaching equality of economic oppor¬ 
tunity. Thus the old question of equality came to the front 
again, but with a new face. Populism, progressivism, socialism, 
Bolshevism, were all manifestations of this new struggle for 
human rights. 

Many plans were propounded for preventing the future 
concentration of wealth, and for breaking up already existing 
fortunes. The income taxes imposed by States and nation re¬ 
sulted from the feeling that men of wealth should 
Breaking up bear an extra share of public financial burdens. 
Fortunes Inheritance taxes, whether State or federal, have 
thus far been levied merely for the sake of raising 
revenues; but some men—among them Andrew Carnegie, 
Justice Brewer, Theodore Roosevelt, and Vice-President Mar¬ 
shall—have advocated heavier taxes of this sort to break up 
the great fortunes. Some believe that the amount of money 
that can be transmitted to a descendant should be limited to a 
comparatively small amount. According to their view we 
should not fail to cherish the praiseworthy sentiment that has 
an affectionate regard for the future welfare of those dear to 
and dependent upon us, but this should not be done in such a 
way as to tolerate a concentration of wealth that discourages 
exertion and creates a class of drones who consume immense 
quantities of wealth and contribute little or nothing to the 
support of the race. Even to heirs themselves the bequest of 


5 2 4 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

great wealth is likely, in the words of Carnegie, to prove an 
u almighty curse.” Inasmuch as probably about a fiftieth of 
the wealth of the United States each year would become sub¬ 
ject to taxes on inheritances exceeding $10,000, it is apparent 
that herein lies an immense source of possible income and one 
likely to be more and more used, especially now that the na¬ 
tion’s financial needs have been multiplied by the war. 


During half a century many notable changes had taken place 
in the distribution of population. Vast areas in the West that 
in 1870 did not contain a single white inhabitant were now well 
Distribution sett ^* Almost three-fourths of all the people, 
of however, still lived in the region east of the Missis- 

Population. g-pp-^ although that region constituted less than a 
third of the whole area. A third of the total population resided 
in the six States of Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, 
New Jersey, Ohio, and Illinois, whose total area was only 204,- 
822 square miles. Rhode Island, the smallest of all the States, 
was also the most thickly populated, having an average of 566.4 
persons per square mile; while arid Nevada, the least thickly 
settled, had only .7 per square mile. It was, of course, natural 
that the older States should be most thickly populated, but the 
inequalities had been greatly increased by the fact that most 
immigrants entered the land through eastern gateways. Lack¬ 
ing money for a longer journey, millions of immigrants did not 
penetrate far from tidewater. Though a large proportion were 
accustomed to agricultural life and should have gone, there¬ 
fore, to the broad reaches of the boundless West, most had to 
settle down in the industrial regions of the East, thus adding to 
the congestion of population in centres like New York City’s 
East Side. 

At the close of the Civil War the United States was still 

Increase of ma i n ly an agricultural country, though manufac- 

Urban turing had made great progress. In 1870 only 20.Q 

Population. , . . . * .. , . . 

per cent of the population lived in towns of 2,500 
or over. In the next five decades manufacturing made wonder¬ 
ful strides and the urban population increased correspondingly, 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


525 

rising to 51.4 per cent in 1920. In all, 54,304,603 people lived in 
cities, or 14,000,000 more than the whole population in 1870. In 
New England the urban dwellers outnumbered the rural popula¬ 
tion by more than three to one. In the South the cities contained 
only about one-fourth of the inhabitants, but even there the ur¬ 
ban population was increasing faster than that in the country. 

The rush to cities became so great that some rural localities 
actually decreased in population. During the first decade of 
the new century seventy-one of the ninety-one counties of Iowa 
showed such a decrease. The tendency to rural 
Problems. depopulation was so pronounced that a movement 
was launched to counteract it, the slogan being 
“Back to the farm!” President Roosevelt was one of the pro¬ 
moters of this movement, and he appointed a special Country 
Life Commission to investigate rural needs. Rural free de¬ 
livery, telephones, better roads, better schools, more scientific 
farming methods, and the automobile have done much to make 
country life more attractive and profitable, and to transform 
the mental outlook of farmers, many of whom in the past have 
been too content to vegetate like their own potatoes, parsnips, 
or pumpkins. The movement to the cities is, however, not yet 
checked, and is stimulated by the fact that urban manufacturers 
even of luxuries are able to pay higher wages than can rural 
producers of necessities. 

Immigration had attained such proportions that the very 
blood of the nation was being changed by it. In prosperous 
times the horde which in a single year poured into New York 
harbor several times exceeded the total number of 
immigrants!^ Visigoths who in 376 crossed the Danube and began 
the barbarian invasion of the Roman Empire. 
Repeatedly the number of immigrants exceeded 1,000,000, the 
greatest number being 1,285,349, in 1907. In the decade 1904- 
14 more than 10,000,000 came in, which was about a third of 
the total population in i860. Great numbers, however, per¬ 
haps almost a half, ultimately returned home. 

In the early part of our period the tide that flowed through 
Castle Garden was mostly made up of Irish, English, and Ger- 


526 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

mans. In the ’70’s and ’8o’s other peoples began to turn their 
faces westward in increasing numbers. Danes, Norwegians, 
Their and Swedes made up much of the swarm that 

Changing settled the wheat lands of the Northwest. Later 
arae er. more sou therly peoples—Poles, Magyars, Slovaks, 
Russian Jews, Italians, Greeks, and Syrians—came flocking in, 
and, when free land was practically exhausted, they herded for 
the most part in congested centres of great cities and lowered 
wages and the standard of living. In the period i860 to 1910 
the number of Austrians in the United States increased from 
25,061 to 1,174,924; of Hungarians from a figure so small that 
they were not enumerated to 495,609; of Italians from 11,677 
to 1,343,125. On the other hand, there were more Irish-born 
inhabitants in i860 than in 1910. The number of German-born 
sprang from 1,276,075 to 2,501,333, but in the later years immi¬ 
gration from the Kaiser’s domain greatly decreased, being only 
27,788 in 1912. There were, in fact, in the United States 300,- 
000 fewer German-born in 1910 than in 1900. 

The influx of immigrants tended not only to change the blood 
of the nation but also its customs and even its religion. In no 
section were such changes more marked than in New England. 

Even in colonial times New York and Pennsylvania 
Transforming had been meeting-grounds for many races, but New 
New England. England was settled almost wholly by Englishmen, 
and even as late as 1800 probably 98 per cent of the 
blood was English. But the sons and daughters of New Eng¬ 
land followed Horace Greeley’s advice to “go West.” Their 
places were taken by French Canadians and Irish, and later by 
Italians and other southern Europeans, so that by 1910 two- 
thirds of the people of Massachusetts were of foreign birth or 
recent foreign extraction, while the same thing was true of over 
half the population of all New England. It is one of the curious 
ironies of history that the original settlers, the Puritans, fled 
from overseas to escape the relics of “popery” in the Anglican 
Church. They persecuted Antinomians, Baptists, and Quakers, 
and when in Boston, in 1686, a clergyman of the Church of 
England, under the protection of the King’s agent, performed 















































































A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


527 


the Episcopal service with the prayer-book and the usual ac¬ 
cessories, it caused great scandal, and some of the people called 
the clergyman “Baal’s priest,” while one of their own ministers 
from his pulpit denounced the “praiers” as “leeks, garlic, and 
trash.” To-day New England is the most Catholic section of 
the country, with the exception of the Mountain States, and in 
1910 the Catholic inhabitants outnumbered the Protestants 
two to one. Boston was a Catholic city. Its mayor and most 
of its public officers were Catholics. The spires of a cross- 
crowned cathedral rose high over the tower of the Old South 
Church, and cassock-clad priests said their prayers within ear¬ 
shot of the most sacred precincts of the Puritans. 

As for New York City, which was cosmopolitan almost from 
the beginning, it is a modern Babel. It contains more Jews 
than ever lived in Jerusalem except during the feast of the 
Passover, more persons of German extraction than 
YorkTity. inhabit any German city except Berlin, more 
Italians than in Venice or Naples, more Irish than 
reside in Dublin. There are more Cohens than Smiths in its 
directory, and the Hebrew population about equals the native 
stock, which in 1920 numbered 1,164,834 out of a total of 
5,620,048. 

Opposition to foreigners was one of the cardinal principles 
of the Know-Nothings in the ’50’s, and from that time to this 
warning- voices were often raised against the danger of per- 
Restriction fitting the influx of immigrants to continue un- 
of restricted. But Americans had long regarded their 

Immigration. as a haven j n which the oppressed could find 

a home, and were loath to raise the bars. Furthermore, indus¬ 
try desired cheap labor, and steamship companies made vast 
sums transporting immigrants to American shores, while Catho¬ 
lic influence was naturally against restrictions. Exclusion laws 
were passed against the Chinese, and, beginning with 1882, a 
series of acts debarred criminals, paupers, and certain other un¬ 
desirables, forbade the importation of contract laborers, and 
laid down other regulations. An act of 1907, passed under 
Roosevelt, made entrance somewhat more difficult and also 


528 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

created an immigration commission, which studied the problem 
and recommended further restrictions, including a literacy test. 
A bill providing such a test finally became a law over Wilson’s 
veto in 1917. Immigration had already greatly decreased as a 
result of the war, but a new influx began when peace came. 
Congress imposed a temporary restriction providing that the 
number of immigrants in one year from a given country must 
not exceed 3 per cent of the persons from that country here in 
1910. Early in 1924 a House committee voted in favor of re¬ 
ducing the percentage to 2, and of changing the date to 1890. 
The change in date would greatly diminish immigration from 
southern and southeastern Europe. 

The most serious of all race problems is still that of the 
negro, though relatively it is less serious than formerly. There 
was a period in which alarmists pictured the African race as 
reproducing so rapidly that it would swamp the 
Problem™ white population. The census figures show, how¬ 
ever, that this is not likely to happen. According 
to the census of 1870, which was defective on this subject, the 
total number of persons of African descent was 5,392,172. In 
the next fifty years the colored population increased to 10,463,- 
131. In the same period the ratio of colored population com¬ 
pared with the whole population decreased from 13.5 to 9.9 per 
cent. In 1790 the negroes made up 19.3 per cent of the popula¬ 
tion. The fact is that though the negro birth-rate is high, their 
death-rate much exceeds that of the white race; furthermore, 
their number is not increased to any extent by immigration. 
On the other hand, the theory sometimes propounded that the 
negroes will die out and disappear is also unlikely to be realized 
—at least not within many centuries. It is true that pneumonia, 
tuberculosis, and venereal diseases are alarmingly prevalent 
among them; nevertheless, they continue to increase, and only 
when their number becomes stationary or begins to decline will 
it be reasonable to predict their ultimate extinction. However, 
the pure African type is already rapidly disappearing. This is 
due, in part, to white trespasses across the color fine, though it 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


529 


seems to be beyond question that direct infusion of white 
blood into the race is relatively less than formerly. Mulattoes, 
however, are constantly intermixing with the pure-blooded 
blacks, and it is not improbable that in the course of a few 
generations the genuine black will be as extinct as the dodo 
and that this will result even should all sexual relations between 
Caucasians and Africans cease. It is likely, however, that the 
tendency known among anthropologists as “reversion to type” 
wfll tend to keep the negroes in America decidedly Ethiopian 
in features and characteristics. 

From the point of view of geographical distribution the most 

important changes taking place are slight tendencies toward 

concentration in the “black belt” in the South, and toward 

Geographical ^ er ^ n g i n towns in all parts of the country but 

Distribution especially in the North. In such States as Louisiana, 
of N eeroes • 

Mississippi, South Carolina, and Alabama, counties 
in which the ratio of blacks to whites is five to one, or even eight 
or nine to one, are not uncommon. But this state of affairs is 
by no means a new development. In New England about 90 
per cent of all the negroes live in urban centres. In the South 
the negroes are not moving townward quite so rapidly as are 
their white neighbors. Their most sensible leaders advise 
them to stick to the soil and to avoid the more strenuous com¬ 
petition of cities and the undesirable quarters into which they 
are usually crowded. An influx of Southern negroes into the 
North is constantly taking place, and this movement was ac¬ 
celerated during the Great War because of the increased de¬ 
mand for labor. However, despite this influx, the normal rate 
of increase of the negro population in the North is slower than 
in the South, for the death-rate in the North is abnormally 
high, while the birth-rate is relatively low. Nearly nine-tenths 
of the colored race is still concentrated in the sixteen former 
slave States, and the negro continues to be in a special sense 
“the Southerner’s problem.” His presence has tended to pre¬ 
vent any considerable immigration of Europeans into the 
South, and to keep that section mainly agricultural in occupa¬ 
tion. 


530 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


regarded. 

Race 
Progress. 


In spite of the “war amendments” the position of the negro 
in the United States continues, generally speaking, to be one 
of decided inferiority. In the South “Jim Crow laws” draw 
the “color line” against him on trains, on street- 
position. cars, in schools, theatres, hotels, and other such 
places. Economically, too, his position both in 
the South and in the North is, generally speaking, one of de¬ 
cided inferiority, though many members of the race have won 
financial independence. 

The negro’s outlook for the future appears pessimistic or 
optimistic, according to the angle from which the subject is 
When we recall, however, that negroes as slaves 
were generally thieves, that most had little more 
conception of true family life than the beasts of the 
field, that they were almost universally unable to 
read or write, and that when they became freedmen they were 
“turned loose naked, hungry, and destitute to the open sky,” 
we cannot escape the conclusion that in half a century they 
have really made wonderful progress, economically, morally, 
and mentally. Few people realize the number of decent, self- 
respecting negroes who lead honorable lives, for unfortunately 
we usually judge the white race by its great men and the black 
race by its members who get into the police court. Despite 
narrow-visioned opposition to negro education on the part of 
many Southerners and some Northerners, two-thirds of the 
race are now able to read and write, and there are tens of 
thousands who have enjoyed the advantages of a college or 
normal-school education. In 1910 negroes owned property of 
a value estimated at $750,000,000, including 220,000 farms. 

Among negroes there are two schools of opinion as to what 
should be done concerning the assertion of their rights. One 
school, the chief leader of which was Booker T. Washington, 
takes the view that negroes should acquire property 
o/op?nion! Is an< ^ education, cultivate habits of thrift and sobriety, 
and fit themselves for citizenship before becoming 
too insistent in demanding their “rights.” Washington himself 
performed a great work in uplifting his people, and the inspira- 







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A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


53 i 


Attitude of 

Southern 

Whites 

toward the 

Race 

Problem. 


tion of his life will last for generations. The other school, of 
which Doctor W. E. B. Du Bois is the foremost advocate, 
holds that negroes should persistently demand every legal 
and constitutional right. Some even advocate complete social 
equality, including the right of intermarriage. 

Southern whites are still determined that the negroes shall 
remain strictly apart. Most still favor keeping them in an 
inferior “place.” Some would not even permit them to be 
educated; others think they should be given the 
sort of education that will make them economically 
efficient; only a comparative few realize that, just 
as do white men, they need broad training that they 
may develop leaders for their race. Fortunately 
more and more Southerners are giving the great problem really 
serious study; are asking themselves what should be done. 
“How shall we take these ten millions of shiftless, improvident, 
unmoral, inefficient child-men of an alien race and convert 
them into desirable citizens?” writes a Southern educator. 
“With individual exceptions, the negro population rests like a 
great black blight upon the South. It can not be removed, 
and the only chance is to train the race to do intelligent, honest 
work—to be economically efficient. Booker Washington has 
pointed the way, the one best both for the negroes and the 
whites, but it is a big undertaking—one that makes every other 
social problem of our people seem simple.” 

A historian ought not to suppress uncomfortable facts, and 
it is undeniable that the treatment of negroes forms a blot on 
America’s fair fame. In parts of the South they are kept in 
Race Riots a state P ract i ca l serfdom; in all cities they are 
and herded into unsanitary districts; they are denied 

Lynching. e q Ua j opportunities for advancement; and not in¬ 
frequently they are maltreated and murdered by brutal mobs. 
It is true that individual negroes, by fiendish assaults on white 
women, now and then rouse white men to frenzy, but statistics 
show that only about a fifth of the lynchings of negroes are be¬ 
cause of the “usual crime.” Burning at the stake is never 
justifiable under any circumstances, and it is undeniable that 


532 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

in race riots scenes of horror have been enacted that are a dis¬ 
grace to American civilization. Such scenes are sadly out of 
place in a nation that proclaims itself the special champion of 
liberty and justice, and which enlists in a crusade to make 
“the world safe for democracy.” 

Perhaps the most encouraging sign of progress is the increas¬ 
ing number of men of broad sympathies and vision who realize 
the truth of Booker Washington’s wise declaration that you can- 
An not keep a man down in a ditch without staying 

Encouraging in the ditch with him. Among the wisest men of 
both races there seems to be a growing concensus 
of opinion that the two races should be kept separate, that there 
should be race distinctions but not race discrimination—or 
oppression. Everything done to uplift the negro mentally and 
morally tends also to uplift his white brother. 


In colonial days and even later the use of strong drink was 
almost universal. Ministers of the gospel openly drank with 
members of their flock, and not infrequently “went under the 
table with them.” Even George Washington for 
Problem U ° r some years had a distillery on his plantation, 
while Abraham Lincoln, as a grocery clerk, sold 
whiskey over the counter like any other commodity. But 
the evils of strong drink gradually aroused many thought¬ 
ful people to the need of restricting or abolishing the traffic. 
In the ’50’s a strong anti-liquor wave swept over the coun¬ 
try; and, largely as a result of the eloquence of Neal Dow, 
one State, namely Maine, adopted permanent prohibitory 
legislation. But the reforming impulse spent its force, and 
for a generation prohibition seemed to make little concrete 
progress, while its advocates were the butts of much ridicule. 
Even many men who were not drinkers objected to prohi¬ 
bition as “sumptuary legislation” that interfered with “per¬ 
sonal liberty.” Furthermore, the constant influx of immi¬ 
grants, most of whom had been accustomed to the use of 
intoxicants since childhood, helped to strengthen the opponents 
of restriction. The manufacture and sale of distilled and malt 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


533 


liquors and of wines came to be an immense and extremely 
profitable industry employing hundreds of thousands of persons. 

However, the agitators continued their work unceasingly. 
Leaders of the old parties generally strove to keep the subject 
out of politics. Despairing of persuading existing political or- 
The ganizations to take up the cause, some of the more 

Prohibition radical reformers, in 1872, as already described, 

founded a national Prohibition party. Thereafter 
this party entered every presidential contest, but it never car¬ 
ried a single State, and its highest vote was only 270,710, polled 
in 1892. However, it kept the subject agitated. Other power¬ 
ful agents in the same work were the Women’s Christian Tem¬ 
perance Union and the Anti-Saloon League, both of which 
waged unceasing battle against what they called the “Rum 
Power.” Gradually restrictive legislation, especially local-op¬ 
tion laws, were put on the statute-books of all the States, while 
before the end of the century Kansas joined Maine in the dry 
column. 

The liquor interests fought desperately to beat down prohi¬ 
bition sentiment, and spent vast sums in influencing elections 
and legislatures. In cities they employed all sorts of repre- 
Growing hensible methods to prevent the enforcement of 
Opposition^ Sunday-closing laws and other regulations, for it 
was the policy of those behind the traffic to keep 
territory as thoroughly “saturated” as possible. Theirs was 
invariably a corrupting influence in politics, while many saloons 
were operated in close co-operation with gambling-houses, the 
white-slave traffic, and such evils. Gradually the very sordid¬ 
ness of the liquor business antagonized millions, while millions 
of others came to believe that the business involved a great 
economic loss to society and ruined the lives of multitudes— 
not only of drinkers themselves but of their wives and children. 
An increasing number of business men came to see that drinkers 
were, generally speaking, less dependable, less efficient, much 
more likely to cause accidents than were non-drinkers, and 
many business establishments adopted a policy of employing 
only teetotalers or those practically so. 


534 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

In the South, where drink was responsible for many horrible 
crimes perpetrated by the negro population, prohibition found 
particularly fertile soil, and in the first decade of the new cen¬ 
tury several of the Southern States abolished the 
Prohibition. sa ^ e °f intoxicants, though some permitted the im¬ 
portation of liquor for individual use. Early in 
1913 prohibition took a decided step forward by the enactment, 
over President Taft’s veto, of the Webb bill, forbidding the 
shipment of liquor into a dry State in violation of a State law. 
In consequence the stamping out of “boot-legging” and “blind 
tigers” was rendered less difficult. At this time nine States, 
namely, Maine, Kansas, West Virginia, Tennessee, Georgia, 
Mississippi, North Carolina, North Dakota, and Oklahoma, had 
adopted State prohibition. The total population of these States 
was 14,695,961, while more than 30,000,000 other persons re¬ 
sided in districts made dry by local-option laws. 

Thenceforth prohibition swept forward like a prairie fire. 
By the end of 1917 twenty-six States had entered the dry 
column. In that year Congress enacted a prohibitory law for 
the District of Columbia, forbade the shipment 
Prohibition. °f liquor, except for medicinal purposes, into any 
dry State, and submitted to the States a prohibition 
amendment. The distillation of intoxicating beverages had 
already been prohibited by the President as a war measure, 
and brewers had been ordered to keep the alcoholic content of 
their beer below 2 yi. per cent. Subsequently Congress enacted 
a law under which the President proclaimed that after July 1, 

1919, the country should be “dry” until the end of the war. 

Meanwhile the liquor interests had combined for a final stand. 
But public sentiment constantly grew more hostile, and the 
fact that breweries and distilleries were largely owned by per¬ 
sons of German blood undoubtedly reacted unfavorably against 
the traffic. Before the end of January, 1919, all but four of 
Prohibition States had ratified the amendment, which pro- 

Amendment vided that the manufacture and sale of intoxicants 
Adopted. . . 

for beverage purposes must cease after January 16, 

1920. Legislation to carry the amendment into effect was 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


535 


passed by Congress in the fall of 1919. As a forlorn hope the 
liquor interests attacked the constitutionality of both the 
amendment and of the act enforcing it, but, in a decision 
handed down in June, 1920, the Supreme Court upheld both. 

Much difficulty has been met with in enforcing prohibition 
in some localities, especially along our borders and in regions 
containing a large foreign population. But abolition of the 
liquor traffic has resulted in a tremendous saving 
Saving" 110 to the American people. It is estimated that the 
total consumption of liquor in a single year exceeded 
2,000,000,000 gallons, that the average consumption for each 
man, woman, and child amounted to over 22 gallons, and that 
the total cost to consumers amounted to from $1,500,000,000 
to $2,000,000,000. The greater part of this money was spent 
by working men, who could ill afford such expenditure. Under 
prohibition much of this money still goes for inutilities of one 
sort or another, but a vast deal of it goes for the purchase of 
more food, clothing, schoolbooks, and shoes for wives and 
children. 

Prohibition means the loss of large revenues to national and 
local governments; it also means fewer paupers, fewer criminals, 
fewer cases of insanity. Wherever prohibitory laws are en¬ 
forced comparatively little use is found for jails and 
workhouses. A jurist who was for many years a 
police and criminal judge in one of the large cities 
of the country estimates that fully 70 per cent of all cases that 
came before him prior to the enactment of prohibition were 
directly due to strong drink, while a large part of the remainder 
were indirectly due to that cause. 


Other 
Effects of 
Prohibition. 


In all ages woman has usually occupied a decidedly inferior 
position in the world. In primitive society woman, being physi¬ 
cally weaker than man, was condemned to do all the drudgery; 
and when her lord and master felt so inclined he beat her with 
his fists or war-club, and there was no “cop” or “bobby” to 
say him nay. Man hunted, fished, fought, and sat about at 
ease; while his mate performed all the real work, built the rude 


536 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


Inferior 
Position of 
Woman in 
Primitive 
Society. 


shelters, gathered berries and nuts, brought in the game that 
had been killed, tanned skins or wove clothing of bark or 
fibre, and carried the household goods, the babies, 
and perhaps the weapons of her lord on the trail. 
Even to-day among savage peoples women are often 
practically slaves. In New Britain, for instance, 
they must do all the work, which is so hard that 
they become prematurely old; and if they offend their hus¬ 
bands they are in danger of being killed and eaten. 

Among the Romans and a few other ancient peoples woman 
occupied a reasonably high position, but after the break-up of 
the Empire her position became decidedly less fa- 
In vorable. The canon law condemned her to a posi- 

and Mediaeval . ......... . . . . 

Times. tion of decided inferiority; many of the church 

fathers, including the Apostle Paul, emphasized her 
dangerous character; and in the minds of many holy and im¬ 
peccable monks she was considered an ally of Satan him¬ 
self. 

By the time of the settlement of America woman’s position 
in England had improved somewhat. If a single woman of 
mature age, her legal rights were almost equal to those of a 
man, though she had no political rights and was at 
a great disadvantage in the matter of inheritance. 
A married woman, however, was virtually under the domination 
of her husband, who enjoyed the right to chastise her for certain 
offenses, even “with whips and clubs,” a privilege of which 
many a brutal Briton took full advantage. The husband had 
an estate in any land belonging to his wife and might alienate 
it without her consent; he was also entitled to take possession 
of any movables that she owned on marriage or that might 
subsequently come to her, and he could do with them as he 
thought proper. Not until the last half of the nineteenth cen¬ 
tury did Parliament annul the law giving the husband full own¬ 
ership of his wife’s property and permitting him to seize her 
wages even after he had deserted her. As regards the marriage 
bond and other matters, the law was all with the husband. No 
English woman ever attempted to secure a divorce until 1801. 


In England. 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


537 


In colonial times woman’s position in America was some¬ 
what better than in the England of the corresponding period, 
yet in 1848, seventy-two years after the Declaration of Inde¬ 
pendence, the members of the first Woman’s Rights 
Woman’s Convention, held at Seneca, New York, complained 
Rights that “the history of man is a history of repeated 

Convention, ... . r 

1848. injuries and usurpations on the part of man toward 

woman, having in direct object the establishment 
of an absolute tyranny over her”; that he has never allowed 
her the right to share in the making of laws to which she must 
submit; that “he has made her, if married, in the eyes of the 
law, civilly dead”; that “he has taken from her all her right 
in property, even to the wages she earns”; that she is com¬ 
pelled to obey her husband as her master, “the law giving to 
him power to deprive her of her liberty, and to administer 
chastisement”; that “he has monopolized nearly all profitable 
employments”; that he has given “to the world a different 
code of morals for men and women”; and that “he has en¬ 
deavored, in every way he could, to destroy her confidence in 
her own powers, to lessen her self-respect, and to make her 
willing to lead a dependent and abject life.” 

The woman’s movement in America dates from this Seneca 
convention, and the declaration of independence then issued 
by such pioneers as Lucretia Mott, Mary N. McClintock, 
Martha C. Wright, and Elizabeth Cady Stanton 
they^orkof will stand as one of the landmarks of progress. It 
tion ariCipa " to °k courage in those days to enlist in such a move¬ 
ment, for the prevailing attitude toward it was one 
of derision, and ridicule is often harder to fight than force. 
Newspapers headed their accounts of the convention with such 
phrases as “Insurrection among the Women,” and “Reign of 
Petticoats,” and declared that the convention was composed 
of “divorced wives, childless women, and sour old maids.” It 
is significant that many women joined in the gale of laughter 
at the expense of their own sex. To persuade such women to 
take the movement seriously was to require generations of edu¬ 
cational work—a task not yet completed. 


538 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

When Harriet Martineau visited the United States in 1840 
she found only seven kinds of work open to women—namely, 
teaching, typesetting, household service, needlework, work in 
book-binderies and cotton-mills, and keeping boarders. There 
was not a single woman physician or lawyer, and it was not 
until 1852 that a woman was ordained in the ministry, though 
in the Quaker and Shaker sects they were permitted to exhort. 

Woman’s higher education was almost totally neglected un¬ 
til Troy Seminary, the first institution for their higher education 
that was aided by government funds, was founded in 1821. 
Higher Twelve years later Oberlin, the first coeducational 

Education college, opened its doors. Even as late as 1870 the 

number of women college students was very small. 
To-day more than 100 institutions devote their entire time 
to such students. There are about 350 coeducational insti¬ 
tutions of higher learning, including most of the Western 
colleges and State universities; even conservative Harvard 
and Columbia make provision for women students. In the 
school year 1913-14 about 117,000 women and girls were at¬ 
tending universities, colleges, and technological schools, and 
about 11,000 received degrees. 

Women have forced their way into almost every kind of work 
and profession. In 1910 about 20 per cent of the persons em¬ 
ployed in manufacturing were females of 16 or over, and there 
were about 2,000 women journalists, 3,500 women 
Professions, preachers, and 7,000 women doctors, besides im¬ 
mense numbers in teaching, the civil service, com¬ 
merce, and other pursuits. There were women mayors and wo¬ 
men county clerks, and in 1916 a woman, Jeannette Rankin of 
Montana, was elected a member of the federal House of Rep¬ 
resentatives. 

The transformations thus wrought tended to make women 
less dependent on men and to increase their intelligence, but it 
also brought many difficult moral and economic 
Problems. problems, one of these being the minimum living 
wage for female bread-winners. It was partly in 
order to help solve these problems that the women were de¬ 
manding the ballot. 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


539 


Meanwhile the statutory discriminations against woman 
were disappearing and she was even obtaining political rights. 
In 1869 Wyoming Territory and in 1870 Utah Territory 
granted the suffrage to women. Congress with- 
Suffrage. drew the right in Utah in 1887, but equal suffrage 
was incorporated into the constitutions of both 
Utah and Wyoming when they attained statehood. In 1893 
Colorado and in 1896 Idaho entered the equal-suffrage column. 
Many other States also permitted women to vote in school and 
other special elections. For a decade or more there was a lull 
in interest, then a great impetus was given by the suffragette 
agitation in England. Slowly the movement gained momentum, 
and eastward resistlessly the course of suffrage took its way. 
In 1912 the Progressives openly declared for it. The old parties 
evaded the direct issue in 1912, but by 1916 most of their lead¬ 
ers were beginning to see a “great light,” and the platforms of 
both declared for equal suffrage but favored enfranchisement 
by State rather than federal action. By 1916 seven more States 
—Oregon, Washington, California, Arizona, Nevada, Montana, 
and Kansas—had conferred full suffrage rights on women, while 
Illinois permitted them to vote for presidential electors and for 
certain local officers. In 1917 the great State of New York 
joined the procession, reversing a contrary verdict rendered 
two years before. 

In many other States, however, suffrage was defeated during 
these years, and leaders of the movement sought eagerly to 
secure nation-wide suffrage by federal action. As early as 
1869 agitation had been begun in favor of the “ Susan 
Amendment B. Anthony amendment,” which provided that the 
the States t0 r ^ t to vote should not be denied or abridged “on 
account of sex.” From about 1913 onward con¬ 
stant pressure was maintained on Congress to submit this or 
other amendments to the States. Some enthusiasts even re¬ 
sorted to “picketing” the White House and to the use of other 
extreme measures similar to those made familiar by their suf¬ 
fragette sisters in England. Early in 1918 the suffrage amend¬ 
ment passed the House of Representatives, but later in the year 
it was defeated in the Senate, though a change of one vote 


540 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 


would have given it the necessary two-thirds. Finally, in the 
extra session of 1919, the amendment was submitted to the 
States. In August, 1920, three-fourths of the States had rati¬ 
fied it, and it became a part of the Constitution. 

Ratification was completed in time for women in all the 
States to participate in the presidental election of 1920. They 
were regarded as a rather uncertain quantity by polit- 
of “ ical leaders, and Democrats based some of their hopes 
of success upon a theory that arguments in favor of 
the League of Nations would prove especially effective with the 
new voters. Election results, however, seemed to indicate that 
in this election at least the women voted much as did the men. 

The full story of developments in education during the last 
half century would of itself require volumes. The system of 
public elementary education already in existence in the North 
was expanded and improved, and was further de- 
EdocaUao 7 veloped in the South, where in some States prior to 
the war it had scarcely existed. In many States 
the number of persons over ten years of age unable to read or 
write had been reduced by 1920 to less than 2 per cent. Yet 
there were in the whole United States 4,931,905 persons over 
ten years of age who were illiterate, an average of 6 per cent. 
Of this number 1,842,161 were negroes, 1,763,740 were foreign- 
born whites, and most of the rest were Southern whites. Illit¬ 
eracy was much the highest in the South, rising as high as 17.2 
in Mississippi, 18.1 in South Carolina, and 21.9 in Louisiana. 

Comparatively speaking, secondary and higher education 
made much greater strides than elementary education. The 
public high school is almost wholly a development of the last 
Secondary century, while the expansion of higher education 

and Higher has been one of the marvels of the age. In 1920 
there were many more college graduates than there 
were high-school graduates in 1865. Coeducation, which was 
formerly hardly thought of, had almost become the general 
rule. Few of the colleges of 1865 were much more than acad¬ 
emies, while graduate work was hardly attempted at all. For 


54i 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 

years thereafter students desiring to do advanced work were 
obliged to go abroad for such training, most of them going to 
Germany. But in time graduate faculties were developed in 
American institutions, and now a number of our universities 
equal, if they do not surpass, any others in the world. Public 
appropriations and immense private gifts combined to produce 
a total sum far exceeding any ever invested in higher education 
in any other country. 

Yet the last word had not been said regarding education in 
any field. Fads followed one another almost as fast as fashions 
change in feminine apparel, and the new ideas were not always 
wiser than the old. But it was to be hoped that 
Education. something permanent would ultimately develop 
out of this constant state of flux. Observers often 
became impatient with educational vagaries, but perfection is 
rarely attainable in human affairs, and, when all was said, the 
sum of educational results spelled the salvation of the republic. 


Vast 

Expansion 
of the 
Publishing 
Business. 


Only a reading nation can govern itself, and Americans are 
perhaps the greatest readers in the world. The development 
of education, cheaper methods of making paper, especially out 
of wood-pulp, improvements in printing-presses, the 
invention of stereotype plates, of the monotype, 
and of the linotype, all have combined with other 
causes vastly to increase the use of the printed word. 

The expansion of advertising has transformed and 
multiplied newspapers and magazines. In 1882 a single volume 
of 1,442 pages sufficed for the titles of articles published up to 
that time in the important magazines of the English-speaking 
world. But so rapid was the development of magazines there¬ 
after that the years 1905-9 alone required a book of 2,491 
pages, and the greater part of this increase had been in America. 
A mere list of the newspapers and magazines published in the 
United States, together with a few facts concerning their char¬ 
acter, management, and circulation, filled in 1917 more than 
1,000 large, closely printed pages. Books, too, fell from the 
press like autumn leaves, though, generally speaking, Americans 
read newspapers and magazines rather than books. Of the 


542 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

books in most demand, by far the greatest number were works 
of fiction. Close observers said that automobiles and moving- 
picture shows were tending to decrease reading of all kinds. 

Notwithstanding the progress of education, the expansion 
of publishing, and the vastly greater financial rewards of 
authorship, creative literature had probably retrograded rather 
Literature t* 13 ” 11 ac ^ vance< ^- With the death in 1916 of James 
Whitcomb Riley there disappeared from the literary 
stage the only poet then living of large reputation, yet few critics 
would assign him a place in the same rank with Lowell, Bryant, 
Whittier, Longfellow, or even Holmes, all of whom were still 
writing at the close of the Civil War. However, there were 
many successful novelists, and some of distinguished merit, such 
as William Dean Howells, Henry James, Winston Churchill, 
Edith Wharton, Margaret Deland, James Lane Allen, Booth 
Tarkington, John Fox, and Owen Wister, though it might be 
doubted if any one of them would ultimately be given as high 
a rank as Hawthorne, who died in the last year of the Civil 
War. Of American writers of his day, Mark Twain probably 
enjoyed the widest reputation, and it seems safe to predict 
that he will have a place among the great humorists of all ages. 
Theodore Roosevelt wrote many books on a great variety of 
subjects. His style is vivid and picturesque, he lived and knew 
the things of which he wrote, and he described better than any 
other man of his time certain phases of American life which 
will be of interest to future generations. 

In imaginative literature decidedly the greatest progress was 
made in the realm of the short story. Before the Civil War the 
only short-story writers with a national reputation were Haw¬ 
thorne and Edgar Allan Poe, who is generally 
Story h ° rt credited with having created or at all events fixed 
the principles of this order of composition. In the 
next period the form was adopted by writers of such varied 
talent as Henry James, Cable, Harris, Bunner, Edith Wharton, 
Mary Wilkins Freeman, and many others, and so developed as 
to make the short story the department of English literature 
in which primacy of American achievement was undisputed. 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 543 

In recent years a whole host of such writers have sprung up, 
and some of them, such as Jack London, “O. Henry,” Morgan 
Robertson, and Richard Harding Davis, may be said to have 
mastered their art to a degree that entitles them to classifica¬ 
tion with their foremost predecessors. One has only to com¬ 
pare the magazines of the ’jo’s and ’8o’s with those of the ’go’s 
and the new century to realize how wide-spread among our 
authors has expertness in this branch of literature become. 

In historical writing, if the subject be regarded as a science, 
there has been a real advance. A great number of meritorious 
monographs have been produced, while there has been much 
publishing of original sources. Few recent his- 
H?s e tory. C torians, however, possess the literary gift, and from 
this point of view the older writers must be given 
the palm, though Fiske, McMaster, Mahan, Rhodes, and 
Thayer have worthily upheld standards created by Prescott, 
Motley, and Parkman. Though there is more studying of 
history than formerly, few people, comparatively speaking, read 
history for pleasure. 


In other forms of art the most notable progress was made in 
the cultivation of American taste rather than in the produc¬ 
tion of great names. Generally speaking, Americans of the 
Development War period were deplorably backward in such 

of Artistic matters, and travellers from abroad smiled at the 
varied manifestations of American crudity in 
painting, music, and architecture in spite of the tradition by 
no means extinct of Allston, Stuart, and Copley and of our 
excellent colonial building. But foreign travel, world’s fairs, 
and other influences opened to discerning eyes the compelling 
power of the beautiful, and many Americans deliberately 
set to work to correct our national deficiencies along artistic 
lines. Art museums were established in many large cities, and 
these helped to bring about a truly wonderful transformation. 

With higher appreciation has come greater encouragement 
to artistic endeavor, and much work of a high order, comparable 
with that of contemporary Europe, has been done. In paint- 


544 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

ing, Chase, Sargent, Lafarge, Abbey, and many others achieved 
high reputations, but the most original American artist was 
„ . . Tames A. McNeill Whistler, most of whose work, 

however, was done in Europe. In addition, many 
artists won fame and fortune as illustrators, and we could 
ill spare the spirited pictures of Frederic Remington, who 
preserved*for posterity certain phases of Western life—bronchos, 
Indians, cowboys. In some respects, in fact, Remington was 
the most distinctively American of all our artists. For the 
higher forms of music we still look mainly to Europe, but there 
have been many successful composers of popular music, while 
“ragtime”—based on negro melodies—won favor of a sort, both 
at home and abroad. 

The most distinctive forms of American architecture were 
the log cabin, the sod hut, and the sky-scraper, all of which were 
more notable for utility than artistic merit. In 1865 there were 

Architecture com P ara ^ ve ^y ^ ew really notable buildings in the 
United States, but by 1919 the country contained 
some of the finest in the world. In the matter of domestic 
architecture a wonderful transformation was wrought. Some 
colonial homes were really beautiful, but in the Civil War period 
there was a distinct retrogression in such matters. The war¬ 
time millionaire was likely to build “for himself enormous 
wooden mansions in many colors, surmounted by wooden cupo¬ 
las and towers and battlements, and adorned with a maze of 
wooden pillars representing what someone cleverly styled ‘ the 
jigsaw renaissance/ while his lawn was adorned with cast-iron 
statuary painted to resemble bronze.” That age is now past, 
and in both town and country the traveller sees many mansions 
and country estates in which the skill of architect and landscape- 
gardener have combined to produce harmony of form and color 
and give pleasure to the most critical eye. Even the homes of 
the middle class are built and furnished with a taste almost 
totally lacking fifty years ago. 

In theoretical science great strides had been made, but 
America still lagged somewhat behind Europe. In applied 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


Applied 

Science. 


545 

science, however, Americans were unsurpassed, and the Yankee 
still lived up to his old reputation as an inventor. Thomas A. 

Edison, a veritable “wizard” in producing new de¬ 
vices, alone took out over 900 patents for inven¬ 
tions, including the incandescent light, the phono¬ 
graph, and the kinetoscope, or moving-picture machine. Bell 
produced the telephone, Browning automatic firearms, and 
Holland and Lake perfected the submarine. In fact, there was 
hardly a field of human endeavor in which American inventive 
genius did not originate some device or improvement. The 
adoption of these and foreign inventions did much to transform 
life in many of its aspects. Merely to mention electric lights, 
electric motors, telephones, and automobiles is sufficient to in¬ 
dicate some of the revolutionary changes which half a century 
of invention has produced. 

But of all inventions of recent times the most spectacular 
was the work of two brothers, Wilbur and Orville Wright of 
Dayton, Ohio. These young men, the sons of a bishop of the 
, United Brethren Church, owned a small bicycle- 
repair shop, but they became mterested in the sub¬ 
ject of aviation and sought to invent a heavier-than-air flying- 
machine. Other men of reputation—for example, Maxim in 
England and Professor Langley of the Smithsonian Institution 
in America—were also making experiments along the same 
line; but people generally thought the problem insolvable, and 
classed any one who tried to build a “flying-machine” as a 
crank or lunatic. The Wright brothers, therefore, faced much 
ridicule, but they did not give up, though at one time they 
were so financially embarrassed that they were compelled to 
accept assistance from a devoted sister. 

The perseverance of genius finally had its reward, and on 
December 7, 1903, at Kitty Hawk, on the sandy coast of North 
Carolina, Wilbur Wright made the first successful 
Triumph. man-flight in a heavier-than-air machine in his¬ 
tory. His machine remained in the air less than 
a minute, and flew less than three hundred yards, but the 
possibility of flight had been proven and progress thereafter 


546 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

was rapid. In November, 1904, he flew three miles in four 
minutes and a half, and in October, 1905, he remained in the 
air thirty-eight minutes and made a circular flight of twenty- 
four miles. In 1909, taking with them improved machines, 
the brothers visited Europe, where interest in aviation was 
much more intense than in America, and were received as con¬ 
quering heroes. Later they were accorded high honors in 
America, and their home town made humble amends for once 
having laughed at them. Unfortunately Wilbur Wright died 
in 1912 before he could enjoy to the full his well-earned honors 
and prosperity, but his brother continued the work. Thus far 
their invention has found its chief place in war, but much use 
will doubtless be made of it in times of peace. 

Another field in which Americans won fame was that of geo¬ 
graphical discovery. In the early ’70’s Henry M. Stanley, a 
naturalized American, attracted world-wide attention by find- 
E pioration Livingstone, the British missionary and ex¬ 

plorer who had been lost to sight in the interior of 
Africa. Later Stanley penetrated westward to the headwaters 
of the Congo and followed that river to the sea, thus completing 
the first crossing of the “Dark Continent.” Yet later he 
helped found the Congo Free State and rescued Emin Pasha. 
Lieutenant Frederick Schwatka, Lieutenant A. L. Greely, and 
various others did notable work in Arctic exploration, but the 
supreme achievement of all was that performed by Lieutenant 
Robert E. Peary of the navy. 

Peary first entered the field of Arctic exploration in 1886, 
when he made a reconnoissance of the great Greenland “ice 
cap.” The work fascinated him, and for more than twenty 
years he devoted himself to hyperborean explora- 
Peary? E ’ tion and to attaining the supreme goal of all Arctic 
exploration, the North Pole. Among his achieve¬ 
ments from 1891 to 1905 were the discovery of Melville Land 
and Heilprin Land and the determination of the insularity of 
Greenland, the northern point of which he named Cape Morris 
K. Jesup, after one of the promoters of his work. In 1905 he 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


547 

sailed northward in the stanch steamer Roosevelt , expressly 
built for him by the Peary Arctic Club, and the next year, with 
dog-sledges, passed all previous records and attained 87° 6' 
north latitude, the “farthest north” ever reached up to that 
time by man, or only 203 miles from the Pole. There he was 
turned back by starvation and impossible seas of ice. 

But Peary was not satisfied. The great ambition of his life 

had not been realized. On July 6, 1908, therefore, he once 

more set sail in the Roosevelt on his eighth Arctic quest. He 

The Pole was t ^ ien fifty-two years old, and he knew that he 

Reached, must succeed on this trip or leave the great prize 
April 6, 1909. _ . . „ f 

to younger men. But through years of experience 
he had learned the best methods of Arctic travel—and fortune 
smiled. The Roosevelt battled her way safely through the ice¬ 
pack to Cape Sheridan, in Grant Land, and there the party 
wintered. Early the next year the explorers, accompanied by 
Eskimos, set out northward with dog-sledges over the frozen 
sea. On April 6,1909, after overcoming indescribable obstacles, 
the foremost party, consisting of Peary, his faithful negro helper, 
Matthew Henson, and four Eskimos penetrated to the boreal 
centre and “ nailed the Stars and Stripes to the Pole.” 

Some days before the Roosevelt reached Labrador and Peary 
flashed his great news to civilized centres, the world was startled 
by a cablegram from Lerwick in the Shetland Islands to the 
effect that another American, Doctor Frederick A. 
Hoax gantlC Cook, had reached the Pole on April 21, 1908, a 
year before Peary. Many people were misled by 
Cook’s story, but it ultimately developed that he was a monu¬ 
mental impostor, who had not only sought to deceive the world 
with regard to discovering the Pole but had also falsely claimed 
to have reached the top of Mount McKinley, the highest point 
in North America. For a time the true discoverer’s laurels 
were somewhat dimmed by Cook’s claim to priority, but pres¬ 
ently the facts came out. The world then perceived that 
Peary’s heroic twenty years’ quest had been crowned with de¬ 
served success, and that he had won a passport to immortality. 


548 THE UNITED STATES IN OUR OWN TIMES 

At the time of entering the war against autocracy the republic 
was by far the richest of nations, and, with the 
Fu?ure ndleSS exception of Russia, the most populous of civilized 
nations. The war served merely to increase its 
material superiority over its rivals. Its shadow loomed ever 
larger across the narrow world; there seemed no bounds to its 
possible achievements. 

In less than a century and a half America had grown from a 
weak and thinly inhabited state into a leviathan among states. 
It had disappointed the predictions of its enemies and sur¬ 
passed the fondest hopes of its friends. Yet there were unlovely 
aspects in its complicated life, which had drifted far from the 
simplicity of earlier days. Not all the ideals of its founders 
had been realized. Probably some of them never will be real¬ 
ized, for perfection in human institutions is rarely found except 
in dreams. Some features of its development had taken forms 
not contemplated by the “Fathers”; it may be that the 
“Fathers” would not be proud of some of the results of their 
handiwork. Yet, despite obvious blemishes, it is doubtful 
whether in any other country human beings have ever attained 
so high a degree of material well-being, political and intellectual 
liberty, and general happiness. 

But the future will not all be easy sailing. The very vast¬ 
ness of the republic has increased the difficulty of its problems. 
The interests of section clash with section, and those of class 
with class, and the task of reconciling these diverse interests 
taxes the ingenuity of statesmen. The very government it¬ 
self has grown so complicated that sometimes it seems almost 
on the point of breaking down. The war has proved expensive 
beyond all past imaginings, and a vast debt has been incurred 
which future generations must help to bear. The high cost of 
living, social and economic discontent, and the contagion of 
the world-wide ferment have created a spirit of unrest that 
causes grave concern. But, unlike the Russians, Americans 
have had long years of experience in self-government, and it 
is improbable that they will swing far from safe moorings. 


A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 


549 


In times like these it is well for men to reflect that institutions 
are constructed slowly, and that it is much easier to tear down 
than to build up. To that which is good in our institutions 
we should hold fast with a firm grip, for it is the priceless heritage 
of all the ages. 











SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 


The following list does not purport to be an exhaustive bibli¬ 
ography. Readers desiring to investigate yet further should con¬ 
sult J. N. Larned, Literature of American History (1902); Chan- 
ning, Hart, and Turner, Guide to the Study and Reading of American 
History (1912); and the bibliographies in vols. 22-27 of The Ameri¬ 
can Nation : a History (28 vols., 1903-1918), edited by A. B. Hart. 
The proceedings and debates in Congress for the years 1865-1873 
are in the Congressional Globe, and from 1873 onward in the Con¬ 
gressional Record. Presidential messages are printed in J. D. 
Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presi¬ 
dents (10 vols., many editions). Much of value can be gleaned from 
the American (after 1875, Appleton's ) Annual Cyclopedia (1861- 
1902) and from contemporary periodicals. In seeking material in 
magazines the student should, of course, consult Poole's Index to 
Periodical Literature (1882 and many supplementary volumes) and 
Readers' Guide to Periodical Literature (1910- ). 

CHAPTER I—THE AFTERMATH OF WAR 

W. A. Dunning, Reconstruction , Political and Economic (1907), chaps. 
I—II; one of the best short books about the Reconstruction period. 
J. W. Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution (1902), chaps. I—II; 
particularly valuable on the legal and political aspects of the period. 
J. F. Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 
to the Final Restoration of Home Rule at the South in 1877 (7 vols., 
1893-1906), vol. V, pp. 344-465, 556-560; contains one of the most 
complete accounts of Reconstruction. E. P. Oberholzer, A History 
of the United States since the Civil War (1 vol., pub. 1917), vol. I, 
chap. II; covers the period 1865-1868, and is in some respects the best 
book on these years. W. L. Fleming, Documentary History of Recon¬ 
struction (2 vols., 1906-1907), vol. I, pp. 9-102, 315-383; contains much 
valuable original material, and the editor supplies interpretative com¬ 
ment and a list of references. C. H. McCarthy, Lincoln's Plan of Re¬ 
construction (1901), sets forth exhaustively Lincoln’s Reconstruction 
policy. Sidney Andrews, The South since the War (1866), was written 
by a Northern newspaper correspondent who investigated Southern con¬ 
ditions. Mrs. Roger A. Pryor, Reminiscences of Peace and War (1904), 
contains an interesting account of post-bellum conditions in the South 
fron* the standpoint of the wife of a prominent Southerner. Similar in 
character are Mrs. C. C. Clay, A Belle of the Fifties (1904); Susan D. 

SSi 


552 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 

Smedes, Memorials of a Southern Planter (1900); and Myra M. Avary, 
Dixie after the War (1906). Philip A. Bruce, The Rise of the New South 
(1905), is especially valuable on the economic side. G. W. Williams, 
History of the Negro Race in America (2 vols., 1883), gives a negro’s 
view of his race’s history. 

CHAPTER II—PRESIDENT JOHNSON’S PLAN OF 
RECONSTRUCTION 

Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic , chap. Ill and pp. 
55-59. Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution , chap. III. 
Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, vol. V, 
pp. 516-540, 555. Oberholzer, A History of the United States since the 
Civil War, vol. I, chap. I. Fleming, Documentary History of Recon¬ 
struction, vol. I, pp. 105-117, 273-312, 163-196. James Schouler, 
History of the United States, 1783-1877 (7 vols., 1913), vol. VII, pp. 
1-47. James G. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress (2 vols., 1884-1886), 
vol. II, pp. 1-15, 34-50, 56-111; partisan and not always accurate, but 
often useful and suggestive because written by a prominent participant 
in many of the scenes described. S. S. Cox, Three Decades of Federal 
Legislation (1885), pp. 346-364; the work of a prominent Democrat 
and forms a good antidote to Blaine’s history. D. M. DeWitt, The 
Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson (1903), contains a history 
of the Johnson administration and is perceptibly hostile to the radicals. 
Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles (3 vols., 1911); the author was 
a member of Johnson’s cabinet, and he sets down unreservedly the 
happenings from day to day as well as his own opinions. For some of 
the speeches on the Reconstruction question see Alexander Johnston 
and James A. Woodburn, American Orations (new ed., 1897, 4 vols.), 
vol. IV, pp. 129-148. 

CHAPTER III—CONGRESS TAKES CONTROL 

Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic , chaps. IV-VII. 
Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, pp. 42-206. Rhodes, 
History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 , vol. V, pp. 
541-625. Oberholzer, A History of the United States since the Civil 
War, vol. I, chaps. Ill, VII. Fleming, Documentary History of Recon¬ 
struction, vol. I, pp. 118-153, 197-240, 397 ff. Blaine, Twenty Years of 
Congress, vol. II, pp. 111-384. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legis¬ 
lation, pp. 365/. Schouler, History of the United States, vol. VII, pp. 
47-123. DeWitt, The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson . S. W. 
McCall, Thaddeus Stevens (1899), is short but worth consulting. More 
exhaustive is J. A. Woodburn, The Life of Thaddeus Stevens (1913). 
W. D. Foulke, Life and Public Service of Oliver P. Morton (2 vols., 1899); 
a good biography of one of the most forceful figures of the period. 
Frederic Bancroft, William H. Seward (2 vols., 1900); the best bi¬ 
ography of Seward. The student will also find material of val^e in 
F. W. Seward, Seward at Washington (1891). Carl Schurz, The Remi- 


SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 553 

niscences of Carl Schurz (3 vols., 1907-1908), contains an account of the 
author’s Southern investigations. E. L. Pierce, Memoirs and Letters 
of Charles Sumner (4 vols., 2d ed., 1894). Senate Executive Documents, 
39th Cong., jst Sess.: No. 2 contains reports of Schurz and Grant on 
Southern conditions; No. 43 contains that of Truman. See also John¬ 
ston and Woodburn, American Orations , vol. IV, pp. 149-188. 


CHAPTER IV—MEXICO, ALASKA, AND THE 
ELECTION OF 1868 

Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic , pp. 124-135, 151- 
163. Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, pp. 206-213, 299- 
303. Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850, 
vol. VI, pp. 179-213. Oberholzer, A History of the United States since 
the Civil War, vol. I, chap. VIII. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, 
vol. II, pp. 385-421. Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation, pp. 
617-624. Schouler, History of the United States, vol. VII, pp. 123-143. 
Bancroft, William H. Seward. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles 
Sumner. Edward Stanwood, A History of the Presidency (new ed., 2 
vols., 1916), vol. I, chap. XXIII; contains an account of every presi¬ 
dential election down to 1916. H. H. Bancroft, History of Mexico (6 
vols., 1883-1888), vol. VI, pp. 1-332, contains an account of French 
intervention in Mexico. See also Percy F. Walker, The French in 
Mexico (1914). J. B. Moore, A Digest of International Law (8 vols., 
1906); a valuable compilation, contains an account of the French in¬ 
terference in Mexico. F. Bancroft, William H. Seward, vol. II, chaps. 
XL, XLII, describes the course of the American Government with re¬ 
gard to the French in Mexico, and deals also with the purchase of 
Alaska. The career of Grant down to his presidency is best told in his 
Personal Memoirs (2 vols., 1886), and in Hamlin Garland, Ulysses 
Grant (1898). For the financial issues of the campaign consult D. R. 
Dewey, Financial History of the United States (1903 and many later 
editions); W. C. Mitchell, History of the Greenbacks (1903); and Hugh 
McCulloch, Men and Measures of Half a Century (1888), written by 
Johnson’s secretary of the treasury. 

CHAPTER V—THE FRUITS OF RECONSTRUCTION 

Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic, chaps. XI, XIII, 
XIV, XVI, XVII. Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, chaps. 
XI-XII. Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 
1850, vol. VI, pp. 236-243; VII, pp. 74 - 174 - Fleming, Documentary 
History of Reconstruction, vol. II, pp. 1-404. Schouler, History of the 
United States, vol. VII, pp. 144-154, 168-178, 243-261. Cox, Three 
Decades of Federal Legislation, pp. 45i“577- J- S. Pike, The Prostrate 
State (1874), is a Northern man's description of the lurid carnival of 
misrule in South Carolina. H. A. Herbert, editor, Why the Solid 
South ? (1890); a collection of essays by various authors dealing with 


554 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 

the Reconstruction period in the South; very partisan but worth con¬ 
sulting. Under the general oversight of Professor W. A. Dunning of 
Columbia, a number of valuable monographs dealing with Reconstruc¬ 
tion in individual States have been written. Among these are J. A. 
Garner, Reconstruction in Mississippi (1901); W. L. Fleming, Civil 
War and Reconstruction in Alabama (1905); J. G. de R. Hamilton, 
Reconstruction in North Carolina (1914); Charles W. Ramsdell, Recon¬ 
struction in Texas (1910). Walter Allen, Governor Chamberlain's Ad¬ 
ministration in South Carolina (1888), defends in great detail the career 
of the last carpet-bag governor of South Carolina; while J. S. Reynolds, 
Reconstruction in South Carolina (1905), treats the whole reconstruction 
period in that State from the standpoint of a Southern partisan. The 
story of the Ku-Klux movement is told by J. C. Lester and D. L. 
Wilson, Ku-Klux Klan, Its Origin, Growth, and Disbandment (new ed. 
edited by W. L. Fleming, 1905); an excellent short account is given 
in W. G. Brown, The Lower South in American History (1902), chap. IV. 


CHAPTER VI—FOREIGN RELATIONS AND THE LIBERAL 
REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 

Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic, pp. 163-173, 190- 
202. Rhodes, History of the United State's from the Compromise of 1850, 
vol. VI, pp. 343-377, 412-440. Burgess, Reconstruction and the Con¬ 
stitution, pp. 264-268, 305-327. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, 
vol. I, pp. 458-536. Stanwood, A History of the Presidency, vol. I, 
chap. XXIV. Schouler, History of the United States, vol. VII, pp. 161- 
168, 194-220. J. B. Moore, History and Digest of the International Arbi¬ 
trations to Which the United States has been a Party (6 vols., 1898); a 
valuable compilation which contains a full account of the Alabama 
claims. On this subject the student will also do well to consult C. F. 
Adams, “The Treaty of Washington,” in Lee at Appomattox, and Other 
Papers (1902); J. C. B. Davis, Mr. Fish and the Alabama Claims (1895), 
written by the American agent at Geneva; and John Morley, Life of 
Gladstone (3 vols., 1903), vol. II, pp. 393-413. Schurz, Reminiscences, 
vol. Ill, pp. 338-353, contains a sketch of the origin of the Liberal Re¬ 
publicans. W. A. Linn, Horace Greeley (1903), tells the life story of 
the Liberal Republican and Democratic candidate. George S. Bout- 
well, Reminiscences of Sixty Years (1902), was written by a member of 
Grant’s cabinet. Albert B. Paine, Thomas Nast, His Period and His 
Pictures (1904), contains an account of the fight against the Tweed Ring, 
and of the campaign of 1872. 

CHAPTER VII—THE END OF AN ERA 

Dunning, Reconstruction, Political and Economic, chaps. XV-XXI. 
Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, chap. XIII. Stanwood, 
A History of the Presidency, chap. XXV. Fleming, Documentary His¬ 
tory of Reconstruction , vol. I, pp. 405-455; Schouler, History of the 


SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 555 

United States , vol. VII. Rhodes, History of the United States from the 
Compromise of 1850, vol. VII, pp. 1-73, 175-291. Cox, Three Decades 
of Federal Legislation , pp. 636—668. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, 
vol. II, pp. 537 - 589 . C. R. Williams, Life of Rutherford B. Hayes (2 
vols., 1914). John Bigelow, Samuel J. Tilden (2 vols., 1895), contains 
a long account of the campaign of 1876. The various aspects of that 
campaign are set forth exhaustively in P. L. Haworth, The Hayes- 
Tilden Election (1906). For further material concerning the New 
South and the race problem the student may consult E. G. Murphy, 
Problems of the Present South (1904); J. L. Mathews, Remaking the Mis¬ 
sissippi (1909); E. A. Alderman and A. C. Gordon, Life of J. L. M. 
Curry (1911); Ray S. Baker, Following the Color Line (1908); G. S. 
Merriam, The Negro and the Nation (1906); Thomas N. Page, The 
Negro, the Southerner's Problem (1904); W. E. B. Dubois, The Souls of 
Black Folk (1903); Booker T. Washington, Up from Slavery (1901); 
H. W. Grady, The New South (1890); Bruce, The Rise of the New South . 

CHAPTER VIII—THE PASSING OF THE WILD WEST 

F. L. Paxson, The Last American Frontier (1910), contains in small 
compass some of the salient aspects of the passing of the Wild West. 
Katherine Coman, Economic Beginnings of the Far West (1911), an ex¬ 
cellent work but containing comparatively little material on the period 
after the Civil War. F. J. Turner, Significance of the Frontier in Ameri¬ 
can History (in American Historical Association’s Annual Report for 
1893), an essay which did much to promote the study of Western his¬ 
tory. J. P. Davis, Union Pacific Railway (1894), the best account of 
the building of the first transcontinental. E. V. Smalley, The Northern 
Pacific Railroad (1883), tells the story of the Northern Pacific. Ober- 
holzer, A History of the United States since the Civil War, vol. I, chaps. 
V-VI; a good summary of Western conditions at the end of the Civil 
War. Richard I. Dodge, The Plains of the Great West (1877), written 
by an army officer who spent many years on the border; an absorbing 
book on the “Wild West’’ at the time it was passing into history. 
Indian campaigns in the West are described in Nelson A. Miles, Personal 
Recollections and Observations (1896); George A. Custer, My Life on 
the Plains (1874); Philip H. Sheridan, Personal Memoirs (1888); Henry 
Carrington, Ab-sa-ra-ka, Land of Massacre (1878), contains a history of 
the Indian wars from 1865 to 1878, and also a description of frontier 
life; John F. Finerty, Warpath and Bivouac (1890), by a correspondent 
who witnessed some of the campaigns against the Sioux. The best ac¬ 
count of the Custer massacre is given by Captain E. S. Godfrey in his 
article “Custer’s Last Battle,’’ in Century Magazine, vol. 43 (1892), pp. 
358-384. The “Story of the West Series," edited by Ripley Hitchcock, 
deals in a popular way with salient features of Western life; among the 
volumes may be mentioned C. H. Shinn, Story of the Mine (1896); Cy 
Warman, Story of the Railroad (1903); and Emerson Hough, The Story of 
the Cowboy (1897). Theodore Roosevelt, Ranch Life and the Hunting 
Trail (1888, etc.), embodies some of the author's own experiences. 


556 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 

Robert P. Porter, The West from the Census of 1880 (1882), is a con¬ 
venient resume. Hubert H. Bancroft, West American Historical Series 
(39 vols., 1875-1887), deals mainly with an earlier period of Western 
history, but some of the volumes are of value on our epoch. Seymour 
Dunbar, A History of Travel in America (4 vols., 1915), contains much 
interesting material on the history of transport problems in the West, 
and also on the Indian question. See also Henry Inman, The Old 
Santa Fe Trail (1898). 

CHAPTER IX—AN INTERLUDE 

Edwin E. Sparks, National Development, 1877-1885 (1907), covers 
in more extended form the same period as this chapter. James F. 
Rhodes, History of the United States from Hayes to McKinley, 1877-1896 
(1918), chaps. I-X; a volume that continues the story from the point 
where the author's larger work stops. Williams, Life of Rutherford B. 
Hayes, vol. II, chaps. XXVII-XXXII. John W. Burgess, The Admin¬ 
istration of Rutherford B. Hayes (1915). Stanwood, History of the Pres¬ 
idency, chaps. fXXVI-XXVII. Edward Stanwood, James G. Blaine, 
(1905). On the spoils system the student will find material in C. R. 
Fish, Civil Service and the Patronage (1905); Lyon G. Tyler, Parties and 
Patronage (1888); James Bryce, The American Commonwealth (1893), 
vol. II, chap. LXV; Dorman B. Eaton, Government of Municipalities 
(1899); George W. Curtis, Orations and Addresses (3 vols., 1893), vol. 
II, p. 477; Theodore Roosevelt, Theodore Roosevelt: an Autobiography 
(1913), chap. V; J. A. Woodburn, The American Republic and Its 
Government (1903); and Edward Cary, George William Curtis (1895). 
On the Chinese question see George F. Seward, Chinese Immigration in 
Its Social and Economical Aspects (1881); Richard Mayo-Smith, Emi¬ 
gration and Immigration (1890); J. A. Whitney, Chinese and the Chinese 
Question (1888). On financial questions see Dewey, Financial History 
of the United States ; A. D. Noyes, Thirty Years of American Finance 
(1898); A. S. Bolles, Financial History of the United States (3 vols., 
1883-1886); F. W. Taussig, Tariff History of the United States (1905); 
J. Laurence Laughlin, Bimetallism in the United States (1897). John 
Sherman, Recollections of Forty Years in the House, Senate, and Cabinet 
(2 vols., 1895), contains much valuable material on political and 
financial questions. 


CHAPTER X—THE CHANGING ORDER 

Sparks, National Development, especially chaps. II-V, XVIII. 
Rhodes, History of the United States from Hayes to McKinley, pp. 13- 
97, gives a detailed account of the railway strike of 1877, and of fche 
Molly Maguires. On the labor question see also T. V. Powderly, 
Thirty Years of Labor (1889), written by the head of the Knights of 
Labor in this period; C. D. Wright, “An Historical Sketch of the 
Knights of Labor,” in Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. I (1887), 


SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 557 

PP* i 37 -i 68; M. A. Aldrich, “The American Federation of Labor," in 
American Economic Association’s Economic Studies , vol. Ill (1898), no. 
4; R. T. Ely, The Labor Movement in America (1890); John Mitchell, 
Organized Labor (1903). On the development of American industries 
see J. M. Swank, History of the Manufacture of Iron (1897); W. J. 
Mitchell, Story of American Coals (1897); T. M. Young, The American 
Cotton Industry (1903); M. T. Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing 
Industry of the United States, in Harvard Economic Studies, vol. VIII 
(1912). See also Edward W. Bryce, Progress of Invention in the Nine¬ 
teenth Century (1900). The rise of the first trust is traced in detail 
in Ida Tarbell, History of the Standard Oil Company (2 vols., 1904), a 
work widely read at the time of its publication. A shorter and more 
friendly account is G. H. Montague, Rise and Progress of the Standard 
Oil Company (1903). On the railroads consult F. H. Dixon, State Rail¬ 
road Control (1896); B. H. Meyer, Railway Legislation in the United 
States (1903); A. T. Hadley, Railroad Transportation (1890); and 
Frank H. Spearman, The Strategy of Great Railroads (1904). C. D. 
Wright, The Industrial Evolution of the United States (1895), is help¬ 
ful but inadequate. Richard T. Ely, Studies in the Evolution of Indus¬ 
trial Society (1903), throws much light upon the subjects considered 
in this chapter. Katherine Coman, Industrial History of the United 
States (1905), is an excellent but brief book. The stirrings of industrial 
and social discontent appear in Henry George, Progress and Poverty 
(1879), a famous treatise advocating the “single tax” on land; in 
Edward Bellamy, Looking Backward (1888), a widely read novel; and 
in The Breadwinners (1884), published anonymously but written by 
John Hay. 


CHAPTER XI—THE RETURN OF THE DEMOCRACY 

Rhodes, History of the United States from Hayes to McKinley, chaps. 
XI-XIII. H. T. Peck, Twenty Years of the Republic (1906), chaps. 
I—II, IV; a readable but not always trustworthy volume. Davis R. 
Dewey, National Problems (1907), chaps. I—VIII, especially strong as 
regards economic questions. Many of Cleveland’s public utterances 
are given in G. F. Parker, Writings and Speeches of Grover Cleveland 
(1892). Grover Cleveland, Presidential Problems (1904), deals mainly 
with his second administration. On the tariff question see Taussig, 
Tariff History of the United States ; and Edward Stanwood, American 
Tariff Controversies in the Nineteenth Century (2 vols., 1903). On the 
railway question see Meyer, Railway Legislation in the United States ; 
E. R. Johnson, American Railway Transportation (1903); and W. Z. 
Ripley, Railway Problems (1907). An account of the trial of the 
Chicago anarchists is given in Frederick T. Hill, Decisive Battles of the 
Law (1907), pp. 240-268. Matilda Gresham, Life of Walter Quinton 
Gresham (2 vols., 1920), purports to give an “inside” account of the 
Republican convention of 1888 and of some phases of the campaign, 
but should be used with caution. See also Stanwood, History of the 
Presidency, vol. I, chaps. XXVIII-XXIX. 


S58 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 

CHAPTER XII—THE SECOND HARRISON 

Rhodes, History of the United States from Hayes to McKinley, chaps. 
XIV-XVII. Dewey, National Problems , chaps. IX-XV. Peck, 
Twenty Years of the Republic , chaps. V-VI. Stanwood, History of the 
Presidency , vol. I, chaps. XXVIII-XXX; and S. B. McCall, The Life 
of Thomas Brackett Reed (1914), chaps. X-XV. On the tariff question 
consult Taussig, Tariff History of the United States; and Stanwood, 
American Tariff Controversies in the Nineteenth Century. On the trust 
question see A. M. Walker, History of the Sherman Law (1900); J. W. 
Jenks, The Trust Problem (1900); Tarbell, History of the Standard Oil 
Company ; and Henry D. Lloyd, Wealth against Commonwealth (1898). 
Robley D. Evans, A Sailor's Log (1901), contains an account of the 
Chilean difficulty; the author was in command of the Baltimore. For 
a first-hand description of Samoan affairs see Robert Louis Stevenson, 
A Footnote to History : Eight Years of Trouble in Samoa (1891). Mary 
H. Krout, Hawaii and a Revolution (1899), and E. J. Carpenter, Amer¬ 
ica in Hawaii (1898), describe the overthrow of Liliuokalani’s power. 
On this and other diplomatic questions consult also John W. Foster, 
American Diplomacy in the Orient (1903), and J. B. Henderson, Ameri¬ 
can Diplomatic Questions (1901). For the rise of Populism see F. L. 
McVey, The Populist Movement , in American Economic Association 
Studies, vol. I (1896), no. 3. 

CHAPTER XIII—HARD TIMES AND FREE SILVER 

Rhodes, History of the United States from Hayes to McKinley, chaps. 
XVIII-XX. Dewey, National Problems, chaps. XIV-XX. Peck, 
Twenty Years of the Republic, chaps. VII-XI, and McCall, The Life of 
Thomas Brackett Reed, chaps. XVI-XIX. Theodore E. Burton, 
Financial Crises and Periods of Industrial and Commercial Depression 
(1902), contains an account of the chief periods of depression down to 
1902. H. Vincent, The Story of the Commonweal (1894), is a history of 
the Coxey movement. W. J. Ashley, The Railroad Strike of 1894 
(1895), deals with the chief labor trouble of the period, and analyzes 
the report made by a federal commission which investigated the strike. 
For the injunction issue see W. H. Dunbar, Government by Injunction, in 
American Economic Association Studies, vol. Ill (1898), no. 1; and 
F. J. Stimson, Modern Use of Injunctions, in Political Science Quarterly, 
vol. X, pp. 189-202. On the Hawaiian question consult Krout, Hawaii 
and a Revolution ; Carpenter, America in Hawaii ; Henderson, Ameri¬ 
can Diplomatic Questions ; Foster, American Diplomacy in the Orient. 
President Cleveland’s Presidential Problems contains a detailed defense 
of his bond-issue policy, and also of his course with regard to Venezuela. 
On the latter subject see also W. F. Reddaway, The Monroe Doctrine 
(1898). Gresham, Life of Walter Quinton Gresham, defends Gresham’s 
course as secretary of state. On the currency question the free-silver 
view was set forth in a popular way in W. H. H. Harvey, Coin's Financial 
School (1894). A reply to it was published in Horace White, Coin's 


SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 559 

Financial Fool ; or the Artful Dodger Exposed (c. 1896). Less partisan 
discussions will be found in A. B. Hepburn, History of Coinage and Cur¬ 
rency in the United States (1903); J. L. Laughlin, History of Bimetallism 
in the United States (4th ed., 1897); and H. B. Russell, International 
Monetary Conference (1898). Bryan’s view of the election of 1896 is 
set forth in his The First Battle (1897). The story of how McKinley 
was nominated and elected is told in Herbert Croly, Marcus Alonza 
Hanna (1912), and in C. S. Olcott, The Life of William McKinley (2 
vols., 1916). See also Stanwood, History of the Presidency, vol. I, chap. 
XXX. 

CHAPTER XIV—THE WAR WITH SPAIN 

Latane, America as a World Power (1907), chaps. I-IV. Peck, 
Twenty Years of the Republic, chap. XIII. The diplomacy of the war 
is set forth in French E. Chadwick, The Relations of the United States 
and Spain ; Diplomacy (New York, 1909), an exhaustive book; and 
E. J. Benton, International Law and Diplomacy of the Spanish-American 
War (1908). For naval aspects see George Dewey, Autobiography of 
George Dewey (1903); John D. Long, The New American Navy (2 vols., 
1904); A. T. Mahan, Lessons of the War with Spain (1899); W. S. Schley, 
Forty-five Years under the Flag (1904); R. D. Evans, A Sailor's Log 
(1901); and French E. Chadwick, The Relations of the United States and 
Spain ; the Spanish-American War (1911). The last is, upon the whole, 
the most adequate treatment of naval events, and is almost equally 
authoritative on the military side. For other books dealing with the 
campaigns on land see R. H. Davis, The Cuban and Porto Rican Cam¬ 
paigns (1898), written by a war correspondent; Joseph Wheeler, The 
Santiago Campaign (1898), by a prominent actor in the campaign; and 
Theodore Roosevelt, The Rough Riders (1899), an extremely vivid and 
picturesque work. See also Roosevelt’s Autobiography (1913), chap. 
VII. 

CHAPTER XV—“IMPERIALISM” 

Latane, America as a World Power , chaps. V-X. Peck, Twenty Years 
of the Republic, chap. XIV. A vivid account of the war against the 
Filipinos will be found in Frederick Funston, Memories of Two Wars 
(1912), written by the officer who captured Aguinaldo. Dean C. 
Worcester, The Philippines: Past and Present (2 vols., new ed., 1914), 
is by an author who was familiar with the islands before the American 
period and who subsequently was a member of the Philippine Commis¬ 
sion; it favors the retention of the islands. James A. Leroy, The Ameri¬ 
cans in the Philippines (2 vols., 1914), is a work of high merit, but the 
death of the author found it uncompleted. Charles E. Elliott, The 
Philippines (2 vols., 1917), was written by a former justice of the Phil¬ 
ippine Supreme Court, and is especially good on the institutional side. 
Arguments against retaining the islands will be found in Carl Schurz, 
The Policy of Imperialism (1899); George F. Hoar, No Power to Con¬ 
quer Foreign Nations and Hold Their People against Their Will (1899), a 


5 6 o SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 

pamphlet; Edward Atkinson, Cost of War and Warfare from 1899 to 
1902 (1902); James H. Blount, The American Occupation of the Phil¬ 
ippines (1912); and Maximo M. Kalaw, The Case for the Philippines 
(1916), a plea for independence by a native writer. W. F. Willoughby, 
Territories and Dependencies of the United States (1905), contains a de¬ 
scription of the organization of governments in the insular possessions. 
See also Carl Crow, America and the Philippines (1914), and F. C. 
Chamberlin, The Philippine Problem (1913). A summary of affairs 
in the insular possessions is given in Annual Reports of the Secretary of 
War, 1899-1903, published in a single volume. See also Leo S. Rowe, 
The United States and Porto Rico (1904). For the election of 1900 
consult Edward Stanwood, A History of the Presidency, vol. II, chap. I. 
On China and the “open door” consult Thayer, Life of John Hay (2 vols., 
1915), vol. II, chap. XXVI. W. A. P. Martin, Siege of Pekin (1900), 
tells the story of the Boxer movement from the standpoint of a mission¬ 
ary. For the career of McKinley in these years and his death see Olcott, 
Life of William McKinley, and Croly, Marcus Alonzo Hanna. 

CHAPTER XVI—"BIG BUSINESS” AND THE PANAMA 

CANAL 

Peck, Twenty Years of the Republic, chap. XV. Latan6, America as 
a World Power, chaps. IX-XVI. Stanwood, History of the Presidency, 
vol. II, chap. II. In his Autobiography Roosevelt tells the story of his 
life in an interesting way, and deals with many aspects of his adminis¬ 
tration. There have been many other biographies of Roosevelt, most 
of them uncritical. See F. E. Leupp, The Man Roosevelt (1904); J. A. 
Riis, Theodore Roosevelt, the Citizen (1904); J. L. Street, The Most 
Interesting American (1915); C. G. Washburn, Theodore Roosevelt; the 
Logic of His Career (1916); and W. R. Thayer, Theodore Roosevelt: 
an Intimate Biography (1919). Much light on the events of these 
years is thrown by Theodore Roosevelt and His Time—Shown by His 
Own Letters, edited by Joseph B. Bishop, in Scribner's Magazine, be¬ 
ginning September, 1919. On the trust and railroad questions see B. 
H. Meyer, History of the Northern Securities Case (1906); John Moody, 
The Truth about the Trusts (1904); Gilbert Montague, The Trusts of 
To-day (1904); Tarbell, History of the Standard Oil Company, H. S. 
Haines, Problems in Railroad Regulation (1911); W. Z. Ripley, Rail¬ 
roads : Rates and Regulation (1912); Frederick N. Judson, The Law of 
Interstate Commerce and Its Federal Regulation (1906); and William H. 
Taft, The Anti-Trust Act and the Supreme Court (1914). Documentary 
History of American Industrial Society (11 vols., 1910-1911), edited by 
John R. Commons and others, is a valuable storehouse of information 
concerning industrial matters, labor, etc. On the Panama Canal con¬ 
sult, Willis F. Johnson, Four Centuries of the Panama Canal (1906); 
M. W. Williams, Anglo-American Isthmian Diplomacy, 1815-1915 
(1916); Forbes Lindsay, Panama and the Canal To-day (new ed., 1913); 
L. Hutchinson, The Panama Canal and International Trade Competition 
\1915); E. R. Johnson, The Panama Canal and Commerce (1916). 


SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 561 

C. Lloyd Jones, The Caribbean Interests of the United States (1916), is 
sufficiently indicated by its title. On this subject see also F. A Ogg 
National Progress (1918), chaps. XIV-XV. An account of foreign 
affairs in Roosevelt’s “first” term is given in Thayer’s Hay vol II 
chaps. XXVIII-XXXII. Chapter XXVIII deals with the “German 
Menace, and tells the story of Roosevelt’s Venezuelan ultimatum; 
a detailed statement on the last subject by Roosevelt himself is printed 
in the appendix. 

CHAPTER XVII—ROOSEVELT'S “SECOND” TERM 

Ogg, National Progress , chaps. I-IX. Stanwood, History of the Presi¬ 
dency , vol. II, pp. 141-212. The best general work on conservation 
is Charles R. Van Hise, The Conservation of Natural Resources of the 
United States (1910). See also C. E. Fanning, Selected Articles on Con¬ 
servation of Natural Resources (1913); Gifford Pinchot, The Fight for 
Conservation (1911); Roosevelt, Autobiography, chap. XI; and P. 
L. Haworth, America in Ferment (1915), chaps. II—III. On the 
trust problem see references cited for preceding chapter. On the 
trouble with Japan consult K. K. Kakawami, American-Japanese 
Relations (1912); Sidney L. Gulick, The American-Japanese Prob¬ 
lem (1914); H. A. Millis, The American Japanese Problem (1914); 
and Amos S. and Suzanne Hershey, Modern Japan (1919), chap. XVII. 
See also biographies of Roosevelt cited for preceding chapter. 

CHAPTER XVIII—THE NEW WEST 

Paxson, The Last American Frontier, chap. XXII. Sparks, National 
Development, chaps. XV-XVI. Joseph Schafer, A History of the Pacific 
Northwest (new ed., 1918), pp. 240-307. On Reclamation see R. P. 
Teele, Irrigation in the United States; a Discussion of Its Legal, Eco¬ 
nomic, and Financial Aspects (1915); W. H. Olin, American Irrigation 
Farming (1913); W. E. Smythe, The Conquest of Arid America (1900 
and later eds.). The last tells the history of reclamation from the 
standpoint of a leader in the movement. For a short account see F. A. 
Ogg, National Progress, pp. 107-113. On Alaska consult A. W. Greely, 
Handbook of Alaska (1909); and Report of Alaska Railroad Commission 
(I9I3)- 

CHAPTER XIX—THE REVOLT OF THE PROGRESSIVES 

Ogg, National Progress, chaps. IX-XI. F. W. Taussig, The Tariff 
History of the United States (6th ed., 1914), contains a discussion of the 
Payne-Aldrich Act. I. M. Tarbell, The Tariff in Our Times (1911), 
tells the story of the tariff question from the Civil War onward, and is 
strongly anti-protectionist. The controversies over conservation can 
best be studied in the files of such periodicals as The Outlook, Collier's 
Weekly, and The Review of Reviews. See also Pinchot’s Fight for Con¬ 
servation. On our changing institutions see Herbert Croly, The Promise 


562 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 

of American Life (1909), advocates a stronger nationalism and is a book 
of much distinction; Theodore Roosevelt, The New Nationalism (1910); 
Frank J. Goodnow, Social Reform and the Constitution (1911), emphasizes 
the cramping effects of a written constitution; W. L. Ransom, Majority 
Rule and the Judiciary (1912), deals with alleged reactionary tendencies 
of the courts; Walter E. Weyl, The New Democracy (1912), a notable 
book that is strongly progressive in tone; Nicholas M. Butler, Why 
Should We Change Our Form of Government ? (1912), is a conservative’s 
view of our institutions. On “direct government” see E. P. Ober- 
holzer, The Referendum, Initiative, and Recall in America (new ed., 1911); 
D. F. Wilcox, Government by All the People (1912); W. B. Munro (ed.), 
The Initiative, Referendum, and Recall (1912), contains articles by Roose¬ 
velt, Woodrow Wilson, and others; C. A. Beard and B. E. Schultz 
(eds.), Documents on the State-Wide Initiative, Referendum, and Recall 
(1912); A. H. Eaton, The Oregon System (1912); J. D. Barnett, Opera¬ 
tion of the Initiative, Referendum, and Recall in Oregon (1915). Inter¬ 
esting governmental experiments in Wisconsin are described in Charles 
McCarthy, The Wisconsin Idea (1912). Recent experiments in city 
government are set forth in E. S. Bradford, Commission Government in 
American Cities (1912). On the rise of progressivism see S. J. Duncan- 
Clark, The Progressive Movement (1913); Herbert Croly, Progressive 
Democracy (1914); Weyl, The New Democracy ; William E. Walling, 
Progressivism and After (1914), a Socialist’s view; and B. F. DeWitt, 
The Progressive Movement (1915). On election of 1912 consult files of the 
magazines, The American Year Book for 1912, and The New Interna¬ 
tional Year Book for 1912. Some of Roosevelt’s speeches are gathered 
in his Progressive Principles (1913). The gist of those by Wilson may 
be found in The New Freedom (1913), edited by W. B. Hale. For the 
life of Wilson see H. J. Ford, Woodrow Wilson, the Man and His Work 
(1915); and W. B. Hale, Woodrow Wilson ; the Story of His Life (1912). 
On the campaign see also Haworth, America in Ferment, chaps. XIV- 
XV; and Robert M. LaFollette, Autobiography (1913), strongly anti- 
Roosevelt. The various platforms are given in Stanwood, History of 
the Presidency, vol. II, appendix. 

CHAPTER XX—THE “NEW FREEDOM” AND 
“WATCHFUL WAITING” 

Ogg, National Progress, chaps. XII-XXI. On the Underwood Act 
see F. W. Taussig, The Tariff Act of 1913, in Quarterly Journal of Eco¬ 
nomics, vol. XXVIII, 1-30; H. P. Willis, “The Tariff of 1913,” in 
Journal of Political Economy, vol. XXII, pp. 1-42, 105-131, 218-238; 
H. R. Mussey, “The New Freedom in Commerce,” in Political Science 
Quarterly, vol. XXIX, pp. 600-625. On the Federal Reserve Act see 
H. P. Willis, “The New Banking System,” in Political Science Quarterly , 
vol. XXX, pp. 591-617; O. M. W. Sprague, “The Federal Reserve 
Banking System in Operation,” in Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 
XXX, pp. 627-644; T. Conway and E. M. Patterson, The Operation of 
the New Bank Act (1914); and H. P. Willis, The Federal Reserve (1915). 


SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 563 

On the trust question consult W. H. S. Stevens, “The Trade Commis¬ 
sion Act,” in American Economic Review , vol. IV, pp. 840-856; W. H. 
S. Stevens, “The Clayton Act,” in American Economic Review , vol. V, 
PP- 38~54I A. A. Young, “The Sherman Act and the New Anti-Trust 
Legislation,” in Journal of Political Economy , vol. XXIII, pp. 201-220, 
3°5~3 2 6, 417-436; E. D. Durand, The Trust Problem (1915); and W. H. 
S. Stevens, Unfair Competition (1917). A good description of Mexico 
under Diaz is given in P. F. Martin, Mexico of the Twentieth Century 
(2 vols., 1907); more sensational is J. K. Turner, Barbarous Mexico 
(4th ed., 1914); C. W. Barron, The Mexican Problem (1917), deals 
largely with economic questions; Mrs. E. L. O’Shaughnessy, A Diplo¬ 
mat's Wife in Mexico (1916), consists of letters written from the Ameri¬ 
can embassy in 1913-14; R. Batchelder, Watching and Waiting on the 
Border (1917), describes patrol work along the Mexican frontier. See 
also John Reed, Insurgent Mexico (1914). Of the vast number of books 
and pamphlets dealing with the Great War only a comparatively few are 
of any real value. Several helpful collections of diplomatic documents 
on the origin of the war have appeared, among them being J. B. Scott 
(ed.), Diplomatic Documents Relating to the Outbreak of the European 
War (2 vols., 1916). See also E. C. Stowell, The Diplomacy of the Great 
War of 1914 (1915). A useful book on the origins of the conflict is 
W. S. Davis, The Roots of the War (1918). Of German propagandist 
books designed to influence American opinion good examples are Hugo 
Munsterberg, The War and America (1914); and E. von Mach, What 
Germany Wants (1914). J. M. Beck, The Evidence in the Case (1914), 
weighs the conflicting testimony and decides against Germany. The 
course of the war can be followed in the files of Current History and other 
magazines. Of the many histories Frank H. Simonds, History of the 
World War (5 vols., 1915-1920), is one of the most illuminating. A. 
F. Pollard, A Short History of the Great War (1920), is a good brief 
account. America’s lack of preparedness is discussed in F. L. Huide- 
koper, The Military Unpreparedness of the United States (1915). Pleas 
for preparedness are made in Theodore Roosevelt, America and the 
World War (1915); Francis V. Greene, The Present Military Situation 
in the United States (1915); and Leonard Wood, Our Military History , 
Its Facts and Fallacies (1916). Light on our diplomatic relations with 
Germany is thrown in J. W. Gerard, My Four Years in Germany (1917), 
and the same author’s Face to Face with Kaiserism (1917). A detailed 
history of those relations is given in John B. McMaster, The United 
States in the World War (2 vols., 1918-1920), vol. I, chaps. I-XII. 
President Wilson’s course in foreign affairs is defended in E. E. Robin¬ 
son and V. J. West, The Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson, 1913-1917 
(1917), which contains his speeches on foreign affairs and some of the 
chief diplomatic papers; and by George Creel, Wilson and the Issues 
(1916). Wilson’s course is severely criticised in Theodore Roosevelt, 
America and the World War (1915), and Fear God and Take Your Own 
Part (1916); in Munroe Smith, “American Diplomacy in the European 
War,” in Political Science Quarterly, vol. XXXI, pp. 481-518; and in 
Addresses of Elihu Root on International Subjects (1916), pp. 427-447. 


564 suggestions for further reading 

Materials for the Study of the War (1918), compiled by Albert E. McKin¬ 
ley, contains selections from President Wilson’s addresses, a topical 
outline of the war, prepared by S. B. Harding, statutes relating to the 
war, and other features, including a bibliography. For the election 
of 1916 consult magazines and newspapers, The American Year Book 
for 1916, and The New International Year Book for 1916. 

CHAPTERS XXI-XXII—AMERICA AND THE GREAT WAR 

For America’s part in the Great War we are still largely dependent 
upon newspaper and magazine accounts. The student may consult 
the files of such magazines as Current History, The Outlook, The Review 
of Reviews, The Independent, The World’s Work, and The Literary Digest. 
Extended accounts are given in The American Year Book for 1917 and 
1918, and The New International Year Book for 1917 and 1918. McMas- 
ter, The United States in the World War, and Simonds, History of the 
World War, are both meritorious. John S. Bassett, Our War with Ger¬ 
many (1920), is a short account, containing comparatively little about 
military operations. Of the more “popular” histories may be men¬ 
tioned Francis A. March, History of the World War (1919); and Richard 
J. Beamish and Francis A. March, America’s Part in the World War 
(1919). Robert R. McCormick, The Army of iqi8 (1920), was written 
by a member of Pershing’s staff. E. Alexander Powell, The Army Be¬ 
hind the Army (1919), deals with America’s war preparations in an 
interesting but uncritical way. Frederick Palmer, America in France 
(1918), brings the story of American participation down to the early 
stages of the battle of the Meuse. The same author's Our Greatest 
Battle (1919) describes the American drive down the Meuse Valley to 
Sedan. E. C. Peixotto, American Front (1919), is sufficiently indicated 
by its title. F. Maurice, How the War Was Won, or the Last Four 
Months (1919), was written by a former director of military opera¬ 
tions of the British General Staff. William F. Sims, The American Navy 
in the War (1920), is a judicious account of American naval participa¬ 
tion by the admiral in charge. General Pershing’s final Report is given 
in Current History for January and February, 1920. Erich von Luden- 
dorff, My War Memories (2 vols., 1919), gives a German version of the 
war, and is written by the real German commander-in-chief during the 
last two years. It lacks frankness and also minimizes America's part 
in the final outcome. 

CHAPTER XXIII—THE PEACE CONFERENCE 

For the Peace Conference we are even more dependent upon news¬ 
paper and magazine accounts. The student may consult the files of 
the magazines mentioned under the preceding heading, also The Ameri¬ 
can Year Book for 1919 and The New International Year Book for 1919. 
E. B. Krehbiel (compiler), Paris Covenant for a League of Nations (1919), 
contains an analytical summary of the covenant and the text in full. 
Stephen P. Duggan, League of Nations (1919), contains the covenant 


SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 565 

in an appendix. Viscount Grey, E. S. Talbot, Sir Julian Corbett, and 
others, The League of Nations (1919), is a collection of essays setting 
forth the views of a number of prominent Englishmen. Economic 
aspects of the treaty are discussed in J. L. Garvin, Economic Founda¬ 
tions of Peace (1919), and John M. Keynes, The Economic Consequences 
of the Peace (1920); the last was written by the representative of the 
British treasury at the Peace Conference, and severely criticises the 
treaty. E. J. Dillon, The Inside Story of the Peace Conference (1920), 
is very critical of the completed work. 

CHAPTER XXIV—A GOLDEN AGE IN HISTORY 

Of general works dealing with contemporary conditions one of the 
most valuable is James Bryce, The American Commonwealth (revised 
ed., 2 vols., 1910), perhaps the most notable book ever published about 
America. H. G. Wells, The Future in America (1906), is thought-pro¬ 
voking. Herbert Croly, The Promise of American Life (1909), is a 
book of much merit. See also E. A. Ross, Changing America (1912); 
Hugo Munsterberg, The Americans (1904); John G. Brooks, As Others 
See Us (1908); P. L. Haworth, America in Ferment (1915); and Peck, 
Twenty Years of the Republic , chap. XVI. On the concentration of 
wealth see Charles B. Spahr, The Present Distribution of Wealth in the 
United States (1896); Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class 
(1899); Max West, The Inheritance Tax (revised ed., 1908); Andrew 
Carnegie, The Gospel of Wealth (1900); Frederic Mathews, Taxation 
and the Distribution of Wealth (1914); R. T. Ely, Studies in the Evolu¬ 
tion of Industrial Society (1903); Gustavus Meyers, History of the Great 
American Fortunes (3 vols., 1911); and W. I. King, The Wealth and In¬ 
come of the People of the United States (1915). On the subject of immi¬ 
gration H. P. Fairchild, Immigration (1913), takes a strong stand in 
favor of restriction; F. J. Warne, long a student of the problem in an 
official capacity, also advocates restriction in The Slav Invasion (1904), 
and The Immigrant Invasion (1913). Emily G. Balch, Our Slavic Fellow 
Citizens (1911), is more favorable to immigration; while Isaac A. Hour- 
wich’s Immigration (1912) seems written to combat exclusion tendencies. 
In The Immigrant Tide (1909), and in On the Trail of the Immigrant 
(1907), E. A. Steiner, himself foreign-born, tells in readable fashion the 
story of the experiences of incomers in search of a home. The Promised 
Land (1912), by the Russian Jewess Mary Antin (Mrs. A. W. Grabau), 
is a romantic account of the author’s own experience. Sidney L. 
Gulick, The American-Japanese Problem (1914), and H. A. Millis, The 
Japanese Problem in the United States (1915), are sufficiently described 
by their titles. On the race problem see Ray S. Baker, Following the 
Color Line (1908); Thomas Nelson Page, The Negro , the Southerner's 
Problem (1904); Booker T. Washington, Up from Slavery (1901); G. 
T. Stephenson, Race Distinctions in American Law (1910); W. E. B. 
Dubois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903); and The Negro's Progress in 
Fifty Years , a collection of articles by several authors, in Annals of the 
American Academy of Political and Social Science for September, 1913* 


566 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING 

Tuskegee Institute publishes annually a survey of race progress in 
The Negro Year Book. On the woman’s movement see Eugene A. 
Hecker, A Short History of Woman's Rights (1910); Susan B. Anthony 
and Ida Husted Harper, History of Woman's Suffrage (4 vols., 1881- 
1902); William I. Thomas, Sex and Society (1907); James N. Taylor, 
Before Vassar Opened (1914), an account of the early days of feminine 
education in America; Annie M. MacLean, Wage-Earning Women 
(1910); and Edith Abbott, Women in Industry (1910). Admiral Peary 
tells the story of his final triumph over obstacles in The North Pole 
(1910). See also his Nearest the Pole (1907), and Northward Over the 
Great Ice (1898). 


INDEX 


Abbott, Josiah G., member of electoral 
commission, 91. 

A. B. C. Conference, meeting of, 391. 

Adams, Charles F., American arbitrator 
at Geneva, 68; considered for presi¬ 
dency by Liberal Republicans, 69-70. 

Adamson Eight-Hour Act, passed, 415; 
held constitutional, 422. 

Aguinaldo, Emilio, leads Filipino revolt 
against Spain, 248-249; Dewey aids, 
249; declares independence of the 
islands, 258; fights Americans, 259- 
261; captured, 266-267. 

Airplane, invention of, 545. 

Airplane scandal, 442-444. 

Alabama claims, failure of Johnson’s 
attempt to settle, 41; arbitrated, 66- 
68; mentioned, 70. 

Alaska, purchased, 42; boundary dis¬ 
pute settled, 200; development of, 
348-350; attempt to control natural 
resources of, 354. 

Aldrich, Nelson A., investigates cur¬ 
rency and banking problems, 335; 
opposes Roosevelt, 338. 

Aldrich-Vreeland Act, passed, 335. 

Alger, Russell A., candidate for presi¬ 
dential nomination in 1888, 178-179; 
secretary of war, 232; unequal to his 
task, 239; “whitewashed” but re¬ 
signs, 255. 

Altgeld, John P., pardons three anar¬ 
chists, 173; protests against use of 
troops in strike of 1894, 215. 

American Federation of Labor, rise of, 
174 - 

Amnesty Act, passed, 62. 

Anarchists, at Chicago, 17 2-173. 

Ancona, sinking of, 408. 

Andrew, John A., indorses Johnson’s 
plan, 18; opposes negro suffrage, 23. 

Anthracite coal strike, account of, 289- 
291. 

Anti-Imperialists, account of, 262. 

Apaches, wars against, hi. 

Arabic, sinking of, 407-408. 

Argonne Forest, battle of, 472-473. 


Arid region, extent of, 344; transforma¬ 
tion of, 345-347- 

“Armed neutrality,” Wilson favors 
policy of, 420; he finds it inade¬ 
quate, 422. 

“Arm-in-Arm Convention,” meeting of, 
29. 

Arthur, Chester A., removed by Hayes, 
126; nominated for vice-presidency, 
134; elected, 136; succeeds to presi¬ 
dency, 138; course of, 138; seeks 
nomination in 1884, 141-142. 

Australian Ballot System, adoption of. 
183. 

Austria-Hungary, complications with, 
406-409; ships of, seized, 433; war 
declared against, 450; beaten by 
Italians, 465, 474; asks for peace 
discussions, 471, 477; broken up, 491. 

Aztec, sunk, 425. 

Babcock, O. E., trial of, 80. 

Baker, Newton D., secretary of war, 410; 
opposes accepting the Roosevelt vol¬ 
unteers, 433; his department at¬ 
tacked, 441-444. 

Ballinger, Richard A., controversy with 
Pinchot, 354. 

Baltimore, affair of the, 196-197. 

Bancroft, George, writes Johnson’s first 
message, 21. 

Bayard, Thomas F., member of elec¬ 
toral commission, 90; seeks presi¬ 
dential nomination in 1880, 135; can¬ 
didate for presidential nomination in 
1884, 143; secretary of state, 165; 
American minister to Great Britain, 
221. 

Belgium, neutrality violated, 396, 397. 

Belknap, W. W., impeachment of, 80- 
81. 

Bellamy, Edward, publishes Looking 
Backward, 171. 

Belleau Wood, taken by Americans. 463. 

Benteen, Captain, in battle of the Little 
Bighorn, 107-108. 


567 


5 68 


INDEX 


Berger, Victor L., elected to Congress 
by Socialists, 362; sentenced to 
prison for seditious utterances, 452; 
re-elected, 482, 511. 

Bernstorff, Count von, instigates vio¬ 
lence in United States, 406; notifies 
Lansing of unrestricted submarine 
warfare, 418; is given his passports, 
420. 

Beveridge, Albert J., champions Federal 
Child Labor Bill, 330; opposes Payne- 
Aldrich Bill, 353; speech at Progres¬ 
sive convention, 373; a Progressive 
leader, 374. 

Black Codes, described, 16-18; arouse 
Northern resentment, 19. 

“Black Friday,” account of, 63-64. 

Black Kettle, defeated by Custer, 104. 

Blaine, James G., quoted regarding 
election of A. H. Stephens, 21; at¬ 
tacks Jefferson Davis, 61; baits 
Southern congressmen, 81; the “ Mul¬ 
ligan Letters,” 82; seeks Republican 
nomination in 1876, 82-83; in 1880, 
133-134; secretary of state under 
Garfield, 137-138; resigns, 139; 
nominated for presidency in 1884, 
142; opposition of reformers to, 143; 
defeated, 144-145; criticises Cleve¬ 
land’s tariff message, 177; declines to 
run in 1888, 178-179; secretary of 
state, 184; reciprocity plan, 191; ac¬ 
tivities as secretary of state, 193-199; 
resignation and death, 202; men¬ 
tioned, 276; attempts to obtain 
modifications of Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty, 302. 

Blair, Francis P., Democratic vice- 
presidential candidate in 1868, 45. 

Bland-Allison Act, passed, 130-131. 

Blount, James H., investigates Hawaiian 
revolution, 217-218. 

Bolsheviki, seize control in Russia, 428, 
454- 

Bolshevism, obtains control in Russia, 
428; the menace of, 492; uprisings in 
Germany, 497. 

Booth, John W., shot, 3. 

Borie, Adolph E., secretary of the navy, 
47- 

Boston Advertiser , opposes Blaine in 
1884, 143. 

Boston Herald, opposes Blaine in 1884, 
M3- 

Bouresques, taken by Americans, 463. 


Boutwell, George S., represents House 
in trial of Johnson, 35; in Grant’s 
Cabinet, 47; sells gold to break 
“corner,” 63; mentioned, 76. 

Boxers, uprising of, 274-275. 

Bozeman Road, opening of, arouses 
Indian antagonism, 103; closed, 105. 

Bradley, Joseph P., appointed to su¬ 
preme bench, 64; course of, as mem¬ 
ber of electoral commission, 91. 

Bristow, Benjamin H., becomes secre¬ 
tary of the treasury, 77; prosecutes 
whiskey ring, 79-80; candidate for 
Republican nomination for the presi¬ 
dency, 82-83. 

Brown, B. Gratz, elected governor of 
Missouri, 69; candidate for vice¬ 
presidency in 1872, 70-71. 

Bryan, W. J., attacks Cleveland, 212- 
213; speaks at Chicago convention, 
227-229; nominated for presidency 
by Democrats and Populists, 229; 
defeated, 230-231; attitude toward 
peace treaty of 1898, 252; makes 
“imperialism” a campaign issue, 
262; defeated in campaign of 1900, 
263-266; supports Parker, 311; nom¬ 
inated and defeated in 1908, 337; 
criticises Taft’s appointment to 
Supreme Court, 365; in Democratic 
convention of 1912, 371-373; secre¬ 
tary of state, 380-381; arbitration 
policy, 383-387; proposal regarding 
foodstuffs, 400; attitude in Lusitania 
case, 404-405; resigns, 405; opposes 
preparedness, 409; favors compro¬ 
mise on treaty issue, 495. 

Buffaloes, their importance to Indians, 
108-109; range and numbers, 109; 
extinction, iio-m. 

Bull Moose, popular name for Progres¬ 
sives, 374; their call, 375. 

Bunau-Varilla, Philippe, part in revolt 
of Panama, 304-305. 

Burchard, Samuel D., his famous allit¬ 
eration, 145. 

Burlingame Treaty, modified, 132. 

Butler, Benjamin F., part of, in im 
peachment of Johnson, 34-35; nom¬ 
inated by Greenbackers in 1884, 86; 
quoted regarding Republican tactics 
in Louisiana in 1876, 88; quoted re¬ 
garding Hayes’s Southern appoint¬ 
ments, 128. 


INDEX 


California, progress of, 118-119, 342- 
344- 

Calvo Doctrine, see Drago Doctrine. 

Canadian Reciprocity, failure of, 363. 

Cannon, Joseph G., candidate for presi¬ 
dential nomination, 336; opposes 
Roosevelt, 338; revolt against, 359- 
360. 

Cantigny, American victory at, 462- 
463. 

Carey Act, passed, 345. 

Carlisle, John G., attempts to maintain 
gold reserve, 211-212. 

Carlota, wife of Maximilian, tragic fate 
of, 40. 

Carnegie, Andrew, cablegram regarding 
candidates in 1888, 179; strike at his 
works, 205; his company enters steel 
trust, 284; his benefactions, 500; fa¬ 
vors inheritance tax, 501. 

Carpet-Baggers, lead negroes, 38, 53, 
55-56; gradually lose control, 62; 
final fall of, 92-93. 

Carranza, Venustiano, Mexican leader, 
390; quarrels with Villa, 391; pro¬ 
tests against Pershing’s expedition, 
394; downfall and death, 394. 

Cas sin, sunk, 439. 

Cervera, Rear-Admiral, cherishes no 
illusions regarding Spain’s naval 
strength, 241-242; sails for Cuba, 
243; blockaded at Santiago, 244: 
defeated, 247. 

Chamberlain, Daniel H., career as 
governor of South Carolina, 59-60. 

Chamberlain, George E., criticises 
management of the war, 441-442. 

Chandler, William E., in election of 
1876, 87. 

Chandler, Zachariah, calls on Johnson, 
3; Republican manager in 1876, 87. 

Chase, Samuel P., gives oath to John¬ 
son, 2; presides at impeachment trial, 
35; seeks presidential nomination in 
1868, 43; stand in legal-tender cases, 
64. 

Chateau Thierry, Americans fight in 
region 462-463. 

Cheyennes, war against, 104. 

Chicago Tribune, on black codes, 19. 

Child labor, in South, 97-98; legisla¬ 
tion against, 330. 

Chile, controversy with, 196-197. 

China, immigration question, 131-133, 
136; “open door” in, 273-274; Boxer 


569 

uprising, 274-275; enters Great War, 
425; dissatisfaction over Shantung, 
489-490. 

Chinese exclusion, 131-133. 

Churchill, Winston, writes Coniston, 
326; a leading novelist, 542. 

Cipher despatches, published, 128; in 
campaign of 1880, 135-136. 

Civil Rights Act of 1875, passed, 62. 

Civil Rights Bill, passed over veto, 27. 

Civil Service reform, movement in 
favor of, 126-127; in campaign of 
1880, 133-134; triumph of, 139-140; 
under Cleveland’s first administra¬ 
tion, 166-168; under Harrison, 185- 
186; under Roosevelt, 279-282; 
under Wilson, 381-382. 

Clark, Champ, speaker, 363; candidate 
for presidential nomination, 371-373; 
re-elected speaker, 423; opposes 
conscription, 432. 

Clarkson, J. S., a spoilsman, 185-186* 

Clayton Act, passed, 385. 

Clayton-Bulwer convention, abrogated, 
300, 302. 

Clemenceau, Premier, like a hero out 
of Plutarch, 459, favors brigading 
American troops with the British and 
French, 461. 

Cleveland, Grover, nominated for 
presidency in 1884, 143; career of, 
143-144; elected, 145; inaugurated, 
164; Cabinet, 163-164; carriage [of, 
165; policy of, regarding civil ser¬ 
vice, 166; appoints members of Inter¬ 
state Commerce Commission, 171; 
vetoes pension bills, 174-175; “Rebel 
Flag Order,” 176; urges tariff reform, 
176-177; renominated, 177; in cam¬ 
paign of 1888, 180; asks recall of 
Sackville-West, 180; attempts to 
maintain gold reserve, 212-213; in¬ 
terferes in railroad strike, 215; names 
Gresham secretary of state, 216; 
Hawaiian policy, 217-218; Venezue¬ 
lan policy, 218-222; elected, 204- 
205; attends Colombian Exposition, 
208; mentioned, 208; secures repeal 
of Sherman Silver-Purchase Act, 209; 
defects as a leader, 210; dissatisfied 
with Wilson Bill, 211, 218-222; not 
indorsed by Democratic convention 
in 1896, 226-227; course toward 
Cuban revolt, 236-237; lull in trust 
formation under, 282; Roosevelt’s 


57° 


INDEX 


secret plan to appoint to head of 
commission to investigate anthracite 
coal strike, 291; supports Parker, 311; 
sets apart forests, 331; vetoes immi¬ 
gration bill, 506; retires from presi¬ 
dency in 1889, 184; renominated in 
1892, 202-203. 

Cleveland, Rose, mistress of the White 
House, 165. 

Clifford, Justice, member of electoral 
commission, 91. 

Cockburn, Alexander, dissents from 
Alabama award, 68. 

Colby, Bainbridge, becomes secretary 
of state, 496. 

Colfax, Schuyler, nominated for vice- 
presidency, 43; elected, 45. 

Colombia, treaty with, regarding Pan¬ 
ama Canal, 303; rejects treaty, 304; 
Panama revolts from, 305-307; com¬ 
pensatory treaty with, fails in Senate, 
388. 

Colombian Exposition, description of, 
206. 

Colorado, settlement of, 120. 

Commerce Court, short and stormy 
career of, 365. 

Conkling, Roscoe, seeks Republican 
nomination for presidency, 82-83; 
attempts to secure third term for 
Grant, 133-134; opposes Hayes, 126- 
127; quarrel with Garfield, 137; op¬ 
poses Blaine in 1884, 144. 

Conscription Act, passed, 431-432. 

Conservation, account of, 331-334. 

Cook, Frederick A., claims to have dis¬ 
covered North Pole, 547. 

Coolidge, Calvin, elected vice-president, 

502- 505; president, 515-519- 

Corporations, rise of, 150. 

Cortelyou, George B., manages Repub¬ 
lican campaign in 1904, 313, 315. 

Country Life Commission, created, 334. 

Cowboy, the part of, in the opening of 
the West, 116. 

Cox, James M., presidential candidate, 

503- 505. 

Cox, S. S., quoted, 55. 

Coxey’s Army, account of, 213-214. 

Credit Mobilier, history of, 78-79; men¬ 
tioned, 136. 

“Crime of 1873,” a name for demone¬ 
tization of silver, 130. 

Cristobal Colon, in Spanish-American 
War, 241; at Santiago, 244; sunk, 247. 


Crook, General, defeated by Sioux, 106; 
successes against Apaches, in. 

Cuba, complications regarding, 65, 
revolt of 1895, 235; American atti¬ 
tude toward, 235-239; United States 
intervenes in, 239; pacified, 252-254; 
reciprocity with, arranged, 294, in¬ 
tervention in, 321; declares war on 
Germany, 425. 

Cummins, Albert B., candidate for 
presidential nomination, 336; helps 
form progressive movement, 366; 
candidate for presidential nomina¬ 
tion, 369; supports Roosevelt, 375. 

Cunningham claims, controversy over, 
354- 

Curtis, George W., advocates civil 
service reform, 126; opposes Blaine 
in 1880, 143. 

Custer, George A., victory on Washita 
River, 104; defeat and death, 106- 
108. 

Dakota, settlement of, 121-122. 

Danish West Indies, attempts to pur¬ 
chase, 42; bought, 388. 

Daughters of the Confederacy, men¬ 
tioned, 98. 

Davis, David, dissents from majority 
opinion in Hepburn vs. Griswold, 64; 
a Liberal Republican, 69; refuses to 
be a member of electoral commission, 

91. 

Davis, Henry G., nominated for vice¬ 
presidency, 310-311. 

Davis, Jefferson, seeks to continue the 
war,i; accused of complicity in Lin¬ 
coln’s death, 3; imprisonment and 
release, 13; mentioned, 52; attacked 
by Blaine, 61; sentiment regarding 
the Union, 98. 

Dawes Act, passage of, m-112. 

Day, William R., secretary of state, 
251; heads peace delegation, 251. 

Debs, Eugene V., leads railroad strikers 
in 1894, 214-215; serves term in 
prison, 215-216; nominated for presi¬ 
dency by Social Democrats, 265; by 
Socialists in 1904, 314; in 1908, 337; 
sentenced to penitentiary, 452; again 
a candidate, 504. 

De Lesseps, Ferdinand, attempts to dig 
Panama Canal, 300-302. 

De Lome, Dupuy, writes insulting letter 
regarding McKinley, 238. 


INDEX 


57i 


Democratic party, in campaign of 1868, 
43-45; how Louisiana was carried 
by, in 1868, 55; in campaign of 1872, 
70-72; victory of 1874, 79J i n cam¬ 
paign of 1876, 84-92; the “Solid 
South,” 94-96; denunciation of 
Hayes, 127; weakened by cipher 
despatch revelations, 128; struggle 
with Hayes over federal election laws, 
129; in campaign of 1880, 135-136; 
in campaign of 1884, 143-145; in 
campaign of 1888, 177-182; regains 
popular favor in 1890, 192; in cam¬ 
paign of 1892, 202-205; reaction 
against in 1894, 216, in campaign 
of 1896, 226-231; in campaign of 
1900, 262-266; in campaign of 1904, 
310-315; in campaign of 1908, 337- 
338; gains control of House of Rep¬ 
resentatives in 1910, 362; in cam¬ 
paign of 1912, 371-378; retains con¬ 
trol in 1914, 392; in campaign of 1916, 
414-417; loses control of Congress in 
1918, 481-482; beaten in 1920, 503- 
506. 

Denmark, attempt to purchase West 
India possessions of, defeated by sena¬ 
torial opposition, 42; purchase con¬ 
summated, 388. 

Department of Commerce and Labor, 
created, 294. 

Dependent Pension Bill, vetoed, 175; 
enacted, 187. 

Depew, Chauncey M., candidate for 
presidency in 1888, 178-179. 

Dewey, George, victory of Manila Bay, 
242-243; awaits troops, 248; on 
tragedy of Filipino war, 261; on first 
Philippine Commission, 267; talked 
of for presidential nomination, 264; 
in readiness to go to Venezuela, 295- 
296. 

Diaz, Porfirio, fall of, 388-389. 

Dingley Tariff Act, passed, 233 - 234 * 

Dole, Sanford B., heads Hawaiian 
government, 200; defies Cleveland, 
217. 

“Dollar diplomacy,” mentioned, 387. 

Douglass, Frederick, quoted regarding 
treatment of freedmen, 9. 

Drago Doctrine, discussed, 297-298. 

Du Bois, W. E. B., leader of radical 
negro school, 531. 

Dudley, W. W„ connection with “blocks 
of five” scandal, 182. 


Dumba, Constantine, alleged statement 
regarding Lusitania note, 404-405; 
instigates violence in United States, 
406; recall demanded, 407; his ac¬ 
tivities given as a reason for declaring 
war on Austria-Hungary, 450. 

Dunning, William A., discovers author¬ 
ship of Johnson’s first presidential 
message, 21. 

Durell, E. H., issues restraining order in 
favor of Louisiana radicals, 56. 

Eaton, Dorman B., draws up Pendle¬ 
ton Act, 139; appointed Civil Service 
Commissioner, 140. 

Edmunds, George B., member of elec¬ 
toral commission, 90; seeks nomina¬ 
tion for presidency in 1880, 133; in 
1884, 142. 

Edmunds Act, prohibits polygamy in 
the Territories, 140. 

Education, progress of, 540-541. 

El Caney, battle of, 246. 

Electoral commission, creation and work 
of, 90-92. 

Electoral Count Act, passed, 168. 

Elkins Act, passed, 294. 

English, William E., candidate for vice¬ 
presidency in 1880, 136. 

Erdman Act, passed, 292. 

Esch-Cummins Act, passed, 497. 

Evarts, William M., represents John¬ 
son in impeachment trial, 35; attor¬ 
ney-general, 36; secretary of state, 
125; comment of, on a “dry” dinner, 
126. 

Fairbanks, Charles W., nominated for 
vice-presidency, 310; candidate for 
presidential nomination in 1908, 336; 
seeks presidential nomination in 1916, 
412; nominated for vice-presidency, 

413. 

Falaba, sinking of, 401-402. 

Federal Reserve System, created, 384- 

385* 

Federal Trade Commission, 385. 

Ferry, Thomas W., president pro 
tempore of Senate in 1876, 89; an¬ 
nounces election of Hayes and 
Wheeler, 92. 

Fessenden, William P., chairman of 
Senate Committee on Reconstruc¬ 
tion, 20; votes in favor of Johnson 
in impeachment trial, 36. 


572 


INDEX 


Fetterman massacre, described, 103. 

Field, Justice, member of electoral com¬ 
mission, 91. 

Fifteenth Amendment, submitted to 
States, 45; some States compelled to 
ratify, 52; ratified, 52; Southern op¬ 
position to, 53; mentioned, 71; at¬ 
tempts to avoid, 95, 96. 

Fish, Hamilton, secretary of state, 47; 
course regarding Cuban revolt, 65; 
negotiates Treaty of Washington, 
67. 

Fisk, James, attempts to “corner” 
gold, 63. 

Fiume, dispute over, 489. 

Fleming, Walter L., quoted, 4. 

Florida, Democratic attempt to “re¬ 
deem,” in 1876, 86; dispute concern¬ 
ing election, 88, 91. 

Foch, Ferdinand, in first battle of the 
Marne, 426; allied commander-in¬ 
chief, 458-459; urges that Americans 
be brigaded with French and British, 
460; Italian victory lifts load off his 
shoulders, 465; begins counter-offen¬ 
sive, 467-468; his strategy, 469; 
orders attacks in Asia and the Bal¬ 
kans, 470; ready to begin a new of¬ 
fensive, 475; public feeling that Ger¬ 
mans should ask him for armistice, 
477; grants armistice, 479. 

Folk, Joseph W., fights grafters, 326. 

“Force Bill,” failure of, 186-187. 

Forest reserve, account of, 331-332. 

Forsyth, George A., beats off Indian 
attack, 104. 

Foster, John W., as secretary of state 
favors annexation of Hawaii, 201. 

Fourteen Points, laid down by Wilson, 
475-476; Allied amendments to, 479. 

Fourteenth Amendment, submitted to 
States, 27; its provisions, 27-28; 
rejected by most of Southern States, 
32; ratified,' 38; mentioned, 71; at¬ 
tempts to avoid, 95-96. 

France, intervenes in Mexico, 39; at¬ 
tempts to intervene in behalf of Spain, 
239; in World War, 395, 398, 417, 
426-428, 432, 434, 436-439; cam¬ 
paigns of 1918 in, 454-480; at peace 
conference, 484-486, 490-492, 494- 
497; at Washington conference, 509- 
511; dilatory regarding debts, 513. 

Freedmen, the question of their 


status, 1; behavior of during war. 
6-7; unrest among, 7; desire of, for 
education, 8; unwillingness to work, 
8; expect “forty acres and a mule,” 
9; bureau formed to protect, 10; 
position of, under Black Codes, 16- 
18; Sumner’s attitude toward, 22; 
Stevens desires to give them suffrage 
and financial aid, 23; Schurz’s re¬ 
port upon their condition, 25; Civil 
Rights bill passed but vetoed, 27; 
their standing under Fourteenth 
Amendment, 27-28; crimes against, 
30; active in forming new constitu¬ 
tion, 36-37; active in government of 
South, 38, 48-62. 

Freedmen’s Bureau, mentioned, 8; 
established, 10; bill to extend its life 
vetoed, 25; life of extended, 28. 

Frelinghuysen, F. T., member of elec¬ 
toral commission, 90. 

Friars land question, settled, 270. 

“Frightfulness,” German policy of, 
396, 400. 

Funston, Frederick, helps Cubans, 236; 
captures Aguinaldo, 266; at Vera 
Cruz, 391. 

Fur seals, controversy over, 198-199. 

Gardner, Augustus P., champions pre¬ 
paredness, 409. 

Garfield, Harry S., as federal fuel ad¬ 
ministrator shuts down industry, 
446-447. 

Garfield, James A., member of electoral 
commission, 90; nominated for 
presidency, 134; career of, 135: 
elected, 136; quarrels with Conkling, 
137; assassinated, 138; mentioned, 
282. 

Garfield, James R., a Progressive leader, 
374- 

Geary Act, passed, 132-133. 

George, David Lloyd, favors appoint¬ 
ment of Foch, 458; quoted, 460, 461. 

George, Henry, publishes Progress and 
Poverty, 148, 171, 523. 

Gerard, James G., quoted, 404-405; 
warns government that submarine 
warfare will be renewed, 412; noti¬ 
fied that unrestricted submarine 
warfare will begin, 418; on German 
expectations, 419. 

German-American Alliance, opposes 
Roosevelt in 1916, 414. 


INDEX 


573 


Germany, controversy with, over 
Samoa, 193-196; attempts to inter¬ 
vene in Spain’s behalf, 239; and 
Chinese affairs, 273-275; Venezuelan 
debt dispute with, 294-297; prepara¬ 
tions in America, 297; strikes for world 
power, 395; American complications 
with, 396-412; makes peace proposal, 
417; declares unrestricted submarine 
warfare, 418; reasons for so doing, 
419; diplomatic relations with broken, 
420; overtures of, to Mexico, 420- 
421; war declared upon; 423-425; 
account of war against, 425-480; 
peace treaty with, 483-497; sepa¬ 
rate treaty negotiated with, in 1921, 

"509. 

Geronimo, an Apache chief, 100, in. 

Gibbon, General, leads force against 
Sioux, 106, 108. 

Glass-Owen bill, passed, 384-385. 

Godfrey, George A., writes account of 
the Custer massacre, 107. 

Goethals, George W., in charge of 
building Panama Canal, 308; resigns 
from shipping board, 434; brought 
back into government service, 442. 

Gold reserve, attempts to maintain, 207, 
211-213; provision concerning, in 
Gold Standard Act, 233. 

Gold Standard Act, passed, 233. 

Gorgas, George W., chief sanitary officer 
at Panama, 307-308; testifies regard¬ 
ing lack of hospital equipment, 442. 

Gould, Jay, attempts to “corner” 
gold, 63-64; helps give dinner to 
Blaine, 145. 

Grady, Henry, tribute of, to fidelity of 
slaves, 6; quoted regarding Southern 
conditions at end of the war, 10-11; 
quoted regarding “New South,” 96- 
97- 

Grand Army of the Republic, activity 
in obtaining pensions, 175; hostility 
to Cleveland, 176. 

“Grandfather clause,” a loophole for 
poor and illiterate whites, 95; held 
unconstitutional, 96. 

Granger Cases, decided, 160. 

Granger Laws, passage and character, 
159-160. 

Grangers, rise of, 159; many join 
Populists, 192. 

Grant, Ulysses S., captures Lee. 1; 
mentioned, 7; on Southern conditions, 


25; temporary secretary of war, 34; 
sends Sheridan to Mexican border, 
40; nominated for presidency, 43; 
elected, 45; career of, 46-47; his 
Cabinet, 47-48; secures modification 
of Tenure-of-Office Act, 48; inter¬ 
venes in Louisiana, 56; sends troops 
to South Carolina to suppress Ku 
Klux, 60-61; declares for sound 
money, 63; criticised for course at 
time of “Black Friday” flurry, 64; 
appoints two new justices, 64; at¬ 
tempts to annex Santo Domingo, 64- 
65; attitude toward Cuban revolt, 
65; message regarding Alabama 
claims, 66; falls into hands of poli¬ 
ticians, 68; discontent with, 69 ; 
renominated and re-elected, 70-73; 
course regarding greenbacks, 76-77; 
corruption under, 77-81; opens Cen¬ 
tennial Exposition, 81; talk of a third 
term for, 82; sends troops to South 
Carolina, 86-87; firm course at time 
of disputed election, 90; witnesses 
secret inauguration of Hayes, 93; In¬ 
dian policy of, 105; effort to nominate 
in 1880, 133-134. 

Great American Desert, old idea con¬ 
cerning, 344. 

Great Britain, participates in Mexican 
intervention, 39; the Fenian move¬ 
ment, 41; the Alabama claims, 41, 
66-68; part of, in Samoan quarrel, 
193-196; attitude in Venezuelan dis¬ 
pute, 218-222; friendly attitude in 
Spanish-American War, 239, 250; 
Hay’s note to, concerning “open 
door,” 273; part of, in Venezuelan 
debt dispute, 294-296; abrogates 
Clayton-Bulwer convention, 300, 302; 
blockades Germany, 399; part of, in. 
Great War, 426 et seq.; in peace con¬ 
ference, 484 et seq.; in Washington 
conference, 509-511; begins pay¬ 
ments on debt, 513. 

Great Reconstruction Act, passed, 33.. > 

Great War, embarrasses Denmark finan¬ 
cially, 388; outbreak of, 39s; respon¬ 
sibility for, 395; complications re¬ 
sulting from, 396-412, 417-421; 

United States enters, 422-425; his¬ 
tory of, 425-480; peace negotiations* 
481-496. 

Greeley, Horace, signs Jefferson Davis’s 
bond, 13; active in Liberal Republi- 


574 


INDEX 


can movement, 69; a candidate for 
the presidency in 1872, 70-72; de¬ 
feated, 72; death of, 73; mentioned, 
3i4, S26. 

Greenback party, history of, 86; men¬ 
tioned, 129. 1* 

Greenbackers, many join Populists, 192. 

Greenbacks, in campaign of 1868, 42-45. 

Gresham, Walter Q., candidate for 
presidential nomination in 1888, 178- 
179; secretary of state, 216; his 
course regarding Hawaii, 217-218; 
death of, 220. 

Guiteau, Charles J., assassinates Gar¬ 
field, 138. 

Gulflight, sinking of, 401-402. 

Hague Conference, Roosevelt wishes 
to call second, 320. 

Hague Tribunal, Venezuelan debt dis¬ 
pute referred to, 297, 320; Pious 
Fund case referred to, 320. 

Haig, General, calls upon his men to 
stand firm, 457; his great victory, 468. 

Hancock, Winfield S., in command of a 
Southern military district, 34; can¬ 
didate for presidential nomination, 
43-44; presidential candidate, 135- 
136. 

Hanna, Marcus A., delegate to Republi¬ 
can convention of 1880, 142; sketch 
of, 224; manages McKinley’s cam¬ 
paign in 1896, 224-225; senator, 
232; writes trust plank in Republican 
platform of 1900, 263; manages 

campaign, 265; favors Panama route 
for a canal, 303; death of, 309. 

Harding, Warren G., elected president, 
500-506; administration of, 506-514; 
death of, 514. 

Harper's Weekly, Nast cartoons Gree¬ 
ley in, 71; crusade against Tweed, 74; 
Nast’s cartoons of 1876 in, 86; quoted 
regarding Wilson, 386. 

Harriman, E. H., contributes to Re¬ 
publican campaign fund in 1904, 314- 
315; career of, 342-343. 

Harrison, Benjamin, nominated for 
presidency, 178 179; elected, 181- 
182; inaugurated, 184; cabinet of, 
184; and civil service, 185; sends 
ultimatum to Chile, 196; soothes 
Italian pride, 197; inherits fur seal 
controversy, 198; favors annexation 
of Hawaii, 199-201; renominated, 


201-202; defeated, 205; sets apart 
national forests, 331. 

Hawaii, revolution in, 200; attempt to 
annex, 201; Cleveland administra¬ 
tion reverses our policy, 217; an¬ 
nexed, 218. 

Hawkins, General, leads charge at San 
Juan, 246. 

Hay, John, ambassador to Great Brit¬ 
ain, 250; secretary of state, 251; 
“open door policy,” 273-274; and 
Boxer revolt, 275; aids Roosevelt, 
294; course in Venezuelan debt dis¬ 
pute, 295-296; secures abrogation of 
Clayton-Bulwer convention, 302; ne¬ 
gotiates treaty with Colombia, 303; 
on proposed Panama revolt, 304; in¬ 
structs American consul to recognize 
de facto government of Panama, 306; 
on Roosevelt, 312; death of, 318; a 
great diplomatist, 319; negotiates 
arbitration treaties, 321; seeks to buy 
Danish West Indies, 388. 

Hay Act, passed, 410. 

Hayes, Lucy Webb, introduces a “dry” 
regime, 125-126. 

Hayes, Rutherford B., nominated for 
presidency, 82-84; career of, 84; in 
election of 1876, 87-92; inaugurated, 
93; settlement of Southern problem, 
94-95; Cabinet of, 125; on the 
Roman punch, 126; favors civil ser¬ 
vice reform, 126-127; removes 
Arthur and Cornell, 126; Democratic 
attacks upon, 127; contest with op¬ 
position in Congress, 129; unrest 
under, 131; does not seek renomina¬ 
tion, 133; quoted regarding Harrison, 
201; on American policy toward an 
Isthmian canal, 301. 

Hay market Riot, account of, 173. 

Hendricks, Thomas A., seeks Demo¬ 
cratic presidential nomination in 
1868, 43; in 1876, 85; nominated for 
vice-presidency in 1876, 85; seeks 
nomination for presidency in 1880, 
135; nominated for vice-presidency 
in 1884, 143; elected, 145; death of, 
168. 

Hepburn Act, passed, 327. 

Hepburn vs. Griswold, case of, decided, 
64. 

Hill, David B., alleged treachery in 1888, 
181; opposes renomination of Cleve¬ 
land in 1892, 202-203; against in- 


INDEX 


come tax, 210; in Democratic con¬ 
vention of 1896, 227; on Bryan’s 
nomination, 229; manages Parker’s 
campaign for nomination, 3x0. 

Hill, James J., helps form Northern Se¬ 
curities Company, 289; career of, 342- 
343- 

Hindenburg, Marshal von, victories 
against Russia, 426; strategic retreat, 
436; favors an armistice, 478. 

Hindenburg Line, Germans retire to, 
436; Allies attack in 1917, 437; Ger¬ 
mans driven back to, 469; battle of, 
471-472. 

Hoar, E. R., attorney-general, 48; forced 
out of Cabinet, 69. 

Hoar, George F., on negro education, 
52; member of electoral commission, 
90; in Republican convention of 1880, 
134; on Harrison’s repellent manner, 
185; opposes retaining Philippines, 
252. 

Hobart, Garret A., nominated for vice¬ 
presidency, 225; death of, 263. 

Hobson, Richmond P., attempts to 
block mouth of Santiago harbor, 244- 

245. 

Hoffman, John T., a creature of Tweed, 
74- 

Holden, William W., appointed pro¬ 
visional governor of North Carolina, 
IS- 

Holleben, Herr von, Roosevelt’s ultima¬ 
tum to, 296. 

Homestead Law, passage and effect, 118. 

Homesteader, the part of, in opening 
of the West, 117. 

Hoover, Herbert C., food administrator, 
445; in campaign of 1920, 500; in 
Cabinet, 506. 

House, Edward M., mysterious missions, 
417; at peace conference, 484. 

Howard, Oliver O., head of Freedmen’s 
Bureau, 10. 

Huerta, Victoriano, seizes power in 
Mexico, 389; trouble with United 
States, 390-391; falls, 391. 

Hughes, Charles E., elected governor of 
New York, 326; candidate for presi¬ 
dential nomination in 1908, 336; ap¬ 
pointed associate justice, 364; nomi¬ 
nated for presidency, 412-413; in 
campaign, 414-415; defeated, 416; 
investigates airplane scandal, 443; 


575 

secretary of state, 506; in Washington 
conference, 509. 

Idaho, settlement of, 121. 

Immigration, account of, 525-528. 

Income tax, enacted, 210-211; held 
unconstitutional, 211; in Underwood 
Act, 3*84; increased, 449. 

Independent National party, see Green¬ 
back party. 

Indianapolis Sentinel, gives term “mug¬ 
wump,” 143. 

Indian Territory, becomes State of 
Oklahoma, 112. 

Indians, the problem of, at close of Civil 
War, 100-101; mistreatment of, 101- 
102; character of, 102; wars against, 
102-108, 111; present status, m- 
112. 

Industrial peace, problem of, 291-292. 

Industrial Revolution mentioned, 355; 
transforming effect of, 147-151. 

Industrial Workers of World, disloyal 
acts of, 452 - 453 - 

Inflation bill, vetoed by Grant, 77. 

Ingersoll, Robert G., presents Blaine’s 
name to Cincinnati convention, 83. 

Initiative, adopted in some States; 356- 
358. 

Insular cases, decided, 270. 

Interstate Commerce Commission, cre¬ 
ated, 170; members appointed, 171; 
membership and powers increased, 

327. 

Interstate Commerce Law, passed, 170- 
I71 - 

Iron, history of industry in the United 
States, 151 - 153 - 

Irrigation, development of, 344-347. 

Italians, defeated in 1917, 450, 454; re¬ 
pulse Austrian drive, 465; great vic¬ 
tory of, 474. 

Italy, quarrel with, over New Orleans 
lynching, 197; desires Fiume, 489. 

Itata, case of, 196. 

Jacob Jones, sunk, 439. 

Japan, policy of, regarding China, 273- 
274; controversy with, over school 
and immigration questions, 322-323; 
renewal of difficulties with, 388; Ger¬ 
man overtures to, 420; obtains de¬ 
mands regarding Shantung, 489-490; 
at Washington conference, 509-511. \ 


INDEX 


576 

Jay Cooke and Company, failure of, 76. 

Jennings, Louis J., crusade against 
Tweed Ring, 74. 

“Jim Crow” laws, character of, 62, 530. 

Joffre, Joseph, wins first battle of the 
Marne, 426; succeeded by Nivelle, 
437; visits United States, 438. 

Johnson, Andrew, career and character 
of, 2-3; his accession welcomed by the 
radicals, 3; denounces treason and 
threatens punishment of traitors, 3; 
change in policy of, 13-14; quarrels 
with Schurz, 24; transmits reports 
of Schurz and Grant, 25; vetoes 
Freedmen’s Bureau bill, 25; his Wash¬ 
ington’s birthday speech, 26; develops 
his policy, 18-19; protests against 
election of A. H. Stephens, 21; vetoes 
Civil Rights bill, 27; his friends and 
enemies in campaign of 1866, 29; his 
“swing around the circle,” 31; de¬ 
feated, 31; his powers restricted, 32; 
impeachment of, 34-36; retirement 
and death, 46; mentioned, 48. 

Johnson, Hiram, Progressive nominee 
for vice-presidency, 374; re-elected 
governor, 393; candidate for presiden¬ 
tial nomination, 416, 500-502, 519. 

Johnson-Clarendon Convention, reject¬ 
ed, 41. 

Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 
formed, 20; its plans, 27-28. 

Jones, George, crusade against Tweed 
Ring, 74. 

Juarez, opposes the French, 40. 


Kaiser’s battle, account of, 455-457. 

Kearneyism, account of, 131-132. 

Kellogg, William P., Republican gov¬ 
ernor of Louisiana, 56. 

Kern, John W., nominated for vice- 
president, 337. 

Kipling, Rudyard, quoted, 261. 

Klondike, discovery of gold in, 349. 

Knights of Labor, history of, 161-162; 
in railroad strike of 1886, 172; weak¬ 
ened by failure of strikes supported 
by, 174. 

Knox, Philander C., brings suit against 
Northern Securities Company, 289; 
candidate for presidential nomina¬ 
tion, 336; secretary of state, 351. 

Ku Klux Act, 60, 61. 


Ku Klux Klan, origin and objects, 49- 
51; activities of, 59-61; an issue in 
campaign of 1872, 72; new organiza¬ 
tion on different basis, 511. 

Labor, strike of 1877, 146-147; effect 
of Industrial Revolution upon, 147- 
151; rise of trades unions, 161-162; 
unrest of, 171; strikes of 1886, 172- 
173; strike of 1894, 214-215; injunc¬ 
tion grievance, 215-216; anthracite 
coal strike, 290-291; problem of in¬ 
dustrial peace, 291-292; Adamson 
Act, 415, 422; problem of, at end of 
Great War, 483, 497. 

La Follette, Robert M., candidate for 
presidential nomination in 1908, 336; 
candidate for presidential nomina¬ 
tion in 1912, 366-369; attacks Roose¬ 
velt, 375; one of the “wilful men,” 
421; opposes declaration of war on 
Germany, 425; quoted, 499. 

La Gulsima, battle of, 246. 

Lamar, L. Q. C., secretary of the in¬ 
terior, 164. 

Lansing, Robert, becomes secretary of 
state, 405; says America is drawing 
near the verge of war, 418; a repre¬ 
sentative at the peace conference, 484; 
resigns from Cabinet, 495-496. 

Lawson, Thomas W., publishes account 
of “the System,” 325-326. 

Lawton, Henry W., commands at battle 
of El Caney, 246; killed in battle with 
Filipinos, 260. 

League of Nations, origin of, 485-486; 
covenant of, 486-489; controversy 
over, 493-496, 502, 508, 517. 

League to Enforce Peace, origin of, 485. 

Legal-tender cases, account of, 64. 

Liberal Republican party, formed, 69; 
nominates Greeley, 70-71. 

Liberal Republicans, rise of, 69-70; 
most support Hayes, 84. 

Liberty loans, floating of, 447-449. 

Liberty motor, account of, 443-444. 

Liliuokalani, deposed, 200; failure of 
attempt to restore, 217-218. 

Lincoln, Abraham, assassinated, 2; his 
murder hardens hearts of Northern 
people, 3; plan of reconstruction, 5- 
6; mentioned, 13, 14, 19; attitude 
toward negro suffrage, 23; comment 
of, on Chase’s desire for presidency, 


INDEX 


577 


43; reconstruction policy had he 
lived, 93; mentioned, 336. 

Literature, development of, 542-543. 

Lloyd, Henry D., warns country of 
menace of the plutocracy, 523. 

Lodge, Henry C., delegate to Republi¬ 
can convention in 1884, 142; ulti¬ 
mately supports Blaine, 143; leads 
fight against treaty, 493; delegate to 
Washington conference, 509. 

Logan, John A., in impeachment trial of 
Johnson, 35; mentioned, 91; nomi¬ 
nated for vice-presidency, 142. 

London, Meyer, elected to Congress, 
393- 

Long, John D., secretary of the navy, 
232, 241. 

“Long Drive,” described, 117. 

Louisiana, Lincoln establishes recon¬ 
struction government in, 5; this gov¬ 
ernment recognized by Johnson, 14; 
constitutional convention in, 36-37; 
under Carpet-Bag rule, 54-56; Demo¬ 
cratic attempt to “redeem” in 1876, 
86; contest regarding election, 88, 91; 
downfall of Carpet-Bag government 
in, 92-93; plan adopted in, for sup¬ 
pressing negro vote, 95; revolt in, 
against sugar schedule of Underwood 
bill, 383. 

Louisiana Lottery Company, legislation 
aimed at, 187. 

Loyal League, see Union League. 

Ludendorff, Erich von, prepared for 
great offensive, 455; his system, 468; 
resigns, 478. 

Lusitania, sinking of, 402-403; contro¬ 
versy with Germany over, 404-408; 
mentioned, 427. 

h 

Macaulay, Thomas B., prediction re¬ 
garding America, 522. 

Madero, Francisco I., assassinated, 389. 

Mahan, Alfred T., an adviser in Span- 
ish-American War, 241, 255. 

Maine, blown up, 238. 

Malietoa, deposed by Germans, 194; 
restored, 195. 

Marshall, Thomas R., nominated for 
vice-presidency, in 1912, 373? in 1916, 
414; presides over Cabinet meetings 
during Wilson’s absence in Europe, 
484; favors inheritance tax, 523. 

Maximilian, his career in Mexico, 39-40. 


Maximilian, Prince, becomes German 
chancellor, 475; negotiates for an 
armistice, 475-479. 

McAdoo, W. G., Cabinet member, 381; 
appointed director-general of rail¬ 
roads, 445; candidate for presidential 
nomination, 503, 519. 

McClure's, leads in exposure of corrup¬ 
tion in business and politics, 325. 

McCormick, Cyrus H., his reaper hast¬ 
ens settlement of the West, 122. 

McEnery, John, claims Louisiana gover¬ 
norship, 56. 

McKinley, William, delegate to Republi¬ 
can convention of 1884, 142; his tariff 
bill, 190-191; defeated for re-elec¬ 
tion, 192; criticizes Cleveland’s tariff 
message, 177; nominated for presi¬ 
dency, 224-226; elected, 231; inau¬ 
gurated, 232; calls special session of 
Congress, 233; improved business 
conditions under, 234; course in re¬ 
gard to Cuba, 236-239; asks Congress 
to intervene in Cuba, 239; hesitates 
regarding Philippines, 251; relations 
with Alger, 255; decided to retain 
Philippines, 257-258; proclamation 
regarding, 259; re-elected, 262-266; 
establishes civil government in Philip¬ 
pines, 267-268; speech at Pan-Ameri¬ 
can Exposition, 275-276; assassinated, 
276; place in history, 276-277; news 
of death reaches Roosevelt, 278; rapid 
formation of trusts under, 282; sets 
apart forests, 331. 

McKinley Tariff bill, passed, 190-191; 
effects of, 192, 207; denounced by 
Democratic platform of 1892, 203; 
mentioned, 224, 234. 

McPherson, Edward, omits calling 
names of claimants from seceded 
States, 20. 

Meuse, battle of, 472-473. 

Mexico, French intervention in, 39-40; 
revolution in, 388-389; complications 
with, 389 - 391 * 393-395; German over¬ 
tures to, 420; peace in, 517. 

Miles, Nelson A., in wars against Sioux 
and Apaches, 108, hi; commands in 
Porto Rico, 248. 

Miller, S. F., dissents in Hepburn vs. 
Griswold, 64; member of electoral 
commission, 91. 

Miner, part of, in the opening of the 
West, 116. 


INDEX 


578 

Mississippi, rejects Thirteenth Amend¬ 
ment, 16; Black Code of, 17,19; votes 
down new constitution, 37; con¬ 
tinues under military rule, 38; read¬ 
mitted, 52; escapes from Carpet-Bag 
rule, 62; adopts “understanding 
clause,” 95. 

Mitchell, John, leads coal strikers, 290. 

“Molly Maguires,” account of, 146; 
mentioned,. 161. 

Monroe Doctrine, and Venezuelan con¬ 
troversy, 220, 224; in Venezuelan 
debt dispute, 295; Roosevelt corol¬ 
lary to, 299. 

Montana, settlement of, 121. 

Montojo, Admiral, defeated by Dewey, 
242. 

Morey letter, a canard in election of 
1880, 136. 

Morgan, J. P., Jr., attempt to murder, 
407. 

Morgan, J. P., Sr., sale of bonds to, 
212-213; forms Steel Trust, 284; 
helps form Northern Securities Com¬ 
pany, 289. 

Morton, Levi P., nominated for vice- 
presidency, 179; mentioned for presi¬ 
dency in 1896, 223. 

Morton, Oliver P., mentioned, 18; at 
first opposes negro suffrage, 23; 
seeks Republican nomination for pres¬ 
idency, 82-83; member of electoral 
commission, 90. 

Motley, John L., recalled from English 
mission, 65. 

Muck-rakers, era of, 325-326. 

Muenter, Erich, attempts to murder 
J. P. Morgan, Jr., 407. 

Mugwumps, rise of, 143. 

Murchison letter, story of, 180-181. 

Napoleon III, his Mexican venture, 
39 - 40 - 

Nast, Thomas, cartoons Greeley, 71- 
72; fight against Tweed Ring, 74; his 
cartoons in campaign of 1876, 86. 

National Parks, creation of, 123-124. 

“Naturalization clause,” adopted in 
Louisiana, 95. 

Nebraska, sunk, 406. 

Negroes, deprived of political power in 
South, 94-96; status to-day, 528-532. 
See also Freedmen. 

Nevada, early history of, 119-120. 


“New Freedom,” a Wilsonian watch¬ 
word, 377, 382. 

New Nationalism, advocated by Roose¬ 
velt, 361-362, 367. 

New Orleans riot, described, 30; men¬ 
tioned, 31. 

New South, rise of, 96-99. 

New West, development of, 341-350. 

New York Evening Post, opposes Blaine 
in 1884, 143. 

New York Nation, on Greeley’s nomina¬ 
tion by the Democrats, 71. 

New York Sun, applies term Mug¬ 
wumps to Republican bolters, 143. 

New York Times, crusade against 
Tweed, 74; holds election of 1876 in 
doubt, 87; opposes Blaine in 1884, 
143- 

New York Tribune, publishes the cipher 
despatches, 128. 

Newell, Frederick H., director of rec¬ 
lamation work, 346. 

Newlands, Francis G., fathers Reclama¬ 
tion Act, 294, 346. 

Nicaragua, protectorate over, 387-388. 

Nicaragua Canal, attempt to construct, 
302-303. 

Northern Pacific Railroad, mentioned, 
76; building of, 121-122. 

O’Conor, Charles, nominated for presi¬ 
dency by a Democratic faction, 71; 
opposes Tweed, 75. 

Oklahoma, story of, 112. 

O’Leary, Jeremiah, offensive letter to 
Wilson, 415. 

Olney, Richard, course in Venezuelan 
dispute, 220-221. 

“Open-door” policy, established by 
Hay, 273-274. 

Oregon, contest regarding, in 1876, 87, 
91. 

Oregon, mentioned, 240; voyage of, 243, 
302; at Santiago, 247. 

Overman bill, passed, 442. 

Pale Faces, see Ku Klux Klan. 

Palma, Thomas Estrada, provisional 
President of Cuba, 235; President, 
254; revolt against, 321. 

Palmer, John M., nominated for presi¬ 
dency by Gold Democrats, 229. 

Panama, revolt of, 304-305; cedes 
Canal Zone, 306. 

Panama Canal, story of, 300-309. 


INDEX 


Pan-American Congresses, account of, 
324-325. 

Pan-American Exposition, McKinley 
attends, 275-276. 

Panics, of 1873, account of, 76-77; of 
1893, 207 et seq.; periodicity of, 208; 
of 1907, 335; of 1914-15, 397- 

Parker, Alton B., nominated for presi¬ 
dency, 310-311; defeated, 313-315. 

Parker, John M., joins Progressives, 
375; candidate for vice-presidency, 
413 - 

Patrons of Husbandry, see Grangers. 

Pauncefote, Julian, negotiates with 
Olney regarding arbitration and Ven¬ 
ezuela, 221; negotiates with Hay re¬ 
garding Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 302. 

Paxson, Frederic L., quoted, 119, 121. 

Payne, Henry B., member of electoral 
commission, 91. 

Payne-Aldrich Act, passed, 353. 

Peace Commission, treats with In¬ 
dians, 105. 

Peary, Robert E., discovers the North 
Pole, 546 - 547 - 

Peck, H. T., quoted, 164. 

Pelton, W. T., connection with cipher 
despatches, 128. 

Pendleton, George H., candidate for 
presidential nomination, 43-44. 

Pendleton Act, passage of, 139. 

Pensions, Cleveland vetoes many 
private bills, 174-175; Dependent 
Pension bill vetoed, 187; becomes a 
law, 187. 

People’s party, see Populists. 

Perdicaris, Ion, release obtained, 319. 

Pershing, John J., leads expedition 
into Mexico, 394; commands in 
Europe, 438-439; offers troops to 
Foch, 469; helps plan counter-offen¬ 
sive, 468; captures St. Mihiel salient, 
469-470; his drive down the Meuse, 
472-474. 

Persia, sinking of, 408. 

Petroleum, rise of industry in the 
United States, 153-158. 

Philippines, Dewey leads fleet against, 
242-243; native rebellibn in, 248- 
249; conquest of, 250; in peace ne¬ 
gotiations, 251-252; description of, 
258; McKinley decides to hold, 257- 
258; insurrection in, 258-261, 266- 
267; in campaign of 1900, 262-266; 
establishment of civil government in, 


579 

267-272; American policy toward, 

272-273. 

Phillips, Wendell, denounced by John¬ 
son. 26, 31. 

Peirpont, Francis H., loyal governor ol 
Virginia, 5; his government recog¬ 
nized, 14. 

Pike, James S., quoted regarding Soutk 
Carolina, 57-58. 

Pinchot, Gifford, activities as conserve 
tionist, 331-334; mentioned, 346; 
controversy with Ballinger, 354; 
meets Roosevelt in Italy, 360; a 
Progressive leader, 374. 

Pious Fund of the Californias, referred 
to Hague tribunal, 320. 

Platt, Thomas C., resigns from Senate, 
137; claims that he was promised 
secretaryship of treasury, 184-185; 
brings about Roosevelt’s nomination 
for the vice-presidency, 263-264. 

Platt Amendment, imposed on Cuba, 
253; effect of, 254; intervention 
under, 321. 

Pop-gun bills, mentioned, 383. 

Populists, rise of, 192-193; in cam¬ 
paign of 1892, 203-205; committed 
to Free Silver, 223; indorse Bryan in 
1896 and 1900, 229, 265; vote in 
1904, 314; appear for last time, 338. 

Porto Rico, invasion of, 148; acquired, 
254 - 

Potter Committee, investigates election 
of 1876, 127-128. 

Powderly, Terence V., head of Knights 
of Labor, 161. 

Powell, James, defeats Indians, 103-104. 

Powell, John W., report on arid region, 
344 - 345 - 

Presidential Succession Act, passed, 168. 

Primary elections, adopted in many 
States, 356-358; in campaign of 1912, 
368-369. 

Proclamation of Emancipation, validity 
of, in doubt, 6. 

Progressives, a wing of Republicans. 
352-359; revolt against Cannonism, 
359“36o; movement begins to take 
definite form, 366; pre-convention 
fight in 1912, 367-370; party formed, 
373 - 374 ; in campaign, 375 " 378 ; 
question of their future, 378-379; in 
campaign of 1914, 39 I- 393 J conven¬ 
tion of 1916, 412-413; party disap¬ 
pears, 412; most support Hughes, 416. 


INDEX 


580 

Prohibition, victory of, 532-535. 

Prohibition party, sketch of, 73. 

Publishing, expansion of, 519-520, 

Pullman strike, account of, 214 

Pure Food Law, passage of, 327. 

Quay, Matthew S., admits buying 
sugar stock, 211; candidate for presi¬ 
dential nomination, 223. 

Railroads, rapid expansion of, in 
period following Civil War, 75-76; 
consolidation of, 158-159; evils in 
management of, 159-160, 169-171; 
passage of Interstate Commerce Law, 
170-171; strike of 1886, 172; rebates 
forbidden, 294, 327; Adamson Act 
passed, 415; renewed difficulties, 
423-424; government takes control 
of, 445-446. 

Rankin, Jeannette, elected to Congress, 
417. 

Rawlins, John A., secretary of war, 48; 
influences Grant to recognize Cuban 
belligerency, 65. 

Recall, adopted in some States, 356- 
358; Roosevelt favors recall of judi¬ 
cial decisions, 368, 370. 

Reclamation Act, passed, 293, 345-346. 

Reclamation Service, work of, 346. 

Reed, Thomas B., speaker of the House, 
186; re-elected speaker in 1897, 233; 
seeks presidential nomination, 224- 
225; resigns, 262. 

Reed, Walter, discovers that yellow 
fever is carried by mosquitoes, 253. 

“Reed Rules,” adoption of, 186. 

Referendum, adopted in some States, 
356 - 358 . 

Reno, Major, in battle of the Little Big¬ 
horn, 107. 

Republican party, radical faction 
pleased with Johnson, but soon 
change attitude, 3, 18; fears of, as to 
increased political strength of South, 
21; in campaign of 1866, 29-31; 
in campaign of 1868, 42-43, 45; loses 
control of South, 62, 93-94; in cam¬ 
paign of 1872, 69-72; defeated in 
1874, 79 : in campaign of 1876, 81- 
92; party dissensions under Hayes, 
126-127; cipher-despatch disclosures 
aid, 128; in campaign of 1880, 133- 
136; party troubles under Garfield, 
137-138; loses control of House of 


Representatives in 1882,141? in cam¬ 
paign of 1884, 141-145; in campaign 
of 1888, 177-182; attempts to pass 
“Force Bill,” 186; reaction against 
in 1890, 192; in campaign of 1892, 
201-205; regains popular favor in 
1894, 216; in campaign of 1896, 223- 
231; in campaign of 1900, 262-266; 
in campaign of 1904, 309-315; in 
campaign of 1908, 336-338; a rift in 
ranks of, 338; the progressive revolt, 
352-379,‘ a revival, 392-393; in 
campaign of 1916, 412-417; victori¬ 
ous in 1918,481-482; returns to power, 
500-506; reaction against, 511. 

Resumption Act, passed, 79; carried 
out, 129-130. 

Rhodes, James Ford, quoted, 29, 64, 
76 , 94 - 

Richardson, W. A., inflates currency, 
76-77; disgraced, 77. 

“Rifle Clubs,” activity in South Caro¬ 
lina in election of 1876, 86. 

Rockefeller, John D., career of, 156- 
158; rapidity with which he ac¬ 
quired wealth, 521-522; his bene¬ 
factions, 522. 

Roman Nose, defeated by Colonel 
Forsyth, 104. 

Roosevelt, Theodore, quoted regarding 
effect of Spanish-American War upon 
sectional feelings, 98-99; a rancher in 
the West, 117; delegate to Republi¬ 
can convention of 1884, 142; ulti¬ 
mately supports Blaine, 143; activ¬ 
ity as civil service commissioner, 185- 
186; quoted, 231; mentioned, 198; 
assistant secretary of the navy, 232; 
prepares navy for war with Spain, 
241; helps organize Rough Riders, 
245; leads charge at San Juan, 246- 
247; nominated for vice-presidency, 
263-264; in campaign, 265; succeeds 
to presidency, 278; career and 
character, 278-279; policy regarding 
appointments, 279-280; the Booker 
Washington episode, 280-281; takes 
up the trust problem, 288-289; 
course in coal strike, 290-291; at¬ 
tempts to destroy his popularity fail, 
292-293; aided by many Democrats, 
293; forces Kaiser to back down in 
Venezuelan debt dispute, 294-296; 
quoted, 298; course regarding Pan- 


INDEX 


ama Canal, 302-309; nominated in 
1904, 309-310; elected, 312-316; 
statement regarding third term, 
317; his theory of the presidency, 
317-318; his vigorous foreign policy, 
319; belief in “preparedness,” 320; 
practical peace policy, 320-321; ends 
Russo-Japanese War, 321; intervenes 
in Cuba, 321-326; policy in Japanese 
dispute, 322-323; sends fleet around 
the world, 324; his moral leadership, 
325-327; helps to obtain pure-food 
legislation, 327; and Hepburn Act, 
327-328; his trust recommendations, 
328; attitude toward social justice, 
329-330; efforts in behalf of conserva¬ 
tion, 321-334; his reforming activities 
arouse antagonism, 335; selects Taft 
to carry out his policies, 336; breach 
with Standpatters, 338; a great 
American, 339-340; promotes rec¬ 
lamation work, 345-346; goes to 
Africa, 352; return, 360-361; ad¬ 
vocates a “New Nationalism,” 361- 
362; believes Sherman Act defective, 
365; seeks renomination, 367-368; 
in pre-convention fight, 368 -369; 
his supporters nominate him inform¬ 
ally, 371; nominated by Progressive 
party, 375; denounced by Republi¬ 
cans, 376; wounded, 377; runs sec¬ 
ond. 378; arbitration treaties men¬ 
tioned, 383; Caribbean policy men¬ 
tioned, 387; champions prepared¬ 
ness, 409; visits Canal Zone, 484; 
death of, 500; favors inheritance tax, 
523; appoints Country Life Commis¬ 
sion, 525; as an author, 542. 

Root, Elihu, secretary of war, 255; 
becomes secretary of state, 319; nego¬ 
tiates arbitration treaties, 321; at¬ 
tends Pan-American conference at 
Rio Janeiro, 324; presides over Re¬ 
publican convention of 1912, 370; 
notifies Taft of renomination, 376; 
seeks nomination in 1916, 412; in 
Washington conference, 509. 

Rose, Sir John, negotiates Treaty of 
Washington, 67. 

Rough Riders, mentioned, 98; forma¬ 
tion of, 245; in Santiago campaign, 
246-247. 

Russia, sells Alaska, 42; revolution in, 
428; makes peace, 454 ; repudiates 
debts, 483. 


581 

Sackville-West, Lionel, taken in by 
“Murchison letter,” 180-181. 

“Salary Grab,” account of, 79. 

Salisbury, Lord, demurs against re¬ 
calling Sackville-West, 181; attitude 
in fur-seal controversy, 199; course 
in Venezuelan dispute, 219-221. 

Samoa, controversy with Germany re¬ 
garding, 193-195; part of islands an¬ 
nexed to United States, 195. 

Sampson, William T., commands North 
Atlantic Fleet, 243; bombards San 
Juan, 244; commands fleet off San¬ 
tiago 244-247. 

San Diego, sunk, 439. 

San Juan, battle of, 246-247. 

“Sanborn contracts,” scandal of, dis¬ 
credits Secretary Richardson, 77. 

Santiago, campaign of, 244-248. 

Santo Domingo, attempt to annex, 65; 
debts of, cause United States to take 
control of finances, 298-299; pro¬ 
tectorate over, mentioned, 387. 

Scalawags, lead negroes, 38, 53, 57. 

Schley, W. S., commands Flying Squad¬ 
ron, 243; at Santiago, 244, 247. 

Schofield, J. M., in command of a South¬ 
ern military district, 33; secretary of 
war, 36. 

Schurz, Carl, investigates Southern 
conditions, 24; his report, 24-25; 
active in Liberal Republican move¬ 
ment, 69-70; a member of Hayes’s 
Cabinet, 125; opposes Blaine in 
1884, 143. 

Schwab, Charles M., directs American 
shipbuilding, 440. 

Second Enforcement Act, passed, 60. 

Service, Robert, quoted, 349. 

Seventeenth Amendment, adopted, 364. 

Sewall, Arthur, Democratic nominee for 
vice-presidency in 1896, 229. 

Seward, William H., magnanimity of, 
13; buys Alaska, 42; quoted regard¬ 
ing effect of McCormick’s reaper, 122; 
attempts to buy Danish West Indies, 
42, 388. 

Seymour, Horatio, Democratic presi¬ 
dential candidate in 1868, 45. 

Shafter, William R., in command at 
Santiago, 245-247. 

Shantung, controversy over, 489. 

Sheridan, Philip, on New Orleans riot, 
30; appointed to command one of 
five Southern military districts, 33; 


582 


INDEX 


removed, 34; on Mexican border, 
40; mentioned, 66; conducts war 
against Cheyennes, 104. 

Sherman, James S., nominated for vice- 
/ presidency, 336; renominated, 371. 
Sherman, John, mentioned, 66, 83; 
secretary of the treasury, 125; carries 
out resumption, 130; seeks presiden¬ 
tial nomination in 1880, 133-134; 
in 1888, 178-179; name given to sil¬ 
ver act, 188; to antitrust act, 189; 
secretary of state, 232; resigns, 251. 
Sherman Antitrust Act, passed, 189; 
evaded, 190; practically a dead 
letter, 287; prosecutions under, be¬ 
gun, 289; Roosevelt recommends its 
amendment, 328; defective, 365; 
amended, 385. 

* Sherman Silver-Purchase Act, passed, 
187-188; effect of, 207; repealed, 
209, 211. 

Sickles, Daniel E., in command of a 
Southern military district, 33; re¬ 
moved, 34. 

Silver question, rise of, 130-131; 
Sherman Silver-Purchase Act, 187- 
188; act repealed, 209; agitation of 
subject in Cleveland’s second adminis¬ 
tration, 211-212, 216, 222-224; in 
campaign of 1896, 225-231; gold 
made standard of value, 231-232; 
in campaign of 1900, 262-264; con¬ 
troversy over, in Democratic con¬ 
vention of 1904, 310-311. 

Sims, William S., commands fleet oper¬ 
ating abroad, 434-435. 

Sinclair, Upton, exposes horrors of meat¬ 
packing plants, 326-327. 

Sioux, wars against, 103-108. 

Sitting Bull, his fame, 100; in war of 
1876, 105-108; death of, 108. 

Sixteenth Amendment, adopted, 364. 

Social Democrats, party formed by, 265; 
renamed Socialist party, 3x4. 

Socialist Labor party, sketch of, 265. 

Socialists, party formed by, 265; vote 
of, in 1904, 314; in 1908, 337“338; in 
1912, 378; in 1916, 417; attitude 
toward Great War, 452; in campaign 
of 1920, 504-506. 

“Solid South,” always Democratic, 94. 

South Carolina, Democratic attempts 
to “redeem” in 1876, 86; dispute re¬ 
garding election, 87-88, 91; fall of 
Carpet-Bag government in, 92-93. 


South Improvement Company, rise and 
fall, 157. 

Southern Unionist convention, meets at 
Philadelphia, 30. 

Spain, participates in Mexican inter¬ 
vention, 39; American relations with, 
during Cuban revolt of 1868-78, 
65-66; Cuban revolt against, 235- 
239; war with United States, 239- 
256. 

Spanish-American War, helps to close 
breach between North and South, 98; 
history of, 231-256. 

Springfield Republican , opposes Blaine 
in 1884, 143. 

St. Mihiel salient, captured, 469-470. 

Stalwarts, a Republican faction, 127, 
133, 134, 137. 

Stanbery, Henry, resigns from Cabinet 
to defend Johnson, 35; Senate re¬ 
fuses to ratify his reappointment, 36. 

Standard Oil Company, origin, 157- 
158; changes in form of, 190; cam¬ 
paign contribution of, 314-315; 
suits against, 238; ordered broken up, 

329, 365. 

Standpatters, oppose Roosevelt, 338; 
ring in Congress overthrown, 359- 
360. 

Stanton, Edwin M., opposes Johnson, 
31; Tenure-of-OfEce Act designed 
to protect, 32; suspended by John¬ 
son, 33-34; resigns, 36. 

Stanton, Elizabeth C., a leader of the 
woman’s movement, 537. 

Star Route frauds, unearthed, 137-138. 

Steel, development of the industry 
sketched, 151-153. 

Steel Trust, see United States Steel 
Corporation. 

Stephens, Alexander H., elected to 
Senate, 21-22. 

Stevens, John L., part in Hawaiian re¬ 
volt, 200-201, 218. 

Stevens, Thaddeus, opposes Johnson’s 
reconstruction plan, 18; his resolu¬ 
tion for appointment of joint com¬ 
mittee on reconstruction,. 20; attitude 
toward South, 22-23; denounced by 
Johnson, 26, 31; part in impeachment 
of Johnson, 35. 

Stevenson, Adlai E., removes post¬ 
masters, 167; nominated for vice¬ 
presidency in 1892, 203; nominated 
for vice-presidency in 1900, 264. 



INDEX 


Stewart, Alexander T., nominated for 
secretary of treasury, 47. 

Stone, William J., a pro-German, 405; 
one of the “wilful men,” 421; opposes 
declaring war on Germany, 425. 

Strong, William, appointed to Su¬ 
preme Bench, 64; member of elec¬ 
toral commission, 91. 

Sumner, Charles, opposes Johnson’s re¬ 
construction plan, 18; his warning 
against political purposes of South, 
21; character and theories of, 22; 
denounced by Johnson, 26; attitude 
on Alabama claims, 41, 66; efforts 
of, to secure Civil Rights Act, 62; 
deposed from chairmanship of com¬ 
mittee on foreign relations, 65. 

Supplementary Reconstruction Acts, 
passage of, 33. 

Sussex, attack upon, 411; mentioned, 
417. 

Swayne, N. H., dissents in Hepburn vs. 
Griswold, 64. 

Taft, Charles P., aids his brother’s 
political aspirations, 336. 

Taft, William H., work of, in Philip¬ 
pines, 268; becomes secretary of 
war, 319; goes to Cuba, 321; on 
trust decisions, 329; nominated for 
presidency, 336; elected, 337~338; 
favors government building rail¬ 
ways in Alaska, 350; inaugurated, 
351; Cabinet of, 351-352; difficult 
task, 352; praises Payne-Aldrich 
Act, 353; dismisses Pinchot, 354; 
loyal to conservation, 354-355; his 
misfortune, 359; interest in Roose¬ 
velt’s attitude toward, 360-361; ap¬ 
points a tariff board, 362; advocates 
reciprocity with Canada, 363; vetoes 
“pop-gun” tariff bills, 363; con¬ 
structive achievements under, 364; 
fills vacancies in Supreme Court, 364- 
365; opposition to, 365-367; in pre- 
convention fight, 368-370; “re¬ 
nominated,” 371; defends his nom¬ 
ination, 376; defeated, 377-378; 
mentioned, 384; Mexican policy of, 
389; issues appeal for election of a 
Republican Congress, 481; meets 
Diaz on Mexican soil, 484; helps 
form League to Enforce Peace, 485; 
favors League of Nations, 493; vetoes 


583 

immigration bill, 528; vetoes Webb 
bill, 534 - 

Tamasese, set up by Germans, 194. 

Tammany Hall, controlled by Tweed 
Ring, 74; hostile to Cleveland, 145, 
181. 

Tarbell, Ida, writes history of Standard 
Oil Company, 325. 

Tariff, an issue in 1880, 136; act of 
1883, 141; in campaign of 1884, 142- 
144; Cleveland makes it an issue, 
177; the Mills bill, 177; chief issue in 
campaign of 1888, 180-181; McKin¬ 
ley Act passed, 190-191; effect of 
act, 192, 207; in campaign of 1892, 
203; passage of Wilson bill, 210-211; 
Dingley Act, 235; revision of, pledged 
by Republicans in 1908, 337; Taft 
appoints a tariff board, 362; “pop¬ 
gun” bills vetoed, 363; in campaign 
of 1912, 364, 374, 377. 

Teller, Henry M., bolts Republican con¬ 
vention, 225-226. 

Tenure-of-Office Act, passed, 32; John¬ 
son wishes to test its constitutional¬ 
ity, 34-36; amended, 48; repealed, 
167. 

Terry, A. H., purges Georgia Legis¬ 
lature, 52; in Sioux war, 106, 108. 

“The Hostiles,” a band of warlike In¬ 
dians, 105. 

Thirteenth Amendment, ratification of, 
6, 16; political effect of, 21; bill to 
carry into effect, 27; mentioned, 71 

Thomas, Lorenzo, designated as secre¬ 
tary of war, 34. 

Thornton, Sir Edward, negotiates 
Treaty of Washington, 67. 

Thurman, A. G., member of electoral 
commission, 90; candidate for presi¬ 
dential nomination in 1880, 135; 
mentioned for presidential nomina¬ 
tion in 1884,143; nominated for vice¬ 
presidency in 1888, 177. 

“Tidal Wave of 1874,” account of, 79. 

Tilden, Samuel J., opposes Tweed, 75; 
nominated for presidency, 85; career 
of, 85; in campaign of 1876, 86-93; 
declares he was cheated out of the 
presidency, 127; and cipher des¬ 
patches, 128; not a candidate in 
1880, 135; mentioned, 143; recom¬ 
mends Manning for Cleveland’s 
Cabinet, 165. 


INDEX 


5 8 4 

Tillman, Benjamin R., attacks Cleve¬ 
land, 227. 

Tobacco Trust, decision against, 328- 

329, 365- 

Trader, part of, in opening of the West, 
116. 

Trapper, part of, in opening of the West, 
116. 

Treaty of Washington, negotiated, 67. 

Trusts, rise of, 157-158; Sherman Anti¬ 
trust Act passed, 188-189; act evaded, 
190; rapid formation of, 282-283; 
evils of, 283-286; arguments for, 
286-287, Antitrust Act practically a 
dead letter, 287; Roosevelt takes up 
the problem, 288-289; Northern Se¬ 
curities case, 289; rush to form, 
ceases, 293; Roosevelt’s trust rec¬ 
ommendations, 328; Standard Oil 
and Tobacco Trust cases, 329; new 
legislation under Wilson, 385-386. 

Tweed, William M., story of his career, 
74 - 75 - 

Tweed Ring, rise and fall, 74-75; men¬ 
tioned, 87. 

“Understanding Clause,” adopted in 
Mississippi to eliminate negro vote, 95. 

Underwood, Oscar, chairman commit¬ 
tee on ways and means, 363; candi¬ 
date for presidential nomination, 371- 
372, 519; delegate to Washington con¬ 
ference, 509. 

Underwood Act, passed, 383-384; de¬ 
clared a failure by Republicans, 414. 

Union League, operations in South, 51. 

Union Pacific Railroad, building of, 

114-115- 

United States Steel Corporation, formed, 
284-285. 

Vaterland, taken over and used as a 
troop-ship, 433-434- 

Venezuela, controversy with Great 
Britain over, 218-222; controversy 
over debts owed by, 294-296. 

Victory loan, floating of, 449. 

Villa, Francisco, Mexican leader, 390; 
quarrels with Carranza, 391; raids 
Columbus, 393; American expedition 
against, 394; assassinated, 517. 

Villard, Henry, part of, in building 
Northern Pacific Railroad, 122. 

Virgin Islands, bought, 388. 


Wade, Benjamin F., calls on Johnson, 
3; opposes Johnson’s reconstruction 
plan, 18. 

Warmoth, H. C., goes over to conserva¬ 
tives, 56. 

Washbume, Elihu B., secretary of state 
and minister to France, 47. 

Washington, Booker, his work, 280; 
leader of one school of negro opinion, 
530; quoted, 532. 

Washington, George, quoted regarding 
aims of American farmers, 162-163; 
realized need of conserving natural 
resources, 331; mentioned, 336. 

Washington conference, 509-511. 

“Watchful Waiting,” Wilson’s policy 
toward Mexico, 389, 390. 

Watson, Thomas E., nominated for 
vice-presidency by Populists, 230. 

Watterson, Henry, speech regarding 
Tilden’s claims, 90. 

Weaver, James B., nominated by Green- 
backers in 1880, 86; by Populists in 
1892, 203; his vote, 205. 

West, see Wild West and New West. 

Weyler, Valeriano, cruel policy in Cuba, 
235 , 237. 

Wheeler, Joseph, in Spanish-American 
War, 240; at Santiago, 246-247. 

Wheeler, W. A., nominated for vice- 
president in 1876, 84; declared elected, 
92. 

Whiskey Ring, prosecution of, 80. 

White, Edward D., appointed chief 
justice, 364. 

White,^William A., quoted, 223. 

White Brotherhood, see Ku Klux Klan. 

White Camelia, a secret organization 
similar to Ku Klux Klan, 49; opera¬ 
tions in Louisiana, 55. 

Whitney, William C., secretary of the 
treasury, 165. 

Whittier, John G., quoted, 123. 

Wild West, passingof,described, 100-124. 

Wiley, Harvey W., chief chemist of 
Department of Agriculture, 327. 

William II, tells German soldiers to 
behave like “Huns,” 275; responsible 
for Great War, 395; assumes nominal 
command, 455; quoted regarding 
Allied lack of unified command, 458; 
participates in session of war cabinet, 
478; flees to Holland, 479; Holland 
refuses to surrender, 491. 


INDEX 


Wilson, Henry, nominated for vice- 
president, 70; elected, 72; death of, 89. 

Wilson, James, long term as secretary 
of agriculture, 351. 

Wilson, Woodrow, mentioned, 198; 
policy toward Philippines, 271-272; 
reverses his attitude toward federal 
child-labor legislation, 330; nomi¬ 
nated for presidency, 371-373; sketch 
of, 373; in campaign, 376-377; 
elected, 377—378; inaugurated, 380; 
Cabinet, 380-381; attitude toward 
civil service, 381-382; his “New 
Freedom/' 382; addresses Congress 
in person, 383; his programme, 383- 
386; his leadership, 386; Caribbean 
policy, 387; policy toward Colombia, 
388; Mexican policy, 388-390; 393- 
395; neutrality policy, 396-397; 
“ too-proud-to-fight ” speech, 403-404; 
Lusitania notes, 404-406; demands 
recall of Dumba, Boy-Ed, and Von 
Papen, 407; attitude toward “pre¬ 
paredness,” 404-411; Roosevelt’s 
criticisms of, 413; re-elected, 414-416; 
eagerness to play role of peacemaker, 
417-418; peace overtures of, 418; 
German opinion of him, 419; asks for 
“armed neutrality,” 420; his course 
discussed, 421; calls special session 
to consider international situation, 
422; war message, 423-425; secures 
conscription act, 431-432; declines 
Roosevelt’s services, 433; sends 
Pershing to Europe, 438; criticised, 
441-442; authorizes investigation of 
airplane situation, 443; appoints 
Hoover food administrator, 445; ap¬ 
points McAdoo director-general of 
railroads, 445-446; approves shutting 
down of industry during coal crisis, 
446; approves War Revenue Act, 449; 
asks for declaration of war on Austria- 
Hungary, 450; approves espionage 
act, 451; favors unified command, 458; 
consents to brigading of American 


585 

troops with French and British, 461; 
his “fourteen points,” 475; negotia¬ 
tions with Germans, 476-478; ap¬ 
peals for Democratic Congress, 481; 
his predominance ended, 482; goes 
to peace conference, 483-484; favors 
League of Nations, 485; quarrels with 
Italy, 489; controversy with Senate, 
493-496; asks for Lansing’s resigna¬ 
tion, 495-496; immigration bill passed 
over his veto, 528; prohibition, proc¬ 
lamation of, 534; in campaign of 1920, 
504-505; death of, 518. 

Windom, William, secretary of the 
treasury, use of silver, 188. 

Woman’s movement, account of, 536- 
540 . 

Woman suffrage, progress of, 539-540. 

Wood, Leonard, colonel of Rough Rid¬ 
ers, 245; governor of Cuba, 253-254; 
for preparedness, 409; Plattsburg 
plan, 432; candidate in 1920, 500- 
5 ° 2 . 

Worcester, Dean C., on Philippine 
commissions, 267-268; quoted, 269. 

Workingman’s Party of California, op¬ 
poses Chinese immigration, 131. 

Wormley Conferences, account of, 92. 

Wright, Orville, an inventor of the air¬ 
plane, 523 - 524 * 

Wright, Wilbur, an inventor of the air¬ 
plane, 545 - 546 . 

Wyoming, settlement of, 121. 

Yellowstone National Park, created, 
123. 


Zimmermann, Alfred, does not consider 
Lusitania protest seriously, 404-405; 
notifies Gerard that unlimited sub¬ 
marine warfare will begin, 418; says 
Wilson is for peace and nothing else, 
419; makes overtures to Mexico, 420. 












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